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THE 

HISTORY    OF    NORMANDY 

AND  OF 

ENGLAND, 

BT 


SIR  FRANCIS  PALGRAVE,  K.H. 

THE    DEPUTY    KEEPER    OF    HER    MAJESTY'S 
PUBLIC    RECORDS. 


VOLUME  II. 

THE  THREE  FIRST  DUKES  OF  NORMANDY ;— ROLLO, 
GUILLAUME-LONGUE^P^E,  AND  RICHARD-SANS- 
PEURr-THE  CARLOVINGIAN  LINE  SUPPLANTED 
BY  THE  CAPETS. 


Narratione  Mitem  historic*  (ait  Augustinus)  cum  preterits  etiam  hominum 
institute  narrantur,  non  inter  hnmana  institute  ipsa  historia  numeranda 
est ;  quia  jam  quae  transierunt,  ncc  infecta  fieri  possnnt,  in  ordine 
temporum  habenda  sunt,  quorum  est  conditor  et  administrator  Deus. 


LONDON: 

JOHN  W.  PARKER  AND  SON, 

WEST  STRAND. 


M.DCOO.LVII. 


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ADVEETISEMENT. 


In  consequence  of  the  bulk  which  this  volume 
has  attained,  occasioned  partly  by  the  employment 
of  historical  evidences  hitherto  cast  aside,  and  partly 
by  feeling  as  I  proceeded,  the  increasing  necessity  of 
elucidating  the  intimate  connection  between  German 
History,  and  the  History  of  Normandy  and  France, 
I  am  deterred  from  adding  any  notes  or  references 
or  illustrative  extracts.  They  are  reserved  for  the 
third  volume. 

The  full  account  appended  of  the  principal  au- 
thorities upon  which  the  text  is  founded,  will  enable 
any  reader  to  compare  my  narrative  with  the  sources. 
Moreover  in  the  third  volume  I  purpose  to  resume  the 
essays  elucidating  the  general  relations  of  the  mediaeval 
period,  continuing  the  series  prefixed  to  the  first. 
The  subjects  next  discussed  will  probably  be — the 
Episcopate; — the  influences  of  Christianity  upon  the 
Fine  Arts ; — also  upon  the  cultivation  of  profane  literar 
ture;  all  of  which  are  in  forwardness,  having  been 
draughted  many  years    since,  as  well  as   the  main 


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IV  ADVERTISEMENT. 

history,  the  latter  more  or  less  completely,  until 
Edward  III. 

Domestic  calamities  and  afflictions  greatly  retarded 
me  in  the  progress  of  the  present  volume.  But,  with 
the  papers  before  me,  I  hope  I  may  be  permitted  to 
accomplish  the  completion  of  the  third  and  fourth 
during  the  current  and  the  ensuing  year. 

In  concluding  these  prefatory  remarks,  I  must 
testify  my  gratitude  to  that  old  friend — a  friend  whom 
I  have  known  during  the  greater  part  of  my  authorial 
life,  and  now  the  senior  partner  in  the  firm  by  which 
this  book  is  brought  out, — for  his  unwearied  kindness 
in  submitting  to  the  loss  and  inconvenience  which,  in 
a  commercial  point  of  view,  his  House  has  sustained 
by  the  undue  protraction  of  the  publication. 

F.  P. 
February  6,  1857. 


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CONTENTS. 


BOOK  I.— PART  H. 

CABLOVINGIAN  NORMANDY  (Continued). 


Chapter  I. 

OHARLE8-LB-8IMPLB,    ROBERT,    AND   RAOUL   IN   FRANCE. —  ROLLO   AND 
GUILLAUME-LONGUE-&PER   IN    NORMANDY. 

912—927. 

A.D.  PAGE 

012    Charles-le-Simple, — his  reputation  destroyed  by  the 

historical  epithet 1-8 

—  His  honesty  and  openness 8-5 

—  Scanty  resources 6-7 

—  He  nevertheless  avails  himself  ably  of  the  preroga- 

tives remaining  to  him 7,  8 

—  He  ignores  the  reign  of  Eudes 8 

—  Alliances  between*the  daughters  of  Edward  the  Elder 

and  the  Continental  Sovereigns         .        .        .    .  9,  10 

—  Charles  takes  Eadgiva  or  Ogiva        ....  10 

—  He  courts  the  Danes 10,  11 

—  He  distrusts  his  Nobles,  placing  his  confidence  in 

the  plebeian,  Hagano 11,  12 

010—911    Disturbed  state  of  Germany         .        .        .    #  12,  13 

911—912    Conrad  of  Franconia,  elected  King  ...  18,  14 

—  The    Lotharingians   adhere    to    the    Carlovingian 

interest 14,  15 

Oil — 916    Charles  acquires  Lotharingia  by  the  assistance 

of  Rainier-Long-Col 16-18 

—  Gilbert,  Duke  Rainier's  son, — his  achievements  as  a 

swimmer 17 

919 — 920    Conspiracy  formed  against  Charles,  by  Robert, 

Duke  of  France  and  Count  of  Paris        ...  18 

—  Robert's  character  and  alliance 19 

—  Herbert  of  Yermandois  coalesces  with  Robert  .  20,  21 
018    Accession  of  Henry  the  Fowler 21 


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VI 


CONTENTS. 


A.D. 

t918    Henry  the  Fowler's  children 

—  Bevolt  of  the  French  Nobles,  directed  personally 

against  Hagano,  the  King's  favourite        .        .    . 

—  Gilbert  begins  the  insurrection  in  Lorraine,  Charles 

marches  against  him,  and  besieges  him  at  Harburgh 

—  Gilbert's  varied  fortunes 

—  Marries  Gerberga,  King  Henry's  daughter     • 

—  Gilbert  is  favoured  by  Charles-le-Simple,  who  par- 

dons him 

920—923    The  Nobles  require  Charles  to  discard  Hagano 
920    They  renounce  their  allegiance  to  Charles   . 

—  The  undoing  of  fealty  or  diffidation    . 
921 — 922    Charles  retains  his  authority  nevertheless    . 

—  Regnald  from  Northumbria  enters  the  Loire 
907— -926    The  Danes  in  Armorica        .... 

—  The  Armoricans  abandon  their  country    . 

—  Mathuedoi  received  by  Edward  the  Elder     . 
921 — 922    Danish  operations  favourable  to  Charles 
922—923    Renewal  of  the  war  between  Charles  and  the 

Capetians 

922  Charles  retreats  beyond  the  Mouse    . 

—  Herbert  of  Yermandois, — his  treachery 

—  Laon  taken  by  the  Capetians     .... 

—  Charles  defeated  before  Rheims    f 

—  Duke  Robert  crowned  there  as  King 

—  Death  of  Hervl,  Archbishop  of  Bheims 

—  Seulph  nominated  as  his  successor  by  King  Robert 

923  Charles  continues  the  war  actively 

—  He  is  assisted  by  Rollo 

—  Truce  between  the  rival  Kings,  Charles  and  Robert 

—  Charles  musters  his  army,  and  resumes  hostilities 

—  Battle  of  Soissons,  great  carnage, — King  Robert  slain, 

but  the  Carlovingians  compelled  to  retreat 

—  Penances  imposed  by  the  Church  upon  both  parties 

—  Baoul  of  Burgundy  invited  by  the  Capetians 

—  Crown  offered  to  Hugh-le-Grand,  and  refused  by  him 

—  Baoul  of  Burgundy  elected  King   of  France  and 

crowned  at  Senlis 

—  Charles  retreats  to  Lotharingia 

—  Treachery  of  Herbert  of  Vermandois    . 

—  Charles  entrapped  and  imprisoned     . 

—  Ogiva  escapes  to  England  with  the  child  Louis    , 

—  Tranquility  of  Normandy  under  Rollo 

—  He  establishes  his  supremacy  in  Armorica  . 


PAGB 


23,  24 

24 

24,  25 
25 

25 
26 
26 
29 

30,  31 
31 

32-34 

32,  33 

33 

31,  32 

34 
85 
85 


36 
37 
87 
37 

88,  39 
89 

39,  40 

40-42 
42 
43 

44,  45 

45 

45,  46 

46,  47 
48 

48,  49 
49 
50 


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CONTENTS.  VI 1 

A.D.  PAOB 

923    Regnald  the  Dane  comes  over  again                 .  60,  61 

—  The  French  invade  Normandy 62 

923 — 924    But  are  compelled  to  sne  for  peace  ...  62 

—  The  Bessin  and  other  territories  occupied  by  the 

Normans 62-64 

925    Battle  of  Mont-Chalus,  between  the  Bnrgnndians 

and  the  Danes 64,  66 

925 — 926     The  Danes  or  Northmen  re-enter  France     .    .  66 

—  Origin  of  the  County  of  Ponthieu      .                .        .  66,67 

—  Eu  garrisoned  by  Hollo 58 

—  Captured  by  the  French  after  a  desperate  resistance  69,  60 

—  The  Danish  war  continues  to  rage    .                .  69,  60 

—  Kollo  resigns  in  favour  of  his  son  Quillaume        .    .  61,  62 

—  Hollo's  grave  and  tomb 62,  68 


Chapter  II. 

RAOUL   AND  LOUIS-D'OUTBEMBR. — GUILLAUME-L05GUR-&P&E. 

927—942. 

925—926    Adulatory  tenderness  lavished  upon  the  dead   .        64-67 

—  Guillaume-Longue-Epee's  talents  and  failings  .        .        68,  69 

—  Antagonistic  parties  of  Normandy,  the  Romanised 

Northmen  and  the  Heathens 60-71 

—  Riulph  at  the  head  of  the  Danish  party                    .  72-74 

—  The  neutral  party 76 

923—927    Political  situation  of  France                              .  75,  76 

—  Raoul  not  acknowledged  as  King  by  the  Aquitanians  76 

—  Hugh-le-Grand's  influence 77,  78 

—  Connection  between  the   antagonistic   parties   by 

intermarriages 78,  79 

—  Influence  of  Normandy  in  the  politics  of  France  .    .        79,  80 

—  Infringement  of  the  liberty  of  Episcopal  elections 

by  Sovereigns 81,  82 

925    Seulph,  Archbishop  of  Rheims,  poisoned  ...  88 

—  Herbert  of  Vermandois  appoints  his  little  boy  Hugh 

(or  the  Parvulus)  to  the  Archbishoprick  .        .    .        88-85 
927 — 028    Increasing  jealousies  between  Herbert  of  Ver- 
mandois and  King  Raoul        86-87 

—  King  Charles  released  from  prison  by  Herbert  of 

Vermandois 88 


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Vlll  CONTENTS. 

A.D.  PAGE 

927—028    Herbert  plays  King  Charles  off  against  Baoul .  88,  89 
927    Guillaume-Longue-Epee  performs  homage  to  King 

Charles 88,  89 

—  Hugh-le-Grand  mediates 90,  91 

928 — 929    Charles  cast  into  prison  again      ....  91 

—  He  suddenly  re-appears  at  liberty, — and  then  again 

in  custody 92,  93 

—  Charles  meets  with  his  death  by  foul  means  at  Pe- 

ronne 98,94 

—  Further  invasions  of  the  Danes          .        .        .        .  94, 95 

—  Disturbances  in  Burgundy. — Queen  Emma's  bravery  95,  96 

—  Quarrel  between  Hugh-le-Grand  and  Herbert  of  Ver- 

mandois 96,  97 

—  Artaldus  appointed  Archbishop  of  Eheims  by  King 

Kaoul 97,  98 

930—931  The  great  revolt  of  the  Bretons  .  .  .  .  98-100 
932      Guillaume-Longue-Epee  summons  the  Bretons  to 

return  to  their  allegiance       .                .        .     -  .  101,  102 

931 — 932    Guillaume  invades  Armorica        .        .        .    .  103 

—  Subjugation  of  the  Bretons 108 

—  Juhel  Berenger  performs  homage  to  Guillaume   .    .  103 

—  Alain-Barbe-Torte  takes  refuge  in  England             .  108,  104 

—  The  Avranchin  and  Cotentin,  &c,  heretofore  Armo- 

rican,  become  Norman 103,  104 

—  The  Channel  Islands,  also 104,  105 

—  Guillaume-Longue-Epee  and  Espriota           .        .    .  106 

—  He  marries  Espriota  according  to  Pagan  rites .        .  106- 108 

—  King  RaouTs  successes 108,  109 

—  Hugh-le-Grand  joins  him,  and  they  reduce  the  Ver- 

mandois  territory 108,  109 

—  The  Aquitanian  Princes  submit  to  Baoul      .        .    .  109,  110 

—  Social  and  political  position  of  Guillaume-Longue- 

Epee       110,  111 

—  Principal  Towns  on  the  Channel  coast  of  Normandy, 

— their  comparatively  modern  origin        .        .    .  Ill 

—  Dieppe, — Caen, — Fecamp Ill,  112 

—  Guillaume's  Palace  at  Fecamp 112 

—  He  undertakes  to  build  a  Church  at  Fecamp  and 

does  not 113 

—  National  spirit  in  Carlovingian  France         .        .    .  113,  114 

—  Guillaume's  tergiversation 114,  115 

—  Discontent  of  the  Danish  party 115 

—  Their  rebellion  under  Count  Kiulph          .        .        .  116,  117 

—  Guillaume-Loiigue-EpeVs  terror 117,  118 


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CONTENTS.  IX 

PAGE 

081—882    He  attempts  to  treat  with  the  insurgents          .  118,  119 

—  They   refuse    his   terms  and    station   themselves 

before  Rouen 119,  120 

—  Guillaume  offers  to  resign  the  greater  portion  of  the 

Terra  Normannoram  to  them         ....  120 

—  The  insurgents  demand  his  abdication          •        .    .  120 

—  Indignation  of  the  Danish  party  against  Gnillanme  120,  121 

—  Guillaume  recovers  heart 122 

—  Insurgents  defeated;  cruel  treatment  sustained  by 

Riulph 122 

—  Riulph's  sons  and  kinsmen  pledge  themselves  to 

avenge  his  death 122,  128 

983  Birth,   at  Fecamp,  qf  Richard,  afterwards  called 

"  Sans-peu^,, 122,  128 

—  Ambiguous  position  of  Guillaume  towards  the  French  128,  124 

—  Guillaume  becomes  RaouTs  liegeman  and  receives 

investiture  of  Normandy 126,  126 

—  Guillaume  identifies  himself  with  the  French        .    .  126 

—  Forests  surrounding  Rouen 126,  129 

—  The  famous  u  Forest  of  Lions  " 128,129 

—  Clearings  of  the  forest 128,129 

—  Bourgade  of  "  Lions  la  Foret  * 128,  129 

(1180)  Foundation  of  the  abbey  of  Morte-mer     ...  129 

984  The  hunting-meet  in  the  Forest  lodge                  .    .  180,  186 

—  French  nobles  invited  to  the  sport.  Hugh-le-Grand ; 

Herbert  of  Vermandois ;  Arnoul,  Count  of  Flanders  180-188 

—  GuiUaume-Tete-d'Etoupe,  Count  of  Poitiers         .    .  181 

—  Tete-d'Etoupe  sues  for  Gerloc,  Guillaume's  sister  138 

—  Guillaume's  refuses  arrogantly,  but  ultimately  as- 

sents         184,  135 

—  Marriage  of  Tete-d'Etoupe  and  Gerloc                  .    .  185 

—  Gerloc  assumes  the  name  of  Adela    ....  185 

—  Piety  ascribed  to  Guillaume-Longue-Epee  in  conse- 

quence of  his  enjoyment  of  the  world's  good  things  186, 137 

—  For  the  purpose  of  conciliating  the  French,  Guil- 

laume repudiates  Espriota 187-139 

—  He  marries  Liutgarda  of  Vermandois  138 

—  This  marriage  childless 139 

—  Death  of  Queen  Emma 141 

—  Great  Magyar  invasion 141 

985    King  RaouTs  troubles ;— invasion  of  the  Northmen  .  141,  142 

936—436    RaouTs  illness  and  death 142,  143 

—  State  of  public  feeling 144 

—  Adherence  of  the  French  to  Monarchy  as  a  principle    146,  146 


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X  CONTENTS, 

AJ>.  PAGE 

986 — 086    Late  employment  of  the  name  of  France,  as 

applied  to  the  Kingdom  at  large  ....    146,  147 

—  Tripartite  division  of  the  Gauls 148,  149 

—  The  three  Nations  or  Electorates       ....    148-160 
1484    Etats  Gen&raux  of  Tours ;   France  then  divided  into 

six  Nations 160 . 

—  Analagous    division  into  Nations,  adopted  in  the 

Council  of  Constance,— the  military  Orders— and 
the  Universities  of  Paris  and  Glasgow  .        .  161 

986    The  Estates  convened  in  consequence  of  RaouTs 

death 161 

—  Celtic  and  Aquitanian  Gaul  vote  for  Hugh-le-Grand    162,  163 

—  Young  Louis  supported  by  the  Belgic  Gauls,  but  op- 

posed by  the  Vermandois  party     ....  163,  164 

—  Louis  educated  under  Athelstan's  protection        .    .  164-166 

—  Athelstan's  negotiations  for  the  restoration  of  Louis  167 

—  He  gains  the  aid  of  Hugh  le-Grand  ....  167-169 

—  Guillaume-Longae-Eple  also 169 

—  Convention  of  the  French  nobles  at  Sens          .        .  160 

—  Hugh-le-Grand  elected  President         ....  161 

—  Hugh-le-Grand  advocates  the  restoration  of  Louis 

upon  constitutional  principles        ....    160,  161 

—  Unavailing  opposition  of  the  Vermandois  party   .    .    161,  162 

—  Embassy  despatched  to  England,  inviting  Louis ;  the  * 

Archbishop  of  Sens  chief  of  the  legation       .        .  162,  168 

—  Athelstan's  cautious  conduct 168,  164 

—  Athelstan  and  Louis  at  Dover          ....  164 

—  Athelstan's  continued  caution;  he  despatches  the 

Bishop  of  Sherborne  to  obtain  information        .    .    164,  166 

—  Hugh-le-Grand  demands  that  Louis  shall  obey  his 

counsel  166,  166 

—  Landing  of  Louis  at  Boulogne      .  .        .    .  166 

—  Louis  crowned  at  Ladn  by  the  Archbishop  of  Sens, 

the  right  being  counter-claimed  by  the  Archbishop 

ofBheims 168 

(1108)  Coronation  of  Louis-le-Gros  by  the  Archbishop  of  Sens, 

according  to  this  precedent  ....    168,  169 


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CONTENTS,  XI 


Chapter  III. 

LOUIS-d'oUTREMER — GUILLAUME-LONGUE-EPEE  AND  RICHARD  HIS  SON. 
FROM  THE  COMMENCEMENT  OF  THE  REIGN  OF  LOUIS -D'OUTREMER 
TO  THE  DEATH  OF  GUILLAUME-LONGUE-EPEE,  AND  THE  RECOG- 
NITION   OF   HIS   SON    RICHARD-SANS-PEUR. 

936—942. 

A.D.  PAGE 

936—942    Hugh-le-Grand's  political  character   .  .     170-172 

—  Hugh-le-Grand's   Protectorate ;     enormous   power 

given  to  Mm  thereby 172-174 

—  Conjectures  as  to  the  causes  inducing  Athelstan, 

Ogiva,  and  Louis  to  assent 174-176 

936—943    Affairs  of  Britanny 177-182 

—  Alain-Barbe-Torte  returns  under  Athelstan's  protec- 

tion          176,  177 

—  GuiUaume-Longue-Epee  restores  Valines  to  Alain    .  177 

—  Cornouaille  annexed  to  Normandy  under  the  name 

oftheCotentin 177,  178 

—  The  Bretons  rally  round  Alain,  and  an  English  fleet 

bears  him  over            178 

—  The  Northmen  in  Armorica  resist  the  Bretons          .  178,  179 

—  The  Danish  bridal  at  Dol 179 

—  They  are  there  defeated  by  the  Bretons,  and  at  Saint 

Brieuxalso  179,  180 

—  The  Northmen  concentrate  their  forces  about  Nantes, 

then  a  ruined  city              180 

—  They  are  thoroughly  defeated  by  the  Bretons  .        .  180 

—  Nantes  re-founded  by  Alain-Barbe-Torte      .        .    .  181 
043    Guillaume-Tete-d'Etoupe  cedes  to  Alain-Barbe-Torte, 

Clisson  and  other  Poitevin  territories     .        .        .  182 

—  Alain-Barbe-Torte's  claims  upon  Anjou  settled  by  his 

marriage  with  the  daughter  of  Foulgues-le-Boux  .  182 

936    Hugh-le-Grand  acquires  a  portion  of  Burgundy  .    .     182,  183 

—  Difficulty  of  denning  the  rights  of  the  Burgundian 

princes  183 

—  Bival  Counts  of  Burgundy  at  the  era  of  Baoul's  death, 

Hugh-le-Noir,  Gilbert,  and  Hugh-le-Grand       .    .    183,  184 
986    Hugh-le-Grand,  supported  by  Louis,  acquires  Langres    184,  185 


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211 


CONTENTS. 


A.D.  PAGE 

086—087    Vigour  of  the  yonng  King's  government    .        .  186,  186 

—  Royal  prerogatives,  their  subsisting  importance  .    .  186-188 
937    Louis  releases  himself  from  Hugh-le-Grand's  protec- 
torate                188,  180 

—  Ogiva  recalled  from  England 189 

—  Louis  entrusts  the  command  of  Laon  to  her     .        .  189 
087—038    Hugh-le-Grand's  designs  against  the  King    .    .  100 

—  Hugh  allies  himself  with  Herbert  of  Vermandois    .  100,  101 

—  Herbert  of  Vermandois  seizes  the  Chateau  Galliot, 

an  outwork  of  La6n 101 

—  Herbert  commences  offensive  operations  .        .        .  101 

—  Surprises  Chateau  Thierry,   and  occupies  Troyes, 

thereby  founding  the  County  of  Champagne     .    .  102,  103 

037    The  great  Magyar  invasion 104 

037 — 038    Louis,  the  Magyars  having  retired,  brings  the 

Realm  into  good  order 104-106 

—  Defection    of    Guillaume-Longue-Epee,    who  joins 

Hugh-le-Grand  and  Herbert  of  Vermandois          .  106,  107 

—  Bernard  of  Senlis,  first  Count  of  Couci,  supports  the 

Capetians 107,  10$ 

—  Arnoul  of  Flanders  takes  the  French  side                 .  108 

—  Calais  then  appertaining  to  Flanders    .        ...  108,  100 

—  Witsand,  importance  of  the  position                  .        .  100,  200 

—  Louis  captures  the  fort  occupied  by  Herbert  opposite 

Laon  ....        - 200-202 

—  County  of  Guisnes  founded  by  Siegfrid  the  Dane     .  202,  203 

—  Arnoul  of  Flanders  patronizes  Biulph  the  rebel        .  204 

—  Guillaume-Longue-Epe*e  ravages  Flanders    .        .    .  204 

—  Affairs  of  Ponthieu             206-207 

—  Herlouin  of  Ponthieu             206 

—  Dissensions  between  him  and  Arnoul                .        .  206,  207 

—  Arnoul  takes  Montreuil  by  stratagem           .        .    .  207 

—  Montreuil  re-captured  by  Guillaume-Longue-Epee 

on  Herlouin's  behalf 208 

—  Henry  the  Fowler's  three  sons ; — Thankmar  claims 

the  throne  as  the  eldest 200,  210 

—  Henry  the  youngest,  as  Porphyrogenitus .        .        .  200 

—  Otho  the  middle-most,  by  his  father's  will    .        .    .  210 
036    Accession  of  Otho  upon  his  father's  death ; — his  solemn 

coronation  at  Aix-la-Chapelle         .        .        .        .211,  212 

—  Otho's  queen,  Editha,  sister  of  Ogiva    .        ...  212,  218 
086 — 037    Influence  of  Germany  in  France         .                .  213 

—  Otho  courts  Hugh-le-Grand  and  his  party,  including 

Guillaume-Longue-Epee 213,  214 


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CONTENTS.  X1U 

A.D.  PAGE 

086 — 089    Hugh-le-Grand  marries  Hadwisa,  Otho's  sister  .  214,  215 

—  Otho's  difficulties           215 

—  Thankmar's  reTolt  against  his  brother ;  his  death    .  215,  216 

—  Discontents  amongst  the  Germans                        .    .  217 

—  Insurrection  of  Henry  the  Porphyrogenitus       .        .  218 

—  Political  situation  of  Lotharingia                               .  218 

—  Pre-eminence  of  the  family  of  Bainier-au-Long-Col .  218 

—  Gilbert  the  Bold  Swimmer— Duke  of  Lorraine,  by  the 

appointment  of  King  Charles 218-220 

—  Sympathy  of  the  Lotharingians  with  the  Oarlovingian 

dynasty 221 

—  Affection  of  the  Lotharingians  for  France    .        .    .    221,222 

—  The    Lotharingians   invite   Louis   to  assume   the 

government  228 

—  He  is  received  as  King  of  Lotharingia  •        .    .     224-226 

—  Athelstan  aids  Louis  by  his  fleet :— the  first  inter- 

vention of  England  in  foreign  affairs                     .  224 

030—040  Great  defection  of  the  French  Nobles ;  Hugh-le- 
Grand ;  Herbert  of  Yermandois ;  Arnoul  of  Flan- 
ders and  Guillaume-Longue-Epee  transfer  their 
allegiance  to  Otho 226,  227 

—  Gilbert,  the  Bold  Swimmer,  unites  with  the  Porphy- 

rogenitus  against  Otho 227,  228 

—  Gilbert  advances  towards  the  Bhine     .  .    .  227 

—  Leaves   his  wife,   Gerberga,   in  the   command  of 

Chevremont  227,  228 

—  Gilbert  defeated — drowned  in  attempting  to  cross 

the  Bhine  227,  228 

—  Through  Gerberga's  intervention,  peace  restored  be- 

tween Otho  and  the  Porphyrogenitus    .        .  220 

—  Louis  visits  Chevremont  for  the  purpose  of  condoling 

with  the  Widow  Gerberga 280 

—  They  marry;  Gerberga  crowned  at  La6n 

—  Gufflaume-Longue-Epee ;  his  fickleness   and  want 

of  fidelity 230,  231 

—  He  falls  off  from  Otho 280 

—  And  re-connects  himself  with  France,  for  the  purpose 

of  strengthening  his  own  title 282,  288 

040    Guillaume  performs  homage  to  Louis  at  Amiens,  and 

superadds  his  declarations  of  friendship  .    284,  285 

—  The  Dux  Piratarum  hated  by  the  French  .     .    285,  286 

—  Guillaume  returns  to  his  allegiance,  being  ready  to 

change  sidca  again 231 


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XIV  CONTENTS. 

A.D.  PAGE 

940  Position  of  Herbert  of  Vermandois ;  his  plans  npon 

Ladn  and  Eheims 237-239 

—  Hugh-le-Grand  allies  himself  with  Herbert  .  239 

—  GuiUaume-Longue-Epee  re-unites  himself  to  the  Ger- 

mans  and  the  Capetians 240 

—  They  besiege  Rheims 240 

—  Great  exasperation  between  the  parties        .        .    .  240 

—  Eheims  surrenders.    Archbishop  Artaldus  expelled 

and  the  Parvulus  re-instated  ,  240,  241 

—  Great   mischief  ensuing  to   Louis  by  Guillaume- 

Longue-Epee's  defection 241 

—  The  confederates  march  against  Ladn        .        •        .  241,242 

—  Ladn,  defended  by  Gerberga,  holds  out         .        .    .  241,  243 

—  Otho  enters  France ;  he  is  met  by  Hugh  and  Herbert 

and  occupies  Attigny  243 

—  The  French  Nobles  perform  homage  to  Otho  at  At- 

tigny, and  acknowledge  him  as  King        .        .    .    243,  244 

—  Guillaume-Longue-Epee  detaches  himself  from  his 

confederates  244,  246 

—  Hugh-le-Grand  and  Count  Herbert  again  advance  to 

Ladn 246 

—  Battle  between  the  confederates  and  Louis :  he  is 

compelled  to  fly,  but  accomplishes  his  safe  re- 
turn to  Ladn  and  Gerberga 246 

—  Pope  Stephen  IX. ;  his  energy 246,  247 

—  Admonishes  the  French  to  return  to  their  allegiance    247,  248 

—  Continuous  insurrections— siege  of  Ladn,  still  de- 

fended by  Gerberga 247,  248 

—  The  siege  raised ;  GuOlaume-Longue-Epee's  intrigues ; 

he  passes  oyer  to  the  royal  party,  being  his  fifth 
defection  248,  249 

941  Birth  of  Lothaire,  eldest  child  of  Louis  and  Gerberga  249 

—  Importance  of  this  event  in  a  political  point  of  view    249-261 

—  Guillaume-Longue-Epee  becomes    Sponsor    to   the 

royal  infant  261,  262 

—  Guillaume-Longne-EpeVs    profuse    professions    of 

loyalty 261 

—  His  triumphant  entry  into  Rouen     ....  262 

942  Louis,  at  Guillaume-Longue-Epee's  invitation,  visits 

him 263 

—  Political  importance  of  this  visit       ....  264,266 

—  Tete-d1Etoupe  and  Barbe-Torte,  promise  to  aid  Louis  264,  266 

—  Confused  account  of  Guillaume-Longue-Epee  having 

visited  Otho  in  Lorraine  266,  266 


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CONTENTS.  XV 

6J                    A.D.  PAGE 

941—042    Negotiations  between  Louis  and  Otho  256 

^                   —     GuiUaume-Longue-Ep£e  an  absolute  Sovereign     .    .  257 

^                     —     Extinction  of  Scandinavian  customs          .        .        .  267,  268 

—  Subjugation  of  the  Church  to  the  Duke's  authority   .  268 

—  No  States-General  or  Parliaments  in  Normandy  un- 

}                                   der  the  Dukes 268,260 

|  —     GuiUaume-Longue-Epee's  sound   administration    of 

justice 260,  260 

—  His  deficiency  of  religious  principle      .        .  260 

—  Poverty  and  degradation  of  the  Norman  Church       .  260-264 

—  Destruction  of  monastic  establishments  by  the  Danes  261,  262 

—  Utility  of  monastic  establishments  during  the  middle 

ages 262,  268 

—  Desolation  of  Jumi£ges 264 

—  Two  Anchorites  from  the  Cambresis  settle  there       .  264,  265 

—  Guillaume-Longue-Eple  encounters  them  when  hunt- 

ing ; — his  rudeness  and  their  kindness               .    .  265 

—  He  re-establishes  Jumieges,  but  stintedly  266 

—  The  Abbey  colonised  from  the  Abbey  of  Saint  Cy- 

prian, at  Poitiers ;  Martin  the  first  Abbot .        .    .  266 

—  Abbot  Martin  a  deep  theologian ;  Guillaume-Longue- 

Ep^e  takes  to  him 267 

\  —     Guillaume-Longue-Eple's  troubles  of  mind        .  267 

—  His  jtute  milieu  policy 268 

—  Failure  thereof,  inasmuch  as  he  equally  alienates  the 

French  and  Danish  parties 267-260 

—  Hugh-le-Grand's  views  upon  the  Evrecjn      .        .    .  260 

—  Guillaume-Longue-Epee  forfeits  his  character  by  his 

vacillations;  courted,  hated  and  despised  by  the 

French 270-278 

—  Difficulties  of  Dudo  de  St.  Quentin's  narrative      .    .  278,  274 

—  Gufllaume  determines  to  govern  through  the  Danish 

or  anti-Christian  party ;   results  of  this  determin- 
ation         274-276 

—  T  Strength  of  the  Danish  party,  and  the  Bessin           .  276,  277 

—  Harold  Blaatand,  "Over  King"  of  Denmark,  pos- 

sesses himself  of  the  Cotentin                    .  277 

—  Guillaume's  perplexity  as  to  the  position  of  his  son 

Richard 278 

—  Guillaume-Longue-Ep6e  fancies    he  will  become  a 

monk 270 

—  Commences  his  discussion  with  Abbot  Martin  .  281 

—  8elf-examination 282 

—  The  "Three  Alls,"  or  orders  of  Society  in  the  middle 

ages 282,  284 


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XVI  CONTENTS. 

A.D.  PAQB 

941 — 042    Guillaume  declares  his  intention  of  professing  at 

Jumieges 2845 

—  The  Abbot  refuses  him  on  the  ground  that  he  was 

deserting  the  calling  in  which  he  must  abide    .    .    286,  286 

—  Guillaume-Longue-Eple's  anger  at  the  Abbot's  refusal    286,  287 

—  The  Abbot,  to  pacify  him,  gives  him  a  frock  and 

oowl   * 287,  288 

—  Guillaume  deposits  the  garments  in  a  shrine,  bat 

keeps  the  key  about  his  person  288 

—  Guillaume's  dangerous  illness 288,  289 

—  He  retires  to  Chevilly            289 

—  Sends  for  his  son  Richard 289 

—  The  boy  brought  to  him  by  Botho,  Oslac,  and  Ber- 

nard the  Dane 290 

—  They,  on  behalf  of  the  Normans,  accept  the  boy  as 

their  Duke,  and  perform  fealty  to  him      .        .    .  290 

—  Guillaume-Longue*Epee,  distrusting  the  clergy,  dir 

rects  that  Richard  should  be  educated  by  Botho  .    290,  291 

—  Richard  removed  to  Bayeux  in  order  that  he  may 

be  trained  in  the  Danish  Vernacular  .    .    291,  292 

942    Richard  inaugurated  at  Bayeux         ....    292,  298 

—  Seven  Nobles,  on  behalf  of  the  Community,  perform 

fealty  to  him  298 

—  Guillaume-Longue-Epee's  mental  distresses  .  294 

—  Scope  of  GuUlaume-Longue-Epee's  plan  of  education, 

Christianity  being  neglected 294-297 

—  Guillaume-Longue-Epee    attaches    himself   to   the 

Danes  294 

—  Offence  taken  by  the  French 294,  295 

—  Council  of  Attigny;   Guillaume  summoned  thereto  298,  299 

—  Appearance  and  "  Essoign"  800 

—  Guillaume-Longue-Epee   attends,  but  not  till  the 

Session  of  the  Council  had  commenced  .        .  800 

—  Whether  by  accident  or  design  he  is  excluded  from 

the  Council 800,  801 

—  He  breaks  the  door  open  and  compels  King  Otho  to 

rise 800 

—  The  French  determine  to  rid  themselves  of  Guil- 

laume by  summary  vengeance         ....     801-808 

—  Otho   proposes  the    summary  infliction  of  capital 

punishment; — Louis    and  Otho  concur; — Arnoul 
undertakes  to  carry  the  sentence  into  execution  .     802-804 

—  Arnoul  invites  Guillaume  -Longue-Epee  to  a  confer- 

ence on  the  Island  of  Picquigny  .        .        .    804,  805 

—  Guillaume  accedes  to  the  proposal  ...        •  805 

—  Rejects  the  advice  of  his  Norman  counsellors        .    .  806 


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CONTENTS.  XVU 

A.D.  PAGE 

942      Arnold's  deceit 306-309 

—  Arnoul  separates  Guillaume  from  his  escort  .    .    308,  309 

—  The  meeting  on  the  island 306-309 

—  The  four  conspirators — Balzo,  the  nephew  of  Riulph, 

their  leader 306 . 

—  Guillaume  murdered  by  Balzo 309,  310 

—  His  corpse  removed  to  Rouen ;  the  key  of  the  silver 

shrine  found  fastened  to  his  girdle    .        .        .    .  810 

—  State  of  affairs   in   Normandy   immediately  after 

Gufllaume's  death  810-322 

Bernard  the  Dane 311 

—  Botho ;— Osmond-de-Cent-Villes  ;-Eaoul  Torta        .  312 

—  Ivo,  the  "  Normannus  Normanorum"          ...  312 

—  Iyo,  founder  of  the  families  of  Belesme,  Ponthieu, 

Perche,  Alencon  and  Montgomery         .        .    .  818 

—  Lintgarda  espouses  Thibaut-le-Tricheur,  Count  of 

Blois 313 

—  Espriota  accepts  Sperling  the  rich  miller     .        .    .  313 

—  Divine  right  of  Kings;    how  construed  during  the 

mediaeval  period 814 

—  Saul  viewed  by  the  mediaeval  Church  as  the  type  of 

royalty 815 

—  Hereditary  right,  requiring  the  people's  ratification 

on  each  mutation  of  authority        ....  816 

—  Guillaume-Longue-Epee  interred  in  Bouen  Cathedral 

—his  tomb 817 

—     Bichard  recognized  as  his  father's  heir,  upon  Juhel 

Berenger's  proposition 819 

—  Richard's  solemn  inauguration 820 

—  Loyalty  of  the  Normans  towards  Richard                 .  821 

—  Guillaume-Longue-Epee's    memory    dear    to    the 

people 322 

—  Normandy,  one  and  indivisable          ....  822 


Chapter  IV. — Part  I. 

jlouis-d'outrexer  ;   lothaire-and  louis-le-faineant  ;  richard- 
sans-peur  ;    accession  of  the  capets. 

942—987. 

942    The  last  era  of  the  Carlovingian  dynasty  comes  in 

prospect 828 

—     Decline  of  the  Dynasty  though  the  Monarchical 

principle  increases  in  strength  ...    828,  824 

b 


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XV111  CONTENTS. 

A.D.  PAGB 

942      Spirit  of  Louis-d'Outremer's  government  .  826 

—  Influence  of  his  mother  Ogiva 825 

—  Ogiva    superseded,    after    his    marriage,   by   the 

influence  of  Gerberga 326 

.  —     Ogiva,  lay  abbess  of  Notre  Dame  de  La6n    .        .    .  326 

—  Spirit  and  energy  of  Louis  well  matched  by  Ger- 

berga        327 

948      Herbert  of  Vermandois,  various  traditions  concern- 
ing his  death      329 

—  Partition  of  Count  Herbert's  dominions  amongst  his 

sons 830 

—  Apparent  but  unreal  gain  to  Louis  upon  Herbert's 

death 831 

—  Birth  of  Hugh  Capet 332 

—  Hugh-le-Grand's  ambitious  designs  become  more  de- 

finite  832,  383 

—  Louis  plans  the  subjugation  of  Normandy        .        .  334 

—  Probabilities  of  his  success  diminished  by  the  affec- 

tion of  the  Normans  for  Richard        .        .        .    .  336 

—  Hugh-le-Grand's  territorial  command  of  Normandy  .  387 

—  Hatred    entertained    by    Louis  against    Hugh-le- 

Grand 838 

—  Normandy's  adversaries  389,  340 

—  Normandy  enfeebled  by  the  antipathies   between 

the  Danish  and  Christian  parties      .  .    .    341,  342 

941 — 942    Danes  and  Christians   provoked   against  each 

other  by  Guillaume-Longue-Epee's  vacillations     .  342 

—  Nevertheless  Bernard  the  Dane  heads  the  Christian 

party 842 

—  Their  present  preponderance 843 

942—943    Movement  of  the  Danishry 344 

—  Thormod  renounces  Christianity        ....  344 

—  Pagans  and  Christians  equally  loyal  to  Richard   .    .  845 

—  Bernard  the  Dane  and  the  Christian  party  present 

Richard  to  Louis  at  his  palace       ....  346 

—  Investiture  of  Normandy  granted  to  Richard  though 

he  is  stigmatised  by  the  French  as  a  bastard    .    .  847 

—  The  Normans  of  the  French  party  perform  homage  to 

Louis  as  King  of  France 348 

—  Other  Normans  become  the  men  of  Hugh-le-Grand  .  849 

—  Danish  invasion     King  Sithric  and  Thormod  join 

their  forces 850,  351 

—  Thormod  obtains  possession  of  the  person  of  young 

Richard  and  converts  the  child  to  Paganism  .  850 

—  Concealment  of  this  perversion  by  the  Norman  his- 

torians          851 


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CONTENTS.  XIX 

A.D.  PAGB 

942—943    Hugh-le-Grand's  energy  against  the  Danes        .  352 

—  He  establishes  himself  in  the  Evrecin  .        .        .    .  352 

—  Vigour  displayed  by  Louis 352 

—  The  "  Battle  of  the  rescue ;"  Danes  defeated  by  Louis ; 

Thormod  and  Sithric  slain 853 

—  Importance  of  this  battle 354,355 

—  Louis  pursues  his  plans  for  obtaining  the  superiority 

of  Normandy              856,  358 

943    Louis  enters  Rouen  as  a  conqueror            .        .        .  358-360 

—  Injudicious  concessions  made  by  the  Regency      .     .  861 

—  Simulated  cordiality  of  the  reception  of  Louis  at 

Bouen              863 

—  Louis    obtains  possession  of  the  young  Richard's 

person             363 

—  General  insurrection  of  the  Bouen  population  against 

Louis 364 

—  His  duplicity  and  terror             865 

—  He  surrenders  the  child  to  the  Regency        .        .    .  866 

—  Nevertheless  the  Normans  detain  him  as  a  prisoner 

in  his  palace 367 

—  Conference  between  Louis  and  the  Regents  .        .    .  867,  368 

—  Peace  concluded  upon  the  principle  of  mutuality     .  368 

—  Normandy  regranted  by  Louis  to  Richard,  who  per- 

forms homage             368 

—  But,  the  King  and  the  Duke  of  Normandy  to  be 

deemed  equals,  saving  the  King's  regal  dignity     .  368 

—  Louis  obtains  the  charge  of  Richard's  education  .    .  369 

—  Louis  makes  his  circuit  through  Normandy  with 

Richard  as  his  Ward 370,  371 

—  Double  dealing  of  Louis 371,372 

—  He  pledges  himself  to  avenge  Guillaume-Longue- 

Epte's  death 372 

—  Louis  convenes  the  Normans ;  explains  the  plans  of 

his  intended  campaign  against  Flanders  .        .    .  372,  378 

—  Louis  proposes  to  remove  Richard  to  Laon    .        .  374 

—  The  Regents  give  their  assent 375 

—  Probability  that  they  were  influenced  by  the  prospect 

of  placing  Richard  out  of  the  power  of  the  Danishry  376 

—  Louis  proceeds  to  La6n  with  Richard  .                .    .  377 

—  The  latter  accompanied  by  Ivo-de-Creil  and  Osmond- 

de-Oent-Villes 377 

—  Louis,  superseding  the  Norman  authorities,  appoints- 

Count  Herlouin  Governor  of  Rouen  .        .        .    .  378 

—  Encreasing  distrust  between  Louis  and  Hugh-le-Grand  379 


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XX  CONTENTS. 

A.D.  PAOK 

948—944    Partition  of  the  Vermandois  inheritance        .    .     880-382 

—  Simulated  reconciliation  between  Louis  and  Hugh-le- 

Grand  888 

—  Medical  practice  divided  between  the  Clergy  and  the 

Jews 884 

—  Deroldus,  Bishop  of  Amiens,  the  King's  body  physi- 

cian        .........  384 

—  Gerberga  patronizes  a  Neapolitan  practitioner    .     .  885 

—  Pharmaceutical  duel  between  the  Neapolitan  and 

the  Bishop 886 

—  The  three  Dukes  of  Burgundy 387 

—  Hugh-le-Blanc,   or    le-Grand,   Hugh-le-Noir,    and 

Gilbert  888 

—  Concord  of  the  Burgundian  Dukes        ....     888-390 

—  Simulated  friendship  between  Louis  and  Hugh-le- 

Grand  388-890 

—  Hugh,  sponsor  to  the  King's  infant  daughter       .    .  390 

—  Louis  grants  further  powers  to  Hugh  in  his  Duchy 

of  France  890 

—  Cedes  all  Burgundy  to  him 390,  391 

—  Imperfect  obedience  of  the  Aquitanian  princes     .    .  391,392 

—  Louis  moves  towards  the  South,  and  enforces  his  su- 

premacy           393 

—  The  Aquitanian  Princes  and  Nobles  surrender  their 

Fiefs  and  accept  new  grants  thereof         .        .    .  394 
944 — 945    Plans  formed  by  Louis  for  extending  his  do- 
minion in  Flanders 395 

—  Montigny  and  Amiens  surrender  to  him       .        .    .  896 

—  Battle  between  the  Flemings  and  the  French ;— Ar- 

noul  defeated,  Balzo  slain 396 

—  Hugh-le-Grand's  consistent  maintenance  of  his  views 

upon  France 396,  397 

—  Proposition  for  the  partition  of  France  between  the 

King  and  the  Duke 397,  398 

—  Hugh's  intrigues  amongst  the  Normans        .        •    .    398,  399 
— •     Benewed  quarrel  between  Otho  King  of  Germany 

and  Louis .    399,  400 

—  King  Otho  grants  Lorraine  to  Conrad  the  Bed     .    .  400 

—  Louis  and  Hugh-le-Grand  compete  for  Otho's  alli- 

ance          401 

—  Richard  in  the  Tower  of  Ladn,  with  Osmond  his 

tutor 402,  403 

—  Arnoul  excites  Louis  against  Bichard       .        .        .  403 


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CONTENTS.  XXI 

A.D.  PAGE 

944 — 045    Arnold  proposes  an  alliance  between  France  and 

Flanders  against  the  Normans  .        .        .    .    408,  404 

—  Louis  places  Osmond  and  Richard  under  arrest        .     404,  405 

—  Which  arrest  they  break 406 

—  The  King's  burst  of  passion  discloses  his  enmity; 

he  threatens  to  mutilate  Richard  .        .        .    407,  408 

—  Affliction  of  the  Normans ;   prayers  offered  for  the 

young  Duke's  deliverance  from  his  enemies      .    .     408  -410 

—  Richard  declines  in  health 410,411 

—  Richard  continues  sinking;  delight  of  Louis  and 

Gerberga 411,  412 

—  Richard  being  apparently  on  his  death-bed,  Louis 

and  Gerberga  give  a  grand  banquet  in  the  Castle  413 

—  Richard's  escape  by  the  advice  and  aid  of  Osmond-de- 

Cent-Villes 413,  414 

—  Richard  safely  conducted  to  Couci    ....  414 

—  Osmond  hastens  to  Beraard-de-Senlis,  who  takes 

Richard  under  his  protection 414,  415 

—  Negotiations  between  Osmond  and  Bernard-de-Sen- 

lis,  on  Richard's  behalf 415,  416 

—  Bernard  places  Richard  under  Hugh-le-Grand's  pro- 

tection         416,  417 

—  Hugh-le-Grand  refuses  to  distrain  Bernard-de-Senlis 

to  surrender  Richard  to  Louis,  and  defies  the 

King 418 

—  Conferences  between  Louis  and  Count  Arnoul :  par- 

tition of  Normandy  proposed         ....    418,  419 

—  Hugh-le-Grand  summoned  to   appear  before  the 

King 419,  420 

—  Hugh  assents  to  a  meeting  between  himself  and  the 

King  at  Bourg  de  la  Croix 420 

—  Hugh  refuses  to  enforce  the  surrender  of  Richard  420 

—  But  he  is  bought  over  by  Louis,  who  promises  to 

divide  Normandy  with  him 421 

—  Bernard-de-Senlis  and  Bernard  the  Dane  agree  upon 

a  scheme  for  setting  Hugh-le-Grand  and  Louis 

at  variance 422 

—  The  Normans  ally  themselves  to  Thibaut-le-Tricheur 

and  Harold  Blaatand 423,  424 

—  Civil  wars  in  Armorica 425-426 

—  Invasion  of  the  Danes 426 

—  Great  alarm  excited  thereby 427 

—  The  French  and  the  Flemings  invade  Normandy : 

successes  of  Arnoul  and  Louis        ....    428,  429 


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XX11 


CONTENTS. 


A.D. 

944 


944- 


PAGE 

Hugh-le-Grand  besieges  Bayeux 429,  480 

Bernard   the  Dane's  plot  for  enticing  Louis  into 

Rouen,  offering  an  unconditional  surrender   .        .  482-438 
The  Normans,  upon  the  secret  information  given  by 

Bernard,  do  not  oppose  any  obstacle          .        .     .  434 

Louis  enters  Rouen  and  takes  possession  of  the  palace  484  -  487 
The  drunken  carouse  in  the  palace  on  the  eve  of  his 

entry 488 

Want  of  truth  on  all  sides 489 

Bernard,  assisting  at  the  feast,  encourages  the  King  439-441 
-945    He  also  takes  the  opportunity  of  setting  Louis 

and  Hugh-le-Grand  at  variance     ....  442,  448 
The  Normans  taunt  Louis  with  his  imprudence  in 
acceding  to  the  partition  of  Normandy  with  Hugh- 
le-Grand              444 

They  oppose  the  measure  as  detrimental  to  the  gene- 
ral interests  of  the  country 445 

Louis  revokes  the  grant 446 

Hugh's  indignation 447 

Simulated  submission  of  the  Normans     .        .        .  448,  449 
Apparent  prosperity  of  Louis  in  Normandy         .    .  450 
Raoul  Torta,  the  King's  prime  minister    .        .        .  451 
Absence  of  information  concerning  the  early  Nor- 
man laws  and  customs 451 

Probability  that  the  peasantry  were  better  off  under 

Richard's  reign  than  in  the  next  generation          .  451,  452 

Their  enjoyment  of  common  or  unappropriated  lands  452 

Heavy  taxes  imposed  by  Raoul  Torta  .        .        .    .  452,  458 

Ecclesiastical  buildings  demolished  by  him       .        .  458 

Jumilges  partially  redeemed 458,  454 

Insolence  of  the  French  soldiery  .  .  .  .  454,  455 
The  French  claim  the  Norman  lands  .  .  .  455,  456 
Bernard  the  Dane  "begged"  of  the  King  .  .  .  457,  458 
Rumour  that  the  King  would  grant  the  Norman  wo- 
men as  well  as  the  Norman  lands  .  459 
Old  Bernard's  young  wife  pointed  at  in  particular  .  459,  460 
The  Normans  prepare  for  insurrection  .  .  461 
Bernard  organises  his  plans  for  opposing  Louis  .  •  461,  462 
Hugh-le-Grand  also  plans  to  play  the  Danes  off 

against  Louis 462 

Louis  not  inobservant  of  these  machinations        .    .  461,  462 

Another  son  born  to  Louis  at  Ladn,  Oarloman  .        .  462 

Hugh-le-Grand  openly  joins  Bernard-de-Senlis    .     .  #  463 

They  invade  the  Rhemois 468 


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contents.  xxiii 

A.D.  PAGB 

945      They  burn  and  plunder  Montigny  and  Oompiegne  ; 

the  latter  twice 463 

—  Artaldus  expelled 464 

—  Harold  Blaatand  begins  the  war  of  deliverance       .  466 

—  Blaatand's  head  quarters  at  Cherbourg     .        .        .  464,  465 

—  Great  alterations  on  this  coast 465,  466 

—  Harold  musters  his  army  near  the  Salt  Marshes  of 

Oorbon 466,  467 

—  General  rising  of  the  Basse-Normandie  against  the 

French 466 

—  They  join  Harold's  army 466,  467 

—  Bernard  the  Dane  feigns  warm  loyalty  towards 

Louis 466,  467 

—  The  lost  Latin  Chronicle,  quoted  by  Benoit          .    .  468 

—  Pride  and  energy  of  the  French        ....  468 

—  Louis  marches  against  Harold 469,  470 

—  The  French  encamp  on  the  banks  of  the  Dive    .  470,  471 

—  Splendour  of  the  French  camp 470,471 

—  Contrasted*  with  the    sober  aspect  of  the  Danish 

camp               471 

—  Danes  take  their  position  near  the  Salt  Marshes 

ofCorbon 471 

—  Conference  between  the  Danes  and  the  French        .  471,  472 

—  Harold  and  Louis  scold  at  each  other    .        .        .    .  472 

—  French  negligence 472 

—  Danish  vigilance 478 

—  The  Danes  cross  the  Dive  before  day-break  and  sur- 

prise the  French 478,  474 

—  The  Cotentin  Knight  reproaches   Herluin  as  the 

cause  of  the  war 478 

—  Scuffle  with  the  Danes ;  Herluin  slain      .        .        .  475,  476 

—  French  army  totally  routed 476,  477 

—  Single  combat  between  Harold  Blaatand  and  Louis .  476 

—  Louis  taken  prisoner  by  Blaatand                 .        .    .  476 

—  Louis  escapes             477,  478 

—  His  pitiful  adventures 478,  479 

—  He  is  harboured  by  a  Rouen  knight          .        .        .  478,  479 

—  But  tracked  and  captured  by  Bernard  the  Dane  •    .  479,  480 
■ —     Louis  imprisoned  at  Rouen 480,  481 

—  Harold  Blaatand's  magnanimity 482 

—  He  restores  Richard's  authority  and  returns  to  Den- 

mark         482 

—  Bernard  and  the  Normans  determine  to  detain  Louis 

in  prison             488 


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XXIV  CONTENTS. 

A.D.  *aqb 
945      Nor  to  be  released  till  he  has  renounced  all  his  pre- 
tensions upon  Normandy 488,  484 

—  Hugh-le-Grand  seeks  to  secure  the  whole  royal 

family 484,  485 

—  Gerberga  sues  for  mercy 485 

—  Hugh-le-Grand  presents  himself  as  a  mediator    .     .  485 

—  Normans  demand  that  all  the  King's  male  children 

should  be  surrendered  to  them  as  hostages    .  485 

—  Gerberga  resolutely  refuses  to  give  up  the  lad  Lothaire  486 

—  But  consents  that  the  Normans  should  have  the  baby 

Carloman           486 

—  Normans   insist  that  the  Bishops  of  Soissons  and 

Beauvais  and  others  should  be  also  added  as  hos- 
tages         486 

—  Louis  shifted  from  jail  to  jail 486 

—  Gerberga  solicits  the  aid  of  England  and  Germany  486,  487 

—  Ogiva  does  not  make  any  exertion    ....  487 

—  Edmund  the  Magnificent,  assuming  an  arrogant  tone, 

demands  the  liberation  of  Louis        .        *       .    .  488 

—  A  naval  invasion  threatened  from  England      .        .  488 

—  Hugh-le-Grand  and  the  French  retaliate  by  bullying  488 

—  Gerberga  seeks  Otho's  help           489 

—  Otho  unable  to  assist 490 

—  Death  of  the  babe  Carloman         .                «        .    .  491 

—  Hugh  the  Grand  encreases  the  rigour  of  the  King's 

captivity 491,  492 

—  Steadfastness  of  Louis '     492 

—  He  is  placed  under  the  charge  of  Thibaut-le-Tricheur  492 

—  Louis  agrees  to  surrender  Ladn 492,  493 

—  And  is  released 493 

—  Hugh-le-Grand  " renovates"  the  royal  authority  .    .  493,  494 

—  He  settles  the  political  relations  between  Normandy 

and  France             494 

—  Bichard,  saving  his  homage,  declared  independent 

of  France           495 

—  William    the  Conqueror  encourages  his  troops  at 

Hastings  by  appealing  to  this  humiliation  of  the 

French 495,  496 

—  Bichard  returns  to  Bouen  a  ducal  Monarch     .  496 

—  Founders  of  States,  their  special  providence         .    .  497 

—  Bichard- sans -Peur,   not    Bollo,    Normandy's  real 

Founder 497,  498 

—  National  character  of  Normandy  under  Bichard-sans- 

Peur           499 


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CONTENTS.  XXV 

A.D.  PAGE 

945      Richard's  triumphant  entry  into  Rouen    .        .        .  GOO 

—  Theory  of  the  majority  of  Sovereigns    .        .        .     .  600-602 

—  Early  development  produced  by  circumstances        .  662 

—  Richard's  mental  gifts  and  education        .        .        .  603,  604 

—  Careful  education  of  children,  the  family  tradition 

of  the  Norman  Dukes 604 

—  Richard's  court  and  household          ....  604,  606 

—  Commences  extravagantly 606,  606 

—  Richard's  favourites  and  friends        ....  606 

—  Raoul  Torta;— the  steward  his  master's  master  .    .  606-608 

—  Richard's  vigour 608 

- —     Richard  impeaches  Raoul  Torta 608 

—  Raoul  Torta  banished  by  a  coup  de  main  .  609 

—  Popular  epithets  of  Sovereigns 609,  610 

—  Richard,  why  called  Sans  Peur :  legends  concerning 

him 610,  611 

—  Richard's  triumphant  position 611,612 

—  Normandy  a  Monarchy,  Richard  governs  as  King  613-514 

—  Predilection  of  the  Normans  for  the  Monarchical 

principle 614 

—  Alain  Barbe  Torte  and  the  Bretons              .        .    .  514,  515 

—  Their  obedience  to  Richard 514,  515 

—  Hugh-le-Grand ;  extent  of  his  dominions              .    .  614-517 

—  Louis ;  his  spirit  undaunted  by  his  misfortunes        .  617 

—  Hugh-le-Grand ;  his  political  situation,  how  affected 

by  Normandy              518 

—  Hugh-le-Grand's  family.    Hugh  Capet  and  Emma  .  519 

—  Importance  of  Normandy  to  Hugh-le-Grand     .  619-621 

—  Dangers  from  Flanders,  France,  and  Germany,  im- 

pending over  Richard 621 

—  Odium  attached  to  Richard  on  account  of  his  Danish 

ancestry 622 

—  " Commendation" 522,  528 

—  Richard  isolated  in  the  Carlovingian  commonwealth  623,  524 

—  Tenure,  Mesalliance,  and  Caste         ....  524,  526 

—  Principle  of  Misalliance  not  acknowledged  by  law, 

though  gaining  ground  in  public  opinion       .        .  525,  626 

—  The  two  Bernards,  the  Bernard  of    Senlis    and 

Bernard  the  Dane,  summoned  to  Paris     •        .    .  626 

—  Hugh-le-Grand's  anxiety  to  make  up  a  match  be- 

tween his  daughter  Emma  and  Richard        .  626 

—  Hugh-le-Grand  cleverly  gives  the  hint  to  Richard's 

friends 627 

—  They  take  the  hint    ........  627 


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XXVI  CONTENTS. 

A.D.  PA.GB 

945      Hugh-le-Grand  assents,   stipulating  that  Richard 

should  perform  "  commendation "      .        .        .    .  528,  520 

—  Bernard-de-Senlis  accepts  the  proposition  on  behalf 

of  Bichard  and  the  Normans          ....  528,  529 

—  Betrothal  of  Bichard  and  Emma           ....  529,  530 

—  Bichard  knighted  by  Hugh-le-Grand         .        .        .  530,  531 

—  Probability  that  Hugh-le-Grand  followed  the  example 

of  Anglo-Saxon  Albion 532,  533 

—  Feudal  dependence  of  Normandy  upon  France  under 

the  Capetians 533 

—  Such  dependence  the  result  of  Richard's  commen- 

dation to  Hugh-le-Grand           533,  534 

—  Bichard  founds  the  Norman  Baronage      .        .        .  534,  535 

—  The  three  premier  Barons  of  Normandy       .        .    .  535 

—  Osmond -de-Cent- Villes 585 

—  Bernard  the  Dane 535,  536 

—  Ivo-de-Belesme 535,  536 

—  Development  of  tenure 536 

—  Apprehensions    excited  by  the   alliance    between 

Bichard  and  Hugh-le-Grand          ....  536,  537 

—  Otho    and   Louis;    their  enduring  enmity  against 

Bichard 537 

—  Arnoul    of  Flanders ;    his  unmitigated  antipathy 

against  Bichard 537,  588 

—  He  excites  Louis  and  Otho  to  combine  for  Richard's 

ruin 538,  539 

—  Otho's  family  troubles           589 

—  Liudolph,  Otho's  son  by  Edith,  appointed  his  successor  589 
946 — 947    Grudgings  between  Otho  and  Louis  concerning 

Lorraine             540,  541 

—  Arnold's  exertions  to  effect  the  coalition  between 

Otho  and  Louis 541,  542 

—  Otho  determines  upon  war 542,  543 

—  Otho  musters  his  troops  at  Cambray         .  543 

—  Prominence  given  to  Otho's  nephew  the  Edeling     .  543 

—  Magnitude  of  the  army  assembled  by  Otho       .        .  643,  544 

—  Equipment  of  Otho's  army ;  their  straw  hats        .    .  544,  545 

—  Learned  Disquisitions  thereon 545,  546 

—  Otho's  arrogance            546 

—  Reciprocated  by  Hugh  le  Grand       ....  546 

—  Hugh-le-Grand  prepares  for  defence    .        .        .    .  547 

—  Otho  and  Conrad  of  Burgundy  cross  the  French  bor-  547 

der 547 

—  Otho  and  Louis  attempt  Ladn  but  unsuccessfully     .  548 


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CONTENTS.  XXVll 

A.D.  PAGB 

946      Siege  of  Rheims 648,549 

—  Archbishop  Hugh  abandons  the  city,  which  surren- 

ders           660 

—  Adalbero,  Archbishop  Hugh's  rival,  restored,  but  un- 

canonically 660 

—  Gerberga  takes  the  command  of  Rheims  .                .  660 

—  The  allied  Kings  advance  into  Hugh-le-Grand's  ter- 

ritories         660 

—  They  march  towards  Paris 661 

—  Hugh-le-Grand  retreats  to  Orleans                       .    .  661,  662 

—  The  German  army  before  Paris         ....  663 

—  The  Edeling's  chivalry 668 

—  The  Germans  supported  by  the  Flemish  battalions 

under  Arnoul 668 

—  Also  by  Louis  and  the  French 668 

—  Difficulties  of  crossing  the  Seine       ....  668 

—  Device  whereby  the  German  troops  effect  the  transit  664 

—  Hugh-le-Grand's  possessions  ravaged  by  the  enemy  664,  666 

—  Arnoul  excites  Otho  to  enter  Normandy,  promising 

the  co-operation  of  the  Normans        .                 .     .  666,  666 

—  The  Normans  quiescent 667 

—  The  Germans  advance  as  far  as  the  Andelle        .    .  667 

—  Otho's  uneasiness 668 

—  He  suspects  Amours  sincerity                              .    .  668,  669 

—  Mutual  hatred  between  the  Danes  and  the  Germans  669,  660 

—  Exemplification  thereof  in  the  murder  of  Godfrey  by 

Charles-le-Gros  and  the  Archbishop  of  Cologne    .  660,  661 

—  Preparations  made  by  Kichard  for  defending  Rouen  662 

—  Order  of  march  of  the  allied  armies              .        .    .  662,  668 

—  Situations  and  defences  of  Rouen      ....  668 

—  Otho's  bitterness  against  the  Normans                  .    .  668,  664 

—  The  Edeling  challenges  them 666 

—  The  Norman  sortie,  headed  by  Richard        .        .    .  666 

—  They  are  attacked  by  the  Germans ;   the  Edeling 

leading  them  on 666-668 

—  The  Edeling  slain 666,  667 

—  Richard  has  the  credit  of  giving  the  mortal  wound  667 

—  The  Germans  completely  defeated    ....  667 

—  Richard's  triumphant  re-entry 668 

—  Rejoicings  in  Rouen 668 

—  Germans  recover  the  Edeling's  corpse                  .    .  668,  669 

—  The  Edeling's  obsequies ;  Otho's  mourning       .  669 

—  Germans  throw  the  blame  of  the  defeat  upon  Ar- 

noul              fi70 


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XXV111  CONTENTS. 

A.D.  PAOB 

946      The  allies  station  themselves  before  Rouen  670 

—  The  German  sally 671 

—  The  Normans  headed  by  Richard  671 

—  The  French  continue  in  the  field       ....  671 

—  The  German  camp ;  the  Edeling's  obsequies         .    .  672 

—  Otho  rallies  and  surveys  the  vicinities  of  the  city  673 

—  He  proposes  to  establish  a  blockade ....  674 

—  The  German  leaders  dissent  from  the  scheme      .    .  674,  676 

—  Otho  solicits  a  truce 676 

—  He  and  his  Nobles  are  permitted  to  lodge  in  the 

Abbey  of  Saint  Ouen 675,  676 

—  Otho's  "  Parliament"  at  Saint  Ouen           ...  676 

—  All  his  princes  and  captains  included,  save  Arnoul  .  677 

—  Arnoul  accused  of  treachery 677 

—  Otho  proposes  that  Arnoul  should  be  surrendered  to 

Richard,  and  suffer  condign  punishment  .        .     .  677 

—  The  Germans  refuse,  and  resolve  to  raise  the  siege  .  678 

—  Otho  abandons  Rouen 578 

—  Arnoul  alarmed,  determines  to  move  off  during  the 

night 678,  679 

—  Simultaneous  panic    of  the  French  and  Germans  680,  681 

—  Conflagration  in  the  German  camp    ....  681 

—  Strange  panic  within  Rouen  ;  the  inhabitants  appre- 

hend a  dreadful  assault 682 

—  Rejoicings  of  the  inhabitants  when  they  ascertain 

the  departure  of  the  enemy 682,  588 

—  Flemings  and  French  retreat  in  safety         .        .     .  583,  684 

—  The  Germans  plunge  into  the  forests                 .        •  684 

—  Rising  of  the  peasants  against  the  enemy    .        .    .  684 

—  Fight  between  the  Germans  and  the  peasants  at 

Bihorel 684 

—  Another   conflict    between  the  Germans   and    the 

peasants  at  Maromme 686 

—  Ambuscade  of  the  Normans,  further  on     .        .  686 

—  Germans  completely  defeated 586 

—  They  are  pursued  by  the  Normans  as  far  as  the 

neighbourhood  of  Amiens *       686 

—  The  Rougemare 686 

—  Triumphal  entry  of  Richard  into  Rouen  686 

—  History,  a  series  of  epics 587 

—  Undaunted  spirit  of  Louis 588 

—  Otho's  influence  over  France 688 

947—948  Louis  needs  Otho's  support  against  Hugh-le-Grand  590 


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CONTENTS.  XXIX 

A.D.  PAOB 

947  Importance  of  Kheims 590 

—  Diocese  of  Rheims — the   only  territory  faithful  to 

Lords 590 

—  Hugh-le-Grand,  Thibaut-le-Tricheur,  and  Hugh  the 

Parvulus,  all  labour  for  the  expulsion  of  Artaldus  591 

—  Five  ecclesiastical  Councils  held  for  the  purpose  of 

discussing  the  claims  of  the  rival  Archbishops    .  591 

—  Flacitum  or  mixed  Council,  held  in  the  royal  camp, 

on  the  banks  of  the  Cher 592 

—  Hugh-le-Grand  refuses  to  appear  in  person,  but  sends 

his  Proctor,  Sigibaldus ,    592 

—  Document  tendered  by  the  Proctor,  purporting  to  be 

the  resignation  of  Artaldus 592,  593 

948  Synod  of  Verdun  ;  the  Archbishop  of  Treves  pre- 

siding       593 

—  Israel  Scotigena  from  Ireland 598 

—  Synod  of  Mouzon,  to  which  the  Parvulus  is  cited   .  594 

—  He  makes  a  feint  of  appearing,  but  does  not  enter 

the  Synod 594 

—  The  Proctor  propounds  a  forged  Bull  on  his  Princi- 

pal's behalf       594 

—  Frequency  of  such  forgeries 595 

—  Artaldus  excommunicated  until  he  should  clear  him- 

self before  a  general  Council  of  the  Gauls    .  595 

—  Moral  vigour  of  Louis 596 

—  Union  between  Louis  and  Otho      ....  596 

—  Pope  Agapet 597 

—  Council  at  Ingleheim,  under  the  presidency  of  Mari- 

nus,  the  Papal  legate 597 

—  Mixed  character  of  this  Council       .  597 

—  Otho  and  Louis  introduced 597 

—  Louis,  appealing  to  the  Council,  narrates  his  mis- 

fortunes from  his  birth 598 

—  He  notices  how  his  life  was  saved  by  Ogiva  598 

—  He  impeaches  Hugh-le-Grand,  and  challenges  Hugh 

to  submit  to  the  judgment    of  the   Synod,  or 

clear  himself  by  the  battle-trial    .  .     .  599 

—  No  one  answers  on  Hugh's  behalf  .        .         .  599 

—  But  Sigibaldus  re-appears,  and  asserts  the  rights 

of  the  Parvulus 599 

—  Hugh-le-Grand  censured,  and  summoned  to  obey  the 

decree  of  the  Synod 600 

—  Adjourned  Sessions  of  the  Council  at  Ladn  and  at 

Treves 601 


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XXX  CONTENTS. 

A.D.  PA  OB 

948     In  the  last,  Hugh-le-Grand   provisionally   excom- 
municated        601 

—  Hugh  takes  the  lead  in  the  Council    ....  602 

—  Sources  of  information  for  this  portion  of  history  .  602 

—  Artaldus,  Frodoardus,  and  Baoul  the  father  of  Rich- 

erius 608 

—  Alacrity  of  Louis  increases,  while  Hugh's  popularity 

diminishes 604 

948 — 949    Military  support  given  by  Normandy  to  Hugh- 

le-Grand 604 

— •    Louis   insults    Soissons,  but  is  beat  off— he   then 

ravages  the  Rhemois 604 

—  Escape  of  the  Farvulus  from  the  troops  of  Louis  .    604,  606 

—  Montaigne  taken  by  Louis,  who  also  invests  La6n    .  605 
949—950    Another  child  born  to  Louis          ....  606 

949  Gerberga  visits  Otho 606 

—  Otho's    splendid   Court,  held   during   the  Paschal 

feast,  at  Aix-la-Chapelle 606-608 

—  Raoul,  the  father  of  Richer,  devises  a  stratagem  for 

surprising  Ladn 608 

—  The  device  succeeds 610 

—  Louis  fails  before  Senlis 610 

—  And  Hugh,  equally,  in  endeavouring  to  recover  Ladn  611 

—  Hugh-le-Grand,  excommunicated  by  Pope  Agapet, 

unless  he  should  submit  to  his  King              .    .  612 

—  Conference  on  the  banks  of  the  Marne  .  .    612,  618 

—  Pacification  then  concluded  between  Louis  and  Hugh  612 

—  Hugh-le-Grand  becomes  the  King's  homager    .        .  618 

—  Triumphant  advance  of  Louis 618 

951  Louis  confined  by  illness  during  more  than  a  year    618,  614 

—  Louis  causes  his  son  Lothaire,  to  be  designated  as  King  614 

—  Progress  of  Louis  into  Aquitaine         .        .  615 

—  Submission  of  the    Aquitanian    and    Burgundian 

princes 616 

—  Louis  falls  ill  again 616 

951 — 952    He  is  nursed  at  Besan?on  by  Count  Leutaldus  616 

—  Troubles  in  Lorraine 616 

—  Bar-le-duc  founded  by  Count  Frederick              .    .  617 

—  Disturbances  in  the  Vermandois      ....    617,  618 

—  Ggiva  elopes  with  Herbert  the  Handsome,  Count  of 

Troyes 619 

—  Louis  deprives  his  mother  of  her  preferment,  but 

Herbert  grants  her  the  Abbey  of  Saint  Medard 

as  a  dowry 619 


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CONTENTS.  XXXI 

A.D.  PAQB 

95a— 964    The  Magyars,  instigated  by  Conrad,  devastate 

Germany,  France,  Burgundy,  and  Italy  .    .    619,  620 

—  They  introduce  the  small-pox  into  western  Europe  620 

—  Revolts  in  the  Vermandois  ;   Hugh-le-Grand  joins 

the  revolters.    Gerberga  mediates  .  .    .    620,  621 

—  Twin  sons  born  to  Louis  by  Gerberga ;  Charles,  after- 

wards the  Pretender,  and  Henry.     Early  death 

of  the  latter 621,  622 

954 — Louis  prepares  rigorously   for   the  restoration  of 

his  authority 622 

—  He  is  strangely  thrown  from  his  horse,  and  receives 

some  great  internal  injury 622 

951 — 954    His  death  occasioned  by  a  disease,  apparently 

unconnected  with  the  accident         .        .        .    .  622,  628 

—  Louis  buried  at  Saint  Bemi, — his  tomb  and  epitaph  .  622,  628 


Chapter  IV.    Part  II. 

LOUIS  AND  LOTHAIRE.       OTHO  AND  HIS  80NS.       RICHARD-SAN  8-PEUR. 

951—987. 

The  Roman  Empire,  or  Fourth  Monarchy,  propheti- 
cally symbolized  in  the  Holy  Scriptures  by  the 
Eagle 624-626 

Intimate  connexion  between  ancient  Borne  and 

modern  civilization  625 

951 — 962    Otho,  the  organizer  of  the  Holy  Roman  Empire  626 

—  Intimate  connexion   during  Otho's  life,    between 

Germany,  Italy,  and  France 626 

—  Individuality  of  the  Human  soul ;  the  foundation  of 

history  627,  628 

—  Otho's  tendency  to  knight-errantry  ....    628,  629 

—  Chivalry  said  to  have  arisen  under  Henry  the  Fow- 

ler, his  father 629,  630 

—  The  famous  "  Turnier-buch ;"   opinions  as  to  its 

evidence                     .            .  .  680,  681 

—  Peculiar  character  of  German  heraldry       .  .     .  681,  682 

—  Battle  ordeal,  discouraged  by  the  Church    .  .             682 

—  Otho's  predilection  for  chivalrous  enterprize  682 


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XXX11  CX)NTENT8. 

A.D.  PAGE 

951     Duel,  commanded  by  Otho  for  the  purpose  of  decid- 
ing the  principles  of  representation  .    633,  634 

—  Liutgarda  of  the  Silver  Distaff,  Otho's   daughter, 

married  to  Conrad  of  Lorraine      ....  634 

—  Accused  of  adultery,  Otho  compels  her  to  clear  herself 

by  the  battle  trial 634,  686 

—  The  Emperor  viewed  as  the  Head  and  defender  of  the 

Church,  and  of  Christianity 636,  636 

—  Emperors  in  Italy,  subsequent  to  the  dismemberment 

of  the  Carlovingian  empire  ....  637 

—  Henry  the  Fowler  "  Advocatus  Romanorum,"  but  not 

Emperor 638 

—  Otho  seeks  to  obtain  the  supremacy  over  the  whole 

Carlovingian  empire 638,  639 

—  Political   divisions   of  Italy — Lombardy — Borne — 

Apulia 639-641 

—  Berenger,  Marquis  of  Ivrea,  and  Lothaire,  Count  of 

Provence,  joint  Kings  of  Lombardy      .  .  641 

—  Persecution  of  Adelaide,  Lothaire's  widow,  by  Ber- 

enger and  his  wife,  Guilla 642 

—  Adelaide's  imprisonment  and  hazardous  escape         .  642,  643 

—  Albert  Azzo,  Count  of  Modena,  protects  her         .    .  648-646 

—  Otho  determines  to  conquer  Italy   and   win  Ade- 

laide         646 

—  He  enters  Lombardy     .......  646,  646 

—  His  triumphant  occupation  of  Milan                   .        .  646 

—  The  "  Ottelini™  his  coinage 647 

—  Berenger  retreats 647 

—  Otho  enters  Pavia, — assumes  the  titles  of  Rex  Fran- 

corwn  et  Longobardorum 647,  648 

—  Otho  marries  Adelaide           648 

—  Liudolph's  jealousy  and  rebellion       ....  648,  649 
962  Discontent  excited  in  Germany,  by  Otho's  Italian 

marriage 660 

—  Berenger  appeals  to  Otho's  mercy      ....  660 

—  The  great  Diet  of  Augsburg  —  Berenger  performs 

homage  to  Otho — fall  of  the  great  aerolithe     .    .  661,  662 
962—963    Otho's  children  by  Adelaide— Liudolph's  jealousy 

of  them 663,  664 

—  Otho's  family  confederate  against  him  .  .    .  666,  666 

—  Conrad  and  Liudolph  invite  the  Magyars  .        .  666 
964 — 966    Suppression  of  the  family  revolt ;  pacification 

of  Arnsdadt 667 

—  Liudolph's  humiliation  and  Conrad's  repentance  667 


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CONTENTS.  XXXlil 

A.D.  FAGB 

964  Chinning  conduct  of  the  Magyars      ....  668 

—  Their  dreadful  invasion  of  Germany     .        ...  669 

—  Otho  rallies  his  comparatively  scanty  forces      .        .  660 

—  The  Magyars  having  attacked  Augsburg,   advance 

towards  the  Lech-feld 660 

—  Otho  occupies  the  opposite  bank  .        ...    660,  661 

—  Saint  Michael's  banner, — the  winged  warrior  a  symbol 

identical  with  Saint  George 661,  662 

—  Sudden  attack  of  the  German  army  by  the  Magyars, 

who  are  driven  back  by  Conrad        .        .        .     .  668 

—  The  eve  and  morn  of  the  general  battle    .        .        .    666,  666 

—  The  great  battle  of  the  Lech-feld ;    Conrad  slain  ; 

Magyars  completely  defeated ;  cruelty  of  the  Ger- 
man victors 664,  666 

—  Otho  saluted  "Imperator"  by  his  troops  on  the  field 

of  battle :  666 

—  Importance  of  this  victory  to  Christendom  .        .    .  666 

—  Conversion  of  the  Magyars 666 

—  Conversion  of  King  Stephen 666 

966 — 966    Italian  affairs  resumed 666,  667 

—  Berenger  attacks  Albert  Azzo       ....  667 

—  Berenger  and  his  Queen  retreat  to  the  Castle  of  San 

Giulio,  in  the  Lago  d'Orta 666,  667 

—  He  surrenders  to  Liudolph,  who,  unfaithful  to  his 

father,  releases  Berenger           668 

—  Liudolph's  mysterious  death 668   669 

960  Berenger  recovers  authority  in  Lombardy,  but  tyran- 
nizes over  his  subjects 669 

—  Otho  invited  by  the  Lombards  as  their  deliverer       .  669 

—  Otho  the  Younger  (afterwards  Otho  II.)  accepted  as 

King   by   the    Germans,  —  crowned    at   Aix-la- 
Chapelle 670 

—  The  German  army  nominally  headed  by  the  young 

Otho,  enters  Lombardy 670,  671 

—  Berenger  and  Guilla  resist ;  but  they  are*  ultimately 

compelled  to  yield  671 

—  Adventures  of  their  son,  Adalbert         .  .    .    671,  672 
961—962    The  elder  Otho,  King  of  Italy,  crowned  at  Milan  672 

962  Otho  and  Adelaide  enter  Borne,  and  are  lodged  in 

the  Palace  of  the  Cresars 673 

—  Otho  accepted  as  Emperor  by  the  Roman  Bepublic, 

and  crowned  by  Pope  John  XII 673 

—  The  Pontiff  and  the  Roman  people  take  the  oath  of 

fealty 673,  674 

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XXXIV  CONTENTS. 

A.D.  PAGB 

962  Otho  reciprocates  by  re-granting  to  the  Papal  see  all 
the  endowments  bestowed  by  Pepin,  Charlemagne, 
and  Louis-le-D£bonnaire 674 

—  But  only  the  usufruct  is  granted  to  the  Pope,  and 

the  Emperor  reserves  the  imperial  supremacy        •    674,  675 
964     French    affairs    resumed — Death    of    Louis — Ger- 
berga  claims  the  aid  of  her  brothers,  Otho  and 
Bruno 676-676 

—  Otho  despatches  Archbishop  Bruno  to  France  as  his 

Lieutenant,  accompanied   by   the    Lotharingian 

nobles 677,  678 

—  The  Nations  of  the  Gauls  assemble  for  the  purpose 

of  electing  the  King  ;  Gerberga  presiding        .    .    678,  679 

—  Unprecedented    introduction  of   the    Lotharingian 

nation  as  an  electoral  college        ....  680 

—  Elective  character  of  the  French  monarchy;  rights 

of  legitimacy  defeasible  by  an  heir's  incompetence    681,  682 

—  Lothaire  accepted  as  King,  and  crowned  at  Bhcims 

by  Archbishop  Artaldus 682 

954 — 955    The  royal  family  at  Ladn ;  Gerberga,  Lothaire, 

and  the  young  Charles 682 

—  Hugh's  cautious  conduct  as  Protector  .        .    682,  683 

—  Hugh  proposes  to  Gerberga,  that  Lothaire  should 

make  his  joyeuse  en&ie  in  the  principal  Cities  of  his 

realm 683,  684 

—  Lothaire,  accompanied  by  Hugh,  repairs  to  Paris     •  684 

—  Lothaire  receives  Thibaut's   homage  at  Chartres; 

their  common  hatred  against  Richard,  being  a 

bond  of  mutual  union 684,  685 

—  Tete-d'Etoupe  refuses  submission 685 

—  Lothaire  and  Hugh-le-Grand  invest  Poitiers    .        .  686 

—  Stout   defence    of   the  City— Monastery    of   Saint 

Badegund  burnt 686 

—  The  French  suspend  operations ;   TSte-d'Etoupe  be- 

comes the  assailant,  but  iB  defeated        .        .    .  687 

—  Second  investment  of  Poitiers  by  the  French  .  687 

—  The  weather  exceedingly  sultry 687 

—  Hugh's  pavilion  rent  by  a  whirlwind ; — disease  in  the 

French  army ; — Hugh  advises  the  raising  of  the 

siege 688 

956    Hugh's  depression  of  spirits ;  he  retires  to  his  palace 

at  Dordogne 689,  690 

—  Delay  of  the  marriage  between  the  betrothed  Richard 

and  Emma 690,  691 


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CONTENTS.  XXXV 

A.D.  PAGE 

956  Hugh,  on  his  death-bed,  urges  the  marriage;  and 
requests  that  Richard  should  administer  the  in- 
heritance      691 

—  Hugh's  death  and  burial 691 

—  Richard,    by  means    of    Hugh's    directions,  ousts 

Lothaire  from  the  wardship         ....  692 

960  Richard  still  delays  completing  his  marriage:  but  at 

length  the  espousals  are  concluded  .  .    .  693 

968  Affairs  of  Flanders  resumed ; — Arnoul-le-Vieux  re- 
signs in  favour  of  his  son,  Baudouin-le-Jeune    .    694,  695 

—  Baudouin-le-Jeune's  promising  character;  he  dies 

of  the  small-pox 696 

961  Arnoulle-Jeune   accepted    as    Count  of  Flanders, 

under  his  grandfather's  tutelage  .  696 

965    Death  of  Arnoul-le-Vieux,    and   full   accession  of 

Arnoul-le-Jeune 697 

956     French    affairs    resumed; — Gerberga    deprived    of 

her  dotal  domains  by  Reinier,  her  brother-in-law    697,  698 

—  Mons  or  Bergen   entrusted  to   Alice,   Countess  of 

Hainault,  by  Reinier  her  husband  698 

—  Stratagem  whereby  Raoul,  the  father  of  Richerius, 

gains  possession  of  Mons 698,  699 

—  The  Countess  and  her   children  captured;  —  Arch- 

bishop Bruno  compels  Reinier  to  restore  Ger- 

berga's  domains 699 

—  Historical  geography  of  Lorraine; — mediaeval  and 

modern  duchies,  &c,  composing  the  same     .        .  700,  701 

—  Extent  of  Archbishop  Bruno's  duchy  ....  701,  702 

—  Bruno's  constant  apprehension  of  the  Danes  .  702,  703 
959     Meeting  between  Gerberga  and  Bruno  at  Aix-la- 

Chapelle 703,  704 

959      Plans  and  pretensions  of  Herbert  the  Handsome  .  704 

—  Robert,  Count  of  Troyes,  rebels  against  the  King ; 

he  gains  Dijon  by  the  treachery   of  the   com- 
mander   704,  705 

—  Lothaire   supported  by  Bruno's  forces,  regains  the 

city,  and  beheads  the  traitor 705 

—  Norman   affairs    resumed,- — Richard   increases    in 

authority  and  influence 706 

—  Thibaut   excites    Gerberga   and    Lothaire    against 

Richard 706 

—  Richard's  principal  supporters  in  Normandy,  inclu- 

ding some  old  veterans  of  his  father's  time       .    706,  707 

—  The  young  generation  rising  up ; — Gautier-le-Veneur  707 


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XXXVI  CONTENTS. 

A.D.  '  FAGB 

959     Lothaire's    accession  ignored  by  Richard    .        .    .  708 

—  Hugh-le-Grand  acknowledges  himself  a  vassal  of 

the  Crown 708 

—  Legal  necessity  of  such  acknowledgment    .        .    .    708,  709 

—  Hugh-le-Grand's  sons ; — contraventions  of  the  royal 

prerogative 709 

—  Lothaire  asserts  his  rights,  and  divides   Hugh-le- 

Grand's  dominions  between  his  sons    ...  710 

—  Duchy  of  France,  and  superiority  of  Poitou,  granted 

to  Hugh  Capet 710,  711 

—  Burgundy  to  Eudes ;  but  in  consequence  of  his  early 

death,  the  fief  survives  to  Hugh         ...  711 

—  Richard's   clever  move; — he  performs   homage   to 

the  Capet  as  Hugh-le-Grand's  heir,  and  becomes 

his  vassal  , 712 

—  Richard,  classed  by  mediaeval  physiologists  as  apper- 

taining to  the  "  sanguine  temperament "      .  718 

—  His  moral  and  physical  portraiture  anticipated  in 

the  precepts  of  the  school  of  Salerno ...  714 

—  Inveteracy  of  Richard's  enemies 714 

—  Intolerance, — the  principle  of  all  mankind              .  715,  716 

—  Apparent  bat  intelligible  inconsistencies    of   Ger- 

berga's  character 716 

—  Baudouin-le-Jeune  of  Flanders ;  his  hereditary  an- 

tipathy  against   Richard   strengthened   by   his 

fear  of  the  Danes 717 

—  Archbishop    Bruno;   his  reason  also  for   dreading 

their  power 717 

—  Geoffrey-Grisgonnelle,   Count    of  Anjou ;    he   also 

Richard's  enemy    .        .  .  .    717,  718 

—  Thibaut  of  Chartres  and  Liutgarda ;  their  continued 

hatred  against  Richard 718,  719 

—  Thibaut's  particular  views  upon  the  Evrecin  .  719 

—  Mutual  hatred  between  the  French  and  Normans      .  719,  720 

—  Magnanimity — a  lost  virtue 720,  721 

—  Richard  and  Lothaire  interchangeably  ridiculed  by 

the  French  and  the  Normans,  by  reason  of  the 
ambiguous  colour  of  their  hair       ....    721  -  728 
960—961    Thibaut    provokes    Lothaire     and     Gerberga 

against  Richard 728,  724 

—  Richards  enemies  seek  assistance  from  Archbishop 

Bruno  against  him  ......  724 

—  Confederacy  between    Lothaire,    Gerberga,    Otho, 

Thibaut,  and  Archbishop  Bruno,  to  effect  Richard's 
imprisonment  or  death 724,  725 


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CONTENTS.  XXXV11 

A.D.  PAGE 

060 — 061    Bruno  invites  Richard  to  a  conference  at  Amiens  725 

—  Mysterious  warning  given  to  Richard  of  his  danger  726,  726 

—  He  accepts  the  warning,  and  returns  to  Rouen .  726,  727 

—  Discredit  brought  upon  Bruno  by  this  transaction    .  727 

—  Mischief  resulting  from  the  annexation  of  temporal 

sovereignty  to  ecclesiastical  dignity                .     .  728 

—  German  chroniclers  gloss  over  Bruno's  interference 

in  Norman  affairs 728 

—  Thibaut  persists  in  exciting  Richard's  enemies         .  720 

—  Lothaire  prepares  for  action 720,  730 

061  He  holds  a  military  muster  and  Great  Council  at 

Soissons 720,  730 

—  Richard  attacks  Soissons  and  fails  ;  a  fact  concealed 

by  Norman  historians                730,  731 

—  Richard  summoned  by  Lothaire  to  perform  homage .  731 

—  Lothaire  proposes  a  conference  between  Richard  and 

himself,  to  be  held  within  the  Norman  territory  .  731,  732 

—  Alterations  in  the  maritime  and  littoral  geography 

of  the  French  and  Belgian  channel  coast,  and 

the  coasts  of  the  North  Sea 732,  733 

—  Rivers  intersecting  the  Norman  littoral,  from  the 

Bresle  to  the  Seine 733,  734 

—  Lothaire  appoints  the  conference  to  be  held  on  the 

banks  of  the  Eaulne      .        .        .        .        .  734 

—  The  three  bad  neighbours  of  Normandy, — Baudouin 

of  Flanders, — Geoffrey  of  Anjou — and  Thibaut-le- 

Tricheur 734,  735 

—  Lothaire  heads  their  advance 735 

—  Richard  prepares  for  a  merry  banquet              .  736 

—  Scouts  sent  out  by  him ;  he  is  warned  of  the  ap- 

proach of  the  French 736 

—  Lothaire's  troops  cross  the  Eaulne         ....  737 

—  The  Normans  fall  back  upon  the  Dieppe-water         .  737 

—  The  battle  of  the  Fords 737,738 

—  Desperate  fight  made  by  Richard  and  by  Gautier-le- 

Veneur 738 

—  Lothaire's  flight     . 738,  730 

—  Richard's  triumphal  return  to  Rouen                .        .  730 

062  Thibaut  excites  Lothaire  to   assert  his  rights    .     •  740 

—  The  Cour  ple*niere  summoned  by  Lothaire  at  Ladn. 

He  impeaches  Richard  as  a  felon  ....  741 

The  war  resumed;   Lothaire  and  Thibaut  reduce 

•      Evreux  ..........  742 


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XXXVU1  CONTENTS. 

A.D.  PAGE 

962  Richard's  reprisals;   he  invades  and  ravages  the 

Pays  Chartrain,  and  then  disbands  his  troops       .  742 

—  Thibaut  takes  his  torn,  and  invades  Normandy         .  742,  743 

—  Richardet  sent  forth  as  a  spy ;  his  narrow  escape    .  743 

—  Rapid  advance  of  Thibaut's  forces  ;  they  encamp  at 

Hermondeville 743,  744 

—  Site  of  Thibaut's  encampment,  fixed  by  continued 

tradition 744,  746 

—  Thibaut's  troops  in  camp  and  bivouac        .        .    .  745 

—  Their  speed  and  cleverness 746 

—  Richard's  preparations  for  offensive  and  defensive 

operations 745,  746 

—  The  Norman  troops  cross  the  Seine  by  moonlight     .  747 

—  Total  rout  of  the  Chartrain  army                  ...  747,  748 

—  Richard's  humanity  towards  the  vanquished    •        .  748 

—  Thibaut's  accumulated  misfortunes      .        .        .    .  749 

—  Perseverance  of  the  French,  and  of  Richard's  ene- 

mies generally 749 

—  Annoyance  given  by  the  "  three  bad  neighbours"      .  750 

—  Steadiness  of  the  Bretons  and  Normans  .        .        .  750 

—  Richard's  soldiery,  u  e.  troops  serving  for  hire      .    -  750 

—  Richard's  dangers  fully  appreciated  by  him      .  751 

—  Social  excommunication  of  Richard  by  the  French 

and  Germans 751 

—  Richard  therefore  determines  to  throw  himself  upon 

the  Danes 752 

—  Harold  Blaatand's  prosperity 753 

—  Richard  invokes  his  aid 753 

—  Harold  assents ;  fits  out  a  fleet,  which  enters  the  Seine  754 

—  As  advised  by  Richard,  they  ascend  the  river,  and 

station  themselves  at  the  Fosse  Givolde  .        .    .  754 

—  Advantages  of  the  position 755 

—  Terror  excited  amongst  the  French  by  this  invasion  755 

—  Richard  meets  the  Danes  at  the  Fosse  Givolde    .    .  755 

—  Devastations  committed  by  the  Danes,  but  particu- 

larly in  the  Pays  Chartrain 766 

—  Panic  of  the  French 757 

—  Great  councils  held  by  Lothaire  at  Melon  and  La6n  757,  758 

—  Wolfaldus,  Bishop  of  Chartres,  accepts  the  office  of 

mediator ;  Richard  consents  to  treat    .        .        .  758,  759 

—  Thibaut  seeks   to    negotiate  with   Richard  inde- 

pendently    760 

—  Thibaut  visits  Richard  secretly  at  Rouen;  pacifica- 

tion concluded ;  Evreux  restored                   .        .  761 


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CONTENTS.  XXXIX 

A.D.  PAGE 

062  Splendid  preparations  made  by  Richard,  for  the  re- 
ception of  the  French  at  the  Fosse  Givolde  .  762 

—  They  implore  Richard's  intervention,  promising   to 

secure  the  Regnum  Northmannicum  to  him         .  763 

—  Richard  perplexed  by  his  Danish  friends     .        .    .  764 

—  They  reject  his  proposition  of  peace  ....  764 

—  Unless  he  goes  with  them,  they  will  win  France  for 

themselves 765 

—  Richard  craves  time  to  deliberate,  and  contrives  to 

delay  his  answer  for  sixteen  days  .  765 

—  He  explains  his  conduct  to  the  French  Bishops,  and 

nobles 765 

—  Richard  meets  the  Danish  Chiefs  secretly  late  in  the 

night 766 

—  Richard  preaches  a  sermon  to  the  Danes,  inviting 

them  to  accept  Christianity 767 

—  The  Danish  Chieftains  advocate  peace .        .        .    .  767 

—  The  soldiers  refuse  the  proposition  indignantly  768 
— -    Violent  disputes  amongst  the  Danes,  during  which 

Richard  keeps  away 768 

—  The  Danes  accept    a   compromise;    some    profess 

Christianity,  and  settle  in  Normandy        ,        .    .    768,  769 

—  The  Heathens,  upon  Richard's  suggestions,  consent 

to  depart  for  Spain 769 

—  Connection  of  this  expedition,  with  the  future  ex- 

tension of  Norman  power  .....  770 

—  A  fleet  fitted  out  for  the  Danes  in  the  Cotentin         .    769,  770 

—  They  invade  Galicia,  storm  Compostella,  and  ravage 

the  country 770 

—  Danish  occupation  of  Galicia  during  nearly  two  years  771 

—  They  are  utterly  expelled  by  Gonzalo  Sanchez          .  771,  772 

—  Lothaire  makes  peace  with  the  Normans       .        .     .  772 

—  And  guarantees   the  Regnum  North  m annicum  to 

Richard  and  his  descendants  •        .    .  772 

—  Emma's  death ;  time  unknown  ...  .  778 

—  Feudal  relations  between  Normandy  and  the  Capets, 

before  the  accession  of  the  latter  to  the  French 

crown 778 

—  Accession  of  the  Capets  an  integral  portion  of  Nor- 

man history 774 

—  The  last  Carlovingians  despised,  because  unfortunate  774 

—  Normans  not  fully  brought  into  the  Christian  com- 

monwealth, till  the    subversion  of  the    second 

dynasty 775 


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Xl  CONTENTS. 

A.D.  PAOH 

775     Human   societies    and   individuals  governed   by  a 

special  and  particular  Providence  .         .     776-777 

—  Influence  of  women  in  the  affairs  of  France        .     .     777,  778 

—  Gapetian  dynasty  ruined  by  the  same  moral  causes 

as  the  Carlovingian  ......     777,  778 

966      Death   of  Frodoardus, — falling   off  of    historical 

information 779 

—  Richerius ;  his  singular  importance  as  the  only  his- 

torian at  the  close  of  the  Carlovingian  era       .    .    780,  781 

—  Gerbert,    when    Archbishop    of   Rheims,    requests 

Richer  to  compose  a  complete  history  of  France  .  781 

—  Richerius  declines  the  task,  wishingto  confine  himself 

to  his  own  times 782 

—  Gerbert  supplies  Richerius  with  materials    .        .     .  782 

—  Autograph  and  holograph  manuscript  of  Richerius  782,  783 

—  Richerius'  personal  character  disclosed  by  his  correc- 

tions, &c 783-786 

—  Need  of  grouping  the  historical  personages .        .     .  786 
961—962    Death  of  Artaldus 786 

—  Hugh,  the  old  Farvulus,  claims  the  See ;  is  disap- 

pointed; and  dies  of  vexation       ....  786 

962     Odalric  promoted  by  Archbishop  Bruno's  influence  .  786 

—  Right  of  election  at  Rheims 787 

—  Thibaut-le-Tricheur  disappears  from  history     .        .  787 
970    Adalbero  obtains  the  vacant  See  of  Rheims  upon  the 

death  of  Odalricus 788 

—  Adalbero's  knowledge  of  French  history  and  consti- 

tutional law 789 

—  Asceline,  otherwise  Adalbero,  Bishop  of  Ladn ;  his 

acquirements  and  depravity 790 

—  Gerbert  of  Aurillac ;  his  career,  till  he  obtains  the 

Popedom 790-793 

—  Transitional  stage  of  feudality  under  the  last  Car- 

lovingians 793 

■—    Encreased  stringency  of  feudality  .  .    .  794 

—  Position  of  vassals  and  incidents  of  tenure,  more 

strictly  defined 795 

—  Allodiality  decaying  under  the  influence  of  Hugh-le- 

Grand's  doctrine  of  "  commendation."        .        .    .    796,  796 
966    Upon  the  decease  of  Arnoul-le-Vieux,  Lothaire  de- 
mands Arnoul-le-Jeune's  homage  ....    796,  797 

—  Richard  of  Normandy  mediates ;  Arnoul  renders  the 

homage 797 


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CONTENTS.  Xli 

A.D.  PAGB 

906     The  suppressed  chapter  in  Lothaire's  history        .    .  798 

—  He  marries  a  Lotharingian  lady,  by  whom  he  has  one 

son,  Arnnlph  or  Araoul,  stigmatized  as  a  bastard  798 

—  The  lady  separated  from  Lothaire,  marries  Theobald- 

de-Montecuto 798,  799 

—  Imperial  history  resumed ; — state  of  Italy  under 

Otho 799 

—  He  returns  to  Germany 799 

—  The  famous  festival  at  Cologne,  attended  by  all  Otho's 

near  relations,  and  all  the  great  feudatories  of  the 

empire 800 

—  Otho's  inward  disquietudes 800 

—  Otho  accompanies  his  mother  to  Nordhausen ;  their 

pathetic  and  final  parting 801 

—  Archbishop  Bruno's  early  death          ....  802 

—  Principle  of  Ebenburtigkeit ;  not  known  in  early  times  802,  808 

—  Lothaire  repudiates  the  Lotharingian  lady      .        .  804,  805 

—  The  Othonian  biographies 806,  806 

966  Match  made  up  between  Lothaire  and  Emma,  Ade- 

laide's daughter  ;  and  their  marriage    .  806 

—  Louis  and  Otho,  Lothaire's  children  by  Emma ;  obscu- 

rity of  their  history    . 806,  807 

—  Gerberga  retires  from  the  court  with  Charles ; — her 

disappointment,* — sorrows; — death        .  .    807-809 

966 — 972    German  and  Italian  affairs  resumed ; — Otho's 

residence  during  seven  years  in  Italy                .    .  809 

—  Wisdom  of  Otho's  government 810 

—  Italy  consolidated  with  the  Teutonic  empire.        .     .  810 

—  Depravity  of  Pope  John  XII. ;  troubles  at  Borne        .  811 

—  Abuses  at  Borne  remedied  by  Otho    ....  812 

967  The  younger  Otho  holds  his  Court  at  Verona ;  he  is 

subsequently  crowned  at  Borne  by  the  Pope  .    .  818 

—  Otho  seeks  that  the  younger  Otho  should  espouse 

a  daughter  of  Byzantium 818 

—  Theophania  thrice  empress ;  Constantino  Porphyro- 

genitus  poisoned  by  her 818 

968—957    Summary  of  Byzantine  history  .        .  818 

—  Theophania  married  to  Bomanus,  the  son  of  Constan- 

tine ;  poisons  him 814 

—  Nicephorus  Phocas  married  to  Theophania ;  she  in- 

stigates John  Zimiskes  to  assassinate  him  .  815,  816 

—  John  Zimiskes  emperor 816 

—  Opinions  of  the  Greeks  as  to  their  superiority  over 

the  western  Barbarians 816 


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XlU  CONTENTS. 

A.D.  PAGE 

968    Otho  invites  Nicephorus  to  grant  the  younger  Theo- 

phania  to  his  son,  Otho  II 817 

—  Otho   attacks    the    Greek  possessions  in  Apulia. 

Overtures  for  peace  made  by  the  Byzantine  court  818 

—  Liutprand,  Bishop  of  Cremona ;  his  character  .        .  818 
068   Liutprand's  embassy  to  Constantinople                .     .  818 

—  He   is  dispatched   for  the  purpose  of   obtaining 

Theophania 810 

—  Liutprand's  report  of  his  legation  820 

—  Nicephorus  refuses  his  consent  ....  820 

—  After  the  accession  of  Zimiskes,  Otho  renews  the 

proposition,  and  with  success        ....    820,  821 

072  Marriage  between  Otho  IL  and  Theophania         .    .    821,  822 

073  Otho  attains  the  culminating  point  of  his  prosperity ; 

returns  to  Germany 822 

—  His  splendid  Court  of  Quedlinburg        .  .    .  822 

—  Sadness   of   Otho's   heart,    Adelaide  having   died 

whilst  he  was  hastening  to  meet  her    .  .  822 

—  The  feast  broken  off  by  the  sudden  death  of  Herman 

the  Saxon 822 

—  Otho's  dying  day  at  Memleben 823,  824 

—  Accession  of  the  second  Otho  as  Emperor  and  King  824,  825 

—  Changes  in  the  German  Court,  consequent  upon 

Otho's  death 825 

—  Detriment  resulting  to  the  French  interest  from  such 

changes 825,  826 

—  Jealousies  between  Adelaide  and  Theophania ;  and 

between  Theophania  and  Emma  ....  826,  827 

—  Gerbert  of  Aurillac  patronizedby  Otho  H.        .        .  827 

—  Gerbert's  influence  in  the  French  and  German  Courts  827,  828 
060 — 070    French  history  resumed; — Adalbero  promoted 

to  the  see  of  Eheims,  and  Asceline  to  Laon     .    .  828 
070—073    Marriage  of  Hugh  Capet  and  Adela,  daughter 

or  grand-daughter  of  TSte-d'Etoupe      .        .        .  820,  830 

—  Unhappy  position  of  Charles,  Lothaire's  brother        .  830,  831 

—  Charles  unfairly  depreciated 831,  832 

—  Emma's  harshness  towards  Charles ; — He  quits  the 

palace 881 

—  Partisans  assemble  round  Charles; — the  times  fa- 

vourable to  the  Adventurer 832,  838 

—  Flans  of  Charles  to  settle  himself  in  Lorraine  .        .  833 

—  He  obtains  a  grant  from  Otho  of  Basse-Lorraine  as 

a  fief  of  the  empire 833,  834 

—  Charles  marries  Bona,  supposed  to  be  daughter  of 

Godfrey  the  Elder,  Count  of  the  Ardennes        .    .  834 


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CONTENTS.  Xliii 

A.D.  PAGB 

977  Bishop  Asceline  and  Emma  accused  of  adultery  by 

common  fame 834,  835 

—  Provincial  Synod  appointed  at  Fismes,  to  be  held 

under  Archbishop  Adalbero  to  try  the  accusation  835 

—  Result  unknown,  Richerius  having  suppressed  the 

record  by  cutting  out  the  page 835 

—  M-will  between  the  cousins,  Otho  II.  and  Lothaire  .  835,  836 
• —     Lothaire  determines  upon  hostilities  and  allies  him- 
self with  Hugh  Oapet 836 

—  Large  army  raised  by  Lothaire         ....  886 

978  Lothaire's  raid  against  Aix-la-Chapelle ;   flight  of 

Otho  and  Theophania 837 

—  Lothaire  plunders  the  Pfaltz,  which   he  abandons 

forthwith 837 

—  Supposed  insult  given  to  the  French  by  Charle- 

magne's eagle ; — their  revenge '887,838 

—  Otho  challenges  Lothaire  after  the  fashion  of  chivalry  839 

—  Otho  invades  France ;  Lothaire  retreats  beyond  the 

Seine 839,  840 

—  Hugh  Capet  shuts  himself  up  in  Paris       .        .  840 

—  The  garrison  of  Paris  challenged  by   a   German 

knight 841 

—  Ivo  accepts  the  challenge  and  slays  the  German      .  841,  842 

—  The  Hallelujah  of  Mont  Martre— Otho's  prelude  to 

the  abandonment  of  the  siege        ....  842,  843 

—  Lothaire  marches  against  the  retreating  enemy  .    .  843 

—  The  passage  of  the  Aisne 843 

—  Otho  challenges  Lothaire  to  single  combat  .        .    .  843,  844 

—  Tepidity  of  Geoffrey  of  Anjou  contrasted  with  God- 

frey of  Verdun's  chivalry.— The  duel  goes  off       .  843,  844 

—  The  Sovereigns  respectively  return  to  their  own  do- 

minions        844,  845 

—  Anticipations  of  the  Capetian  revolution          .        .  845 

—  Hugh  Capet's  numerous  partisans         .        .        .    .  845 

—  Archbishop  Adalbero  and  Richard  of  Normandy  the 

most  influential 846 

980    Lothaire  endeavours  to  obtain  Otho's  co-operation  .  847 

—  Conference  between  Lothaire  and  Otho  at  la  Marlee  847 

—  Lothaire  cedes  to  Otho  all  his  rights  over  Lorraine .  847,  848 

—  Otho  and  Theophania  at  Nimeguen  ....  848 

—  Birth  of  the  third  and  last  Otho,  the  second  Otho's 

only  child           848 

—  Otho  repairs  to  Rome  and  continues  four  years  in 

Italy 848 


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Xliv  CONTENTS. 

A.D.  PAGB 

081 — 983    Agitation  in  France ;  Hugh  Oapet  assembles  his 

vassals;  Richard  of  Normandy  their  ohief        .    .  849 

—  They  advise  him  to  detach  Otho  from  Lothaire         .  860 

—  Hugh  Oapet  repairs  to  Borne  ,  .     .  851 

—  Arnoul,  Archbishop  of  Orleans  ....  851 

—  Remarkable  interview  between  Otho  and  Hugh  in 

the  Imperial  Palace 852 

—  Otho  consents  to  become   Hugh's  ally  against  Lo- 

thaire           852 

—  Hugh  Capet    commences  his  homeward   journey 

through  the  Alpine  passes 852 

—  Emma  and  Lothaire  invite  King  Conrad  to  intercept 

the  Capet  853 

—  Emma's  remarkable  letter  to  Conrad  containing  the 

Capet's  "  signalement " 853 

—  Hugh  Capet,  apprehending  danger,  disguises  himself 

as  a  groom 854 

—  The  inn-keeper's  impertinent  curiosity  punished  855 

—  Hugh  arrives  safely  in  France      .  ...  855 

—  Great  disturbances  consequent  upon  Hugh's  return ; 

—the  whole  country  in  confusion  ....  856 

—  Lothaire  proposes  that  the  succession  should  be  se- 

cured to  Louis 856 

—  Louis  is  proclaimed,  Adalbero  officiating  .  857 

—  Court  intrigues      ....  ...  857 

—  Louis  consents  to  marry  the  dowager  Countess  of 

Toulouse,  Constance  Adela 857,  858 

—  Great  political  advantages  promised  by  this  matri- 

monial alliance 858 

—  Lothaire  accompanies  his  son  to  Brioude  where  the 

marriage  is  celebrated   .  ....  858 

—  Imprudent  conduct  of  Louis ;  quarrels  between  him 

and  bis  Queen 859 

—  They  separate  after  a  short  cohabitation  .        .        .    859,  860 

—  Lothaire   advances  to  Aquitaine  and  brings  Louis 

home  to  Oompiegne 860 

—  Constance  takes  a  third  husband 860 

—  Otho's  fortune  turns ;  he  is  defeated  before  Squillace, 

and  loses  the  Sclavonian  marches  ....  860 

983    His  death  and  burial  at  Rome 861 

083—985    Accession  of  the  third  Otho,  a  child .        .        .  861,  862 

—  Troubles  in  Germany ;  Henry  the  Quarreller  Regent  861 
Lothaire's  unsuccessful  attempt  to  reign  in  Lorraine  862 

—  Encreasing  ill-fame  of  Emma  and  Bishop  Asceline  .  862 


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CONTENTS.  Xlv 

A.D.  PAOB 

983 — 985    Lothaire  vigorously  renews  the  war  in  Lorraine ; 

captures  Verdun 863 

986  His  strange  illness  and  death ;  attributed  to  poison      868,  864 

—  Lothaire  buried  at  Rheims; — magnificent  funeral 

procession 864 

—  Louis  and  Emma  both  absent ; — Louis  according  to 

the  advice  which  his  father  had  given  .    .    864,  865 

987  Louis  universally  recognised  as  his  father's  successor  865 

—  But  the  two  parties,  the  Legitimists  and  the  Revo- 

lutionists, give  discordant  advice       .        .        .    .  865 

—  The  latter  advise  that  Louis  should  accept  Hugh 

Capet's  tutelage  866 

—  Louis  throws  off  Hugh's  protectorate,  and  charges 

Archbishop  Adalbero  with  high  treason    .        .     .  866 

—  The  Capet  and  his  party  remonstrate,  but  dare  not 

disobey  866 

—  Adalbero's  contumacy ;  Louis  besieges  Rheims    .    .  866 

—  Adalbero  submits,  and  gives  bail  to  appear  to  answer 

the  charge 866,  867 

—  Day  appointed  for  his  trial  at  Senlis ;  the  King  and 

Nobles  assemble  there  accordingly  .        .  867 

—  The  trial  being  close  at  hand,  Louis  dies — myste- 

rious report   ,  866 

—  Universal  supposition  that  his  death  was  occasioned 

by  poison  .  ....    866,  867 

—  Contrary  to  his  directions  he  is  hastily  interred  at 

Compiegne  868 

—  Hugh  Capet  taking  the  lead,  Adalbero  is  put  pro 

forma  upon  his  trial  .  ....     868,  869 

—  No  appellant  appearing,   Adalbero  is  discharged 

from  accusation,  and  takes  his  seat  as  President  of 

the  Estates     .  869 

—  Upon  his  proposition  the  Convention  is  adjourned  .  869 

—  Nevertheless  an  oath  is  taken  by  the  Prelates  and 

Nobles  to  Hugh  Capet  and  Adalbero         .        .    .  870 

—  Charles  appears  before  Adalbero  and  prefers  his 

claim  .  .  ...  871 

—  Adalbero's  insolence ;  Charles  retires  to  Lorraine    .  871 

—  The  Estates  assemble  at  Senlis ;    Richard  of  Nor- 

mandy pre-eminent  in  the  assembly .  •  871 

—  Archbishop  Adalbero's  argument  in  favour  of  the 

rights  of  the  people       .        .  .  872 

—  He  concludes  by  diverting  the  argument  in  favour 

of  the  Capet,  who  is  accepted  by  acclamation       .  872 


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Xlvi  CONTENTS. 

A.D.  PAQB 

087      A  great  council  convened  at  Noyon ;   Hugh  Capet 

crowned  by  the  Archbishop 873 

—  Hugh  requires  that  the  succession  should  be  secured 

to  Robert,  his  son 874 

—  The  Archbishop  raises  the  objection  that  two  Kings 

cannot  be  crowned  in  the  same  year  .        .    .  874 

—  The  objection  being  overruled,  Robert  is  proclaimed 

and  crowned 874 

—  "  Hie  defecerunt  Reges  de  stirpe  Karoli"  .        .        .     .  874 

—  Charles  rallies  the  Carlovingian  party,  which  be- 

comes numerous  875 

—  Asceline  (Emma  cohabiting  with  him  openly)  in  pos- 

session of  Ladn  875 

—  Charles  surprises  Ladn 875 

—  Asceline  escapes  by  dropping  from  the  walls,  but  is 

caught  and  put  in  confinement  .        .        .-    .  876 

—  Emma,  treated  sternly  by  Charles    .  .  *         878 

—  She  disappears  from  history 877 

—  Ineffectual  negotiation  between  Charles  and  the  Capets  877 

—  Hugh  Capet  and  his  son  Robert  invest  La6h        .    .    877,  878 

—  The  Capetian  campaign  terminates  discreditably     .  878 

—  Charles  makes  preparations  for  defence,  but  Asce- 

line escapes  through  his  window  .     .  880 

980    Hugh  and  Robert  open  the  second  campaign   .  880 

—  The  famous  battering-ram  constructed  by  the  Capet's 

directions  881 

—  The  machine  proves  useless  in  consequence  of  its 

enormous  weight 880 

—  Capetian  blockade  prosecuted  sluggishly         .        .  880 

—  Sortie  made  by  the  citizens  and  soldiers       .        .    .  881 

—  Blockade  raised :  Charles  encreases  in  prosperity    .  881 

—  Adalbero's  illness  and  death 882 

—  Rights  of  election  at  Rheims,  as  vested  in  the  clergy, 

knights,  and  citizens .  888 

—  Rival  candidates ; — Gerbert  of  Aurillao  and  Arnoul, 

Lothaire's  son 888 

—  Hugh  Capet  perplexed 882 

—  Gerbert  supported  by  the  prelates  and  clergy      .    .  884 

—  Also  by  the  knights  or  Curiales         ....  884 

—  Hugh  Capet's    cautious  proceedings;  he  grants  a 

cong£  d'llire  to  the  citizens 884 

—  Hugh  submits  the  whole  question  to  the  citizens      .  885 

—  Their  cautious  answer 884 

—  Hugh  submits  the  question  to  them  again ;  their  an- 

swer again  ambiguous 885 

—  Hugh  consults  his  Nobles  .  ^  ^ 

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CONTENTS.  xMi 

A'D-  PAGB 

989     They  advise  that  Arnoul  should  enter  into  a  special 

covenant  of  allegiance 886 

—  Decree  of  election  by  the  bishops  and  clergy    .        .  886 

—  Arnoul  receives  the  Sacrament  of  the  Altar  in  con- 

firmation of  his  engagement 887 

—  Arnoul  installed  and  obtains  the  Pallium  from  the 

Pope 887 

—  Arnold's  treachery,  he  seeking  the  restoration  of  his 

uncle  Charles  all  the  while 887 

—  Complicated  plot  whereby  he  puts  Charles  in  posses- 

sion of  Rheims 887   888 

—  Hugh  besieges  La6n  for  the  third  time,  but  ineffec- 

tually           889 

—  Charles's    triumphant     position ; — decrease    of   the 

Capetian  interest            890 

—  Archbishop  Arnoul  and  Bishop  Asceline  offer  them- 

selves as  mediators             890 

—  But  with  the  intention  of  betraying  Charles  into  the 

Capet's  power 890 

—  Asceline  returns  to  La6n,  where  Charles  receives  him 

with  great  favour 891 

—  18th  of  April,  Asceline  takes  the  oath  of  fealty  and 

is  created  Count  of  La6n 891 

—  Asceline  submits  to  a  singular  adjuration         .  892 

—  Charles  entrapped  by  Asceline's  treachery  .        .    .  892 

—  Charles,  together  with  his  wife  and  children,  sur- 

rendered to  Hugh  Capet 893 

—  Hugh  Capet  consults  with  his  Nobles  as  to  the  dis- 

posal of  Charles 893 

—  Charles's  wife  and  children  prisoners  at  Orleans    .    892,  894 

1001  Death  of  Charles 894 

—  Establishment  of  his  children 894 

991    Council  of  Saint  Baseul;  Amours  deposition  in  which 

Gerbert  is  the  prime  agent             ....  896 

—  Gerbert,  Archbishop  of  Rheims,  then  of  Ravenna, 

and  ultimately  Pope  (Sylvester  H.)           ...  897 

—  Asceline's  prosperous  career  till  his  death  .    897,  898 

—  Death  of  Theophania  and  of  Adelaide                   .    .  898 

—  Otho  HI.,  his  aspirations  and  troubles      .                 .  899 

—  He  opens  Charlemagne's  tomb 899 

1002  Death  of  Otho  HI,  extinction  of  the  Saxon  line        .  900 
996    Death  of  King  Hugh  Capet           900 

—  Richard's  quiet  life  at  Rouen 901 

—  Dudo-de-Saint-Quentin 902 

—  Richard  dies  of  apoplexy 902 


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ERRATA  AND  CORRECTIONS. 


Page    10,  for  Charles  himself  had  found  a  home  in  England,  read  Charles 

himself  had  found  in  England  a  partner  to  his  home. 
—     828,  for  Louis-le-Faineant,  read  Louis  the  Fifth. 


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BOOK  I.     PART  II. 


CARLOVINGIAN    NORMANDY 

{CONTINUED.) 


Chapter  I. 


CHARLB8-LE-SIMPLE,  ROBERT  AND   RAOUL   IN   FRANCE-— HOLLO 
AND  GUILLAUME  LONOUE-EPEE  IN  NORMANDY. 


912—927. 

§  1.    Ingenious  allegories  and  fables  have  912-027 
been  devised,  exemplifying  the  humiliating  dis-  charies-ze- 

U  *  U  A  *  Simple*** 

crepancies    between    open    speech    and    secret  reputation 
thought — Palaces  of  Truth,  for  instance,  where  ty.**^ 
the  surprised  coquette  declares,  with  downcast 
eyes,  how  long  she  has  been  carefully  lying  in 
wait  for  the  unexpected  admirer  in  the  bower. 
Language  elucidates  these  deceits  more  forcibly 
than  any  such  allegory  or  fable ;  enabling  us  to 
discover,  through  the  veil  of  words,  the  inward 
tendencies  of  the  heart :  the  agreeable  cheat  we 
pass  upon  ourselves   by  euphemizing   sins,    or 
rendering  crimes  glorious  by  glorious  sounds. 
Amongst  moralists,  this  self-delusion  has  become 
a  threadbare  theme;  but  less  attention  has  been 
paid  to  the  more  subtle  temptation,  dictating  the 
mental  artifices  whereby  we  annex  the  ideas  of 
vol.  n.  B 


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2       CHARLES-LE-SIMPLE,  ROBERT  AND  RAOUL. 

912-027  ridicule  or  contempt  to  the  sanctity  and  the 
self-denial  against  which  our  hearts  revolt,  with- 
out having  the  honest  courage  of  avowing  the 
rebellion. 

An  Innocent,  in  Shakesperian  vocabulary, 
signifies  an  Idiot ;  whilst  the  absence  of  common 
sense  implied  by  the  term  idiot,  bespeaks  the 
popular  judgment  passed  upon  the  lowly-minded 
retiring  man,  not  troubling  himself  for  fame  or 
wealth,  but  living  contentedly  where  his  lot  is 
cast. — The  Selig,  or  "blessed  one,"  is  the  Silly 
one — The  Beneit,  of  the  antient  Romane  lan- 
guage— that  is  to  say  the  Benedictus — is  the 
Ben€t  or  dolt  of  modern  French. — It  is  slighting 
to  say  such  an  one  is  a  "mere  child;"  and  our 
slight  displays  our  scorn  for  those  who  become  as 
little  children  by  humility.  No  sarcasm  is  more 
cutting  than  to  be  designated  as  "poor-spirited." 
Would  you  bear  it  for  the  promised  beatitude? — 
Beati  pauperes  spiritu,  quoniam  ipsorum  est 
Regnum  coehrum. — Beati  Pauperes,  quia  ves- 
trum  est  Regnum  Dei. — Pauperes  enim  semper 
habetis  vobiscum ;  me  autem  non  semper  habetis. 
— Pregnant  is  the  comment  appended  to  all  these 
texts  by  the  legislation,  the  policy,  the  opulence 
and  the  prosperity  which  have  incorporated  and 
naturalized  the  epithet  Pauper  in  our  mother- 
tongue  as  the  vilest  and  foulest,  most  loathed, 
most  debased  and  degraded  that  opinion  can 
bestow. 


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ROLLO  AND   GUILLAUME  LONGTJE-EPEE.  3 

t  Charles,  Louis-le-B£gue's  posthumous  son,  like  w*-« 
Charles-le-Gras,  is  the  victim  of  an  epithet — stu- 
pidity imputed,  and  therefore  taken  for  granted; 
and  the  slur  once  admitted  has  never  been  in- 
vestigated or  denied.  Possibly  the  sobriquet  was 
first  bestowed  in  some  satirical  song  or  ribald 
minstrel  ballad.  How  many  a  vaudeville  has 
influenced  the  fate  of  France,  and  contributed  an 
essential  element  to  French  history!  Modern 
Historians,  when  speaking  of  Charles,  vie  with 
each  other  in  ringing  the  changes  of  contemp- 
tuous depreciation — "ce  roi  si  imbecille," — "ce 
roi  h6b£t£," — "d'un  esprit  si  obtus" — and  so  on. 
From  the  highest  and  most  philosophical  writer 
to  the  pragmatic  "Precis"  and  the  conceited 
"Manuel?  they  are  all  consentient  in  this  view. 

Carolus  simplex,  or  Carolus  stultus,  as  thejjjyjfa^ 
old  Capet  chroniclers  call  him,  was,  however,  as  chLilL-ie- 
appears  from  the  very  facts  related  by  his  de-8imple- 
tractors,  right-minded,  clever,  active,  full  of  ex- 
pedients, profiting  by  experience,  excepting  that 
he  never  acquired  the  Statesman's  indispensable 
qualification, — he  lacked  the  power  of  maintain- 
ing constant  vigilance,  or,  in  other  words,  constant 
distrust.  He  was  wary,  yet  not  suspicious,  unable 
to  defeat  craft  by  cunning.    He  proceeded  too 
openly,  never  attempting  to  circumvent  the  fac- 
tious against  whom  he  had  to  contend,  by  ma* 
chinations  like  their  own.    In  a  worldly  sense 
honesty  is  not  always  the  best  policy, — frequently 

B2 


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4        CHARLES-LE-SIMPLE,  ROBERT  AND  RAOUL. 

9i*-027  quite  the  contrary.  Charles  was  honestly  simple: 

Difficulties  this  simplicity  was  folly  before  the  world.    Many 

i^sta£irt  and  grievous  faults  had  Charles  to  answer  for ; 

on"   but  the  contumely  cast  upon  him  as  Charles-le- 

Simple,  is  his  highest  praise. 

§  2.  The  traditionary  depreciation  of  his  cha- 
racter so  implicitly  adopted,  denaturalizes  the 
history  of  this  crisis,  by  attributing  to  the  mon- 
arch's alleged  incapacity  the  misfortunes  he 
sustained.  We  must  rehabilitate  his  reputation, 
not  for  his  sake,  but  for  our  instruction.  Unless 
Charles  be  properly  estimated,  we  shall  have  to 
wonder  (as  his  gainsayers  confess  they  do)  at  the 
successes  obtained  by  him, — successes  which, 
according  to  the  popular  historical  assumption, 
become  unaccountable.  Considering  the  extreme 
adversity  of  the  times,  Charles  had  been  emi- 
nently prosperous.  A  miraculous  regeneration 
of  moral  principle  amongst  the  Franks,  could 
alone  have  sustained  the  expiring  monarchy. 

Review  his  career: — an  Orphan  in  a  far 
country,  the  prepossessions  which  the  Boy  had 
inspired  suggested  his  recal  to  his  father's  throne. 
Opposed  to  Eudes,  the  valiant  soldier,  the  exalted 
chieftain,  the  experienced  statesman, — abandoned 
by  his  lieges  during  his  conflict  with  that  Soldier, 
Chieftain  and  Statesman,Charles  made  head  against 
calamity,  and  regained  his  authority.  Whilst 
his  nobles  turned  the  country's  misfortunes  to 
their  profit,  Charles  maintained  his  post,  and 


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BOLLO  AND  GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.         5 

concluded  that  settlement  with  the  Northmen,  912-927 
which,  so  long  as  he  reigned,  procured  security 
for  the  Realm.  Peace  was  purchased  by  Charles 
at  a  very  high  price,  yet  not  so  dear  as  that 
which  Alfred  paid :  those  who  enlarge  upon  the 
cession  made  to  Hollo  as  a  proof  of  Charles-le- 
Simple's  weakness,  must,  in  fairness,  extetid  the 
like,  or  a  heavier  censure,  to  our  Anglo-Saxon 
King.  The  creation  of  the  English  Danelaghe, 
the  dominion  legalized  by  Alfred  to  the  Danes 
in  East  Anglia  and  Northumbria,  was  a  fatal  dis- 
memberment, which  worked  the  ruin  of  Anglo- 
Saxon  England. 

King  Charles  had  but  small  capital  of  any  kind,  JJjJS^J 
political  or  financial — no  revenue,  according  to  Charlcfl- 
the  proper  sense  of  the  term.  A  Danegeld 
might  be  levied,  because  the  Pagans  aided  the 
Collector :  the  people  paid  the  money  to  ransom 
themselves.  But  except  indirectly,  and  by  aiding 
him  to  keep  the  common  enemy  at  bay,  these 
contributions  did  not  raise  a  sol  for  the  wants  of 
the  King.  Whether  pecuniary,  or  rendered  in 
the  form  of  stock  or  kind,  his  resources  for  duly 
maintaining  his  state  and  household  arose  only 
from  the  very  few  royal  domains  as  yet  un- 
alienated from  the  crown, — Ladn  the  chiefest : — 
perhaps  occasionally  a  vacant  abbey,  which,  after 
farming  awhile,  he  would  then  be  compelled  to 
cede  to  the  prayer  of  a  needy  favourite,  or  to  some 
growling  discontented  leader  of  the  opposition 


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6        CHABLES-LE-SIMPLE,  ROBERT  AND  RAOUL. 

912-^37  party.  No  amy — If  the  king  of  the  Franks 
summoned  the  arriere-ban,  those  who  answered 
the  summons  were  purely  volunteers,  serving 
with  an  eye  to  booty :  no  discipline  could  retain 
the  troops  under  their  standard,  no  proclamation 
assemble  the  lieges  who  chose  to  keep  away. 
rfShSS  §  3.  Charlemagne's  heir  had  been  recalled : 
nStoro"  the  true  Carlovingian  monarch  was  re-instated 
mo  *  upon  the  throne  of  his  ancestors.  But  the  restor- 
ation of  a  Monarch  is  royalty's  defeat  disguised 
as  a  royal  victory.  The  successful  experiment  of 
expulsion  is  permanently  cogent ; — the  precedent 
of  restoration  implies  a  power  of  defeasance. 
The  King  does  not  come  in  again  by  descent,  but 
by  purchase,  by  a  new  title ;  he  is  not  really  re- 
mitted to  the  old  title.  The  Thanksgiving  on 
the  twenty-ninth  of  May  for  the  Stuart's  return, 
is  consistently  followed  by  the  commemoration 
of  the  Stuart's  exclusion  on  the  fifth  of  November 
—consistently,  for  the  very  act  of  Restoration 
bears  testimony  to  the  popular  power  of  rejec- 
tion, and  tells  the  nation,  that,  when  they  like, 
they  may  do  it  again. 
Powe»  of        Yet,   however   dilapidated  were  the  means 

govern-  x 

SS^iS'to  belonging  to  Charles,  he  employed  them  wisely, 
Charles,  availing  himself  of  all  that  could  avail,  carefully 
avoiding  any  conduct  which  might  be  construed 
as  an  indication  of  timidity.  The  royal  domains, 
though  narrow,  were  compact.  Proudly,  in  the 
midst  of  the  old  Soissonnais,  rose  the  Celtic  Lau- 


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ROLLO   AND  GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.         7 

dunum,  Clach-duin,  the  lofty  rock  of  La6n,  912-027 
crowned  by  Ladn's  lofty  tower.  Some  valuable 
prerogatives,  whether  usurped  or  lawful,  con- 
tinued undiminished.  Competitors  might  quarrel 
with  one  another  for  the  donative  abbeys,  yet, 
when  vacant,  the  presentation  could  only  be  ob- 
tained from  king  Charles.  Vastly  more  influence 
than  properly  belonged  to  him,  did  king  Charles 
also  enjoy  in  the  nomination  of  bishops :  when  his 
political  power  was  nigh  zero,  we  find  him  inter* 
fering  in  elections,  or  rather  effectually  super- 
seding them.  With  respect  to  the  Crown  Bene- 
fices,— the  lay  Benefices  or  Fiefs — the  right  re-  Benefices 

•^  °  or  Fends: 

verting  to  the  Sovereign  upon  the  death  of  the  J60"*** 
ancestor  might  be  merely  nominal,  nevertheless  J^°f™~ 
the  vassal  could  not  obtain  a  valid  admission  other-  SJJj£fc 
wise  than  through  the  Senior's  instrumentality.  . 
The  necessity  of  owning  a  superior  as  the  channel 
of  conveyance  was  a  legal  doctrine  so  firmly  esta- 
blished, that,  abstractedly  from  all  other  reasons, 
the    nation   could   not   dispense   with  a  king. 
Almost  all  the  secular  muniments  of  this  period 
have  perished,  but  the  few  royal  documents  of 
this  class  that  exist  are  principally  precepts  of 
saisine,  evidencing  how  the  king's  writs  ran 
(according  to  the  English  legal  phrase)  into  the 
most  remote  parts  of  the  Gauls. 

Lastly,  the  prestige  of  antient  authority  and 
ancestry  subsisted  undisputed :  great  respect  was 
still  commanded  by  the  person  of  the  anointed 
King,  his  purple  robe,  and  golden  buskins,  and 


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8       CHARLES-LE-SIMPLE,  ROBERT  AND  RAOUL. 

912-427  arched  crown.  Charlemagne's  memory  inspired 
encreasing  reverence :  men  marvelled  at  his  le- 
gendary magnificence.  Poetry  and  romauce  now 
began  to  adorn  his  name.  Nine  feet  in  height, 
his  gallantry  and  wisdom  corresponding,  invincible 
in  love  and  war,  was  the  mythic  Charlemagne, 
2jfioan  sun8  *n  *^e  Minstrel's  lay.  The  poverty  of  Charles 
^JJ°  as  a  king  compelled  him  to  economize  the  ma- 
ment-  terial  resources  of  government,  and  to  support 
himself  as  much  as  possible  by  sentiment.  He 
was  consistent  in  his  monarchical  theory,  and 
under  more  favourable  circumstances,  his  con- 
sistency might  have  been  rewarded  by  success. 
He  repudiated  such  a  doctrine  of  national  elec- 
tion as  had  been  so  prominently  brought  forward 
upon  his  father's  accession.  King  by  right,  he 
treated  the  hereditary  principle  as  indefeasibly 
acknowledged  by  the  Constitution.  Whenever 
Duke  Robert  obtained  an  additional  abbey  or  a 
further  benefice,  the  parchment  grant  warned 
him  that  his  brother  had  been  a  usurper.  In 
every  Charter,  Charles  declared  by  his  regnal 
date  that  the  death  of  Eudes  had  "re-integrated" 
the  suspended  authority  of  the  Carlovingian 
Sovereign,  whose  laurelled  effigy  was  embossed 
upon  the  seal. — Charles  claimed  all  his  ancestor's 
powers,  as  rights  which  might  be  rebelliously 
resisted,  but  never  denied, 
juncture  §  4.     Who  was  to  succeed  the  now  childless 

when  J 

w^TwHh-  Charles   *n  *he    troubled   monarchy? — Beyond 
oatan  heir,  him,  a  blank : — the  uncertain  future  encreased  the 


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ROLLO  AND  GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.  9 

irksomeness  of  present  anxiety.  After  his  death,  m—w 
unless  King  Bernard's  progeny— the  disinherited 
branch  of  Lombardy-Vermandois  supplied  the 
want, — there  would  not  be  any  lawful  represen- 
tative of  the  Carlovingian  race.  Urged  by  his 
Proceres,  he  had  espoused  Frederuna  for  the  pur- 
pose of  perpetuating  the  Carlovingian  succession — 
that  hope  was  disappointed ;  and  how  numerous 
were  those  aspirants  to  the  throne  who  would  not 
wait  until  his  death  for  the  realization  of  chance 
or  claim ! — Therefore  Charles  determined  to  take 
a  third  wife  and  Queen,  and  sought  her  in  that 
country  then  so  celebrated  on  the  Continent  for 
richness  and  splendour,  the  realm  of  England. 

Five  Continental  Princes  or  Sovereigns  be-  Alliances 

°  between 

came  the  husbands  of  five  daughters  of  Edward  £j^gg||" 
the  Elder,  five  grand-daughters  of  King  Alfred,  ^S» 
five  sisters  of  Athelstane,  whether  attracted  byj^gff 
the  personal  or  mental  gifts  of  these  Princesses, 
or  seeking  to  honour  themselves  by  an  alliance 
with  Alfred's  name,  with  Alfred's  son,  or  with 
the  triumphant  Basileus  of  Britain. — Louis  off8*^1-1- 
Provence,  as  has  been  already  noticed,  had  won 
an  Eadgiva. — The  perplexing  similarity  of  the 
names  or  epithets  bestowed  upon  the  English 
Athelizas  extremely  confuses  their  identities;  but 
another  Eadgiva,  called  Ogiva  in  France,  became 
the  Queen  of  King  Charles,  at  no  distant  time 
after  the  pacification  with  Rollo. — Subsequently, 
Eadhilda  was  married  to  Hugh-le-Grand — A 


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10      CHARLES-LE-SIMPLE,  ROBERT  AND  RA0UL. 

012-037  third  Eadgiva,  or  Elgiva,  whose  name  was  trans- 
muted in  the  Romane  dialect  to  Emiliana  or 
Adela  or  Aliana,  espoused  Ebles  of  Poitou,  Ebles 
the  Mamzer,  whom  we  last  met  at  the  battle  of 
Chartres ; — but  Eadgitha  or  Editha,  most  illus- 
trious amongst  Edward's  daughters,  was  given  to 
Otho  the  Great.  The  damsel  had  been  selected 
by  his  father,  Henry  the  Fowler,  who  by  his  splen- 
did embassy  invited  her  from  her  insular  home. 

These  marriages,  connecting  England  with 
the  continental  empire,  are  clearly  to  be  reckoned 
amongst' the  many  influences  subsequently  con- 
tributing to  attract  William  the  Conqueror.  Pro- 
bably owing  to  the  troubles  and  disturbances  of 
court  and  country,  we  are  deprived  of  any  notices 
concerning  the  marriage  of  Charles  and  Ogiva; 
she  does  not  even  appear  in  history  till  we  behold 

Ma»kge    her  fleeing  from  her  dethroned  husband's  realm. 

andthS     ^e  impress  Editha's  beauty,  virtue,  talents,  ex- 

lal^  c*te(*  Germany's  admiration  and  loyal  love  :  the 
Ta-  amatory  disposition  of  Charles  justifies  the  sup- 
position that  his  Ogiva  shared  her  younger  sister's 
beauty.  Adversity  enabled  Ogiva  to  give  full  evi- 
dence of  her  talent  and  energy.  Charles  himself 
had  found  a  home  in  England.  He  knew  the  perils 
of  his  station.  When  wooing  the  fair  Ogiva,  the 
thought  perhaps  flitted  before  his  mind,  that  his 
child,  if  one  were  granted,  might  also  need  a  safe 
asylum  outre  mer,  a  sanctuary  beyond  the  sea. 
§  6.    The  friendly  relations  with  the  Danes, 


or 


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ROLLO  AND  GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.      11 

as  the  means  of  availing  himself  of  their  fresher  m*-*27 
energy, — the  political  device  adopted  from  the 
early  era  of  his  reign, — continued  to  be  dili- 
gently cultivated  by  Charles.  The  pacification 
with  Rollo  answered  all  reasonable  expectations. 
If  any  coldness  had  arisen  on  account  of  Rollo's 
conduct  to  Gisella,  the  grudges  were  forgotten 
after  her  death.    Charles  could  confidently  rely  Charles 

continues 

upon  the  ready  assistance  to  be  rendered  by  the  to  cultivate 
r  j  j        the  friend- 

Northmen  of  Rouen.  The  Danish  expeditions  and  ^p  of  the 

r  Northmen. 

settlements  in  England  diverted  their  attention 
from  the  Gauls :  nevertheless  they  observed  the 
coasts.  Powerful  fleets  of  Pagan  Danes  hovered 
in  the  Loire,  and  fed  the  Danish  colonies  in  the 
adjoining  countries.  These  Danes  generally 
united  with  Rollo,  and  might,  if  peril  arose,  assist 
King  Charles,  old  Rollo's  friend. 

Upon  his  owp  people,  Charles  could  not  reckon.  Charles 
Charles  shewed  a  cheerful  countenance  towards  his  nobles 

—places 

his  nobles,  pleasant  and  debonnair.  Charles  never  Jj*001}*- 
bore  malice,  yet  he  could  not  help  knowing  that  ^Jg£ 
they  were  all  Luegenfelders,  the  best  of  them 
with  one  foot  ever  standing  upon  Luegenfeldland. 
Their  irremediable  inconstancy  compelled  him 
to  look  elsewhere  for  friends.  Charles-le-Chauve, 
his  grandfather,  under  the  like  feeling  of  anxiety, 
innovated  by  raising  the  brave  new  men  to  secular 
honour  and  power;  but  in  the  second  genera- 
tion, the  descendants  of  the  plebeians  ripened 
into  an  aristocracy,  proud  as  if  their  dignities  of 


n. 


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12      CHARLES-LE-SIMPLE,  ROBERT  AND  RAOUL. 

912-927  the  day  before  yesterday  had  dated  from  Charles 
Martel. 

Charles  pursued  his  grandsire's  policy,  or 
rather  went  beyond  it.  Prelates  and  nobles 
crowded  the  presence-chamber,  but  no  one  was 
admitted  into  his  secret  cabinet  except  his  con- 
fidant and  friend,  Hagano. — The  individual  so 
perilously  distinguished,  a  soldier  of  mean  birth, 
was  appointed  by  Charles  to  be  his  Secretary  or 
Notary,  honoured  moreover  by  the  title  of  Count. 

Haganothe  prime  favourite  and  prime  minister,  much  re- 

favonnte.  #  * 

viled  was  this  Count  Hagano;  but,  judging  by  the 
aspect  of  affairs,  and  still  more  by  the  odium 
which  he  excited,  able  and  energetic;  a  trusty 
counsellor,  and  presenting  a  solitary  example  of 
unshaken  fidelity. 

sto^of11  $  6#  A*110*?*1  an(^  Ludwig  das  Kind — spu- 
{^■JjJJ  rious  Carlovingians — unachte  Karolinger,  as  the 
ofAe^pu-  Germans  call  them, — had  reigned,  however  ques- 
l^feT  tionably,  upon  their  irregular  hereditary  right. 
Une'  Like  Lancaster  and  Braganza,  national  senti- 
ment or  political  partizanship  ignored  their  ille- 
gitimacy. 

Charles,  the  true  Carlovingian  heir,  should, 
upon  the  death  of  Ludmg  das  Kind,  have  there- 
fore been  unquestionably  called  to  the  Imperial 
supremacy;  but  the  Germans  now  finally  re- 
nounced the  antient  family.  Very  little  is  known 
with  certainty  concerning  this  gran9  Hfiuto.  The 
Saxon  Chroniclers,   Witikind  and  the  Monk  of 


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ROLLO   AND   GUILLAUME   LONGUE-EPEE,       13 

Corbey  and  the  noble  Dithmar  of  Waldeck,  Bishop  m-wi 
of   Merseburgh,    who    flourished  two  or  three  ^ZZZ 
generations  after  the  event,  give  a  few  details,  oia_ou 
not  improbable,  yet  supposed  to  have  been  pre- 
served only  by  tradition,  sung  perhaps,  as  some 
critics  think,  in   popular  ballads.      The  coeval 
memorials  are  of  the  briefest,  such  as  the  line 
jotted  down  by  the  Monk  of  Weissenburgh  upon 
the  sheet  of  parchment — "Ludovicus  rex  obiit, 
cui  Conradus  successit'*     Without  doubt,  this 
paucity  of  information  was   occasioned   by  the 
confusions  of  the  country;  and  the  distresses  of 
the  times  are  graphically  illustrated  by  that  very 
same  Chronicle.     A  line  or  two  lower  we  read, 
"Ungarii  vastando  venerunt  usque  Fuldamf — ■  CS7^)0lt '' 
and  then, — a  blank  for  three  years,  the  scared 
monks  much  too  harassed  to  have  a  thought  of 
writing. 

The  German  nations  were  distracted  by  inter- 
nal feuds  and  external  enemies — Magyars  driving 
in — Baioaria,  Thuringia  and  Saxony  covered  by 
their  hordes.  This  was  the  juncture  when  the 
Hungarians  were  most  dreadful,  their  savagery 
inspiring  the  traditionary  horrors  perpetuated  by 
the  Hiinengrab* 

Germany  had  irretrievably  separated  herself  ^h  m. 

I  from  France,  and  the  wise  Franconian  Duke,  Fmncoma 
Conrad*  was  called  to  the  throne  by  the  absolute  I^g**** 
need  of  some  leader  who  could  in  any  wise  impart  ttooi  («* 


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14      CHARLES-LE-SIMPLE,  ROBERT  AND  RAOUL. 

©12-827  mutually  antagonistic  that  danger  alone  induced 
. — ■ —  them  to  combine  for  any  common  object  or  end. 

911,912  .j^  principle  of  hereditary  succession  was  for 
the  nonce  completely  repudiated  in  Germany. — 
Blood  stands  for  nothing. — Conrad  was  purely 
an  elective  king; — powerful,  honoured,  yet  only 
the  head  of  an  anomalous,  unmatured  and  dis- 
cordant confederacy. 

9ii,9i2         x  7     Lotharingia  refused  concurrence:  here 

TheLotha-  J  ° 

rmgi&ns  nobles  and  people  held  to  the  old  imperial  dynasty. 
*«  <to*£  In  Lotharingia,  Charlemagne's  institutions  had 
terest.  not  degenerated  into  mere  administrative  forms, 
but  still  retained  a  certain  degree  of  vitality. 
Opinions,  customs,  traditions,  still  rendered  the 
Lotharingians  mainly  members  of  Romanized 
Gaul.  They  severed  themselves  from  the  Ger- 
mans beyond  the  Rhine,  separated  by  influ- 
ences more  powerful  than  the  stream.  But 
ultra-Rhenane  Germany  continued  purely  Teu- 
tonic. Amidst  her  vast  forests,  the  Romans  never 
introduced  their  institutions.  Camps  there  were 
and  military  stations,  where  the  sepulchral  stones 
are  oft  dug  up,  bearing  the  conventional  sym- 
bol of  the  ruling  race,  the  mounted  Legionary 
riding  over  the  half-clad  dishevelled  barbarian, 
Gaul,  Briton  or  Teuton,  who  agonizingly  con- 
tends against  his  panoplied  foe.  No  Roman 
colonization  had  however  been  effected,  no  cities 
were  founded.  Charlemagne  attempted  to  esta- 
blish civic  communities ;  yet,  anterior  to  the  ex- 


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EOLLO   AND  GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.       15 

tinction  of  the  Carloyingian  dynasty,  the  Stadt  »*-•» 
cannot  be  said  to  have  existed.    But  Lotharingia  <-  «     > 
gloried  in  her  antient  Roman  municipalities,  im-  Laftillll- 
perial  Cologne  and  her  Capitol— Italian  Treves,  BofST" 
— Metz,  exulting  in  her  ancestry, — meet  sisters  2S5JL 
of  the  flourishing  cities  of  the  Gauls,  deducing  tion-" 
their  common  parentage  through  the  Empire. 

The  Romane  language  prevailed  extensively, 
and  still  prevails  in  Lotharingia ;  and  every  observ- 
ant traveller  is  struck  by  the  interspersion  of  the 
Walloon  or  French-speaking  populations,  amongst 
the  districts  retaining  the  German  tongue.  Long 
before  the  mutation  of  the  Empire,  Roman  juris- 
prudence had  tinctured  the  dooms  and  institutions 
of  the  Ripuarian  Franks,  which  in  many  cases  were 
retained  as  customary  laws.  '  Sentiment  operated 
forcibly  in  favour  of  Charles :  the  Lotharingians 
were  drawn  to  Charlemagne's  lineage  by  the 
honour  and  affection  rendered  to  the  great  Em- 
peror's name.  Material  and  moral  memorials  of 
Charlemagne  abounded.  Aix-la-Chapelle  was  his 
city,  a  holy  city, — endeared  by  misfortune, — even 
now,  his  Imperial  Eagle  with  outstretched  wings, 
crowned  his  splendid  palace  rendered  more  in- 
teresting by  decay — here  was  the  sepulchre  of  the 
hero-saint;  and  in  Lotharingia  were  composed 
those  national  poems,  so  vast  in  their  influence, 
the  chansons-de-geste,  each  distinct,  yet  all  com- 
bining themselves  as  they  arose  into  that  epic  of 
epics,  the  Carlovingian  cycle  of  romantic  fable. 


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16     CHARLES-LE-SIMPLE,  ROBERT  AND  RAOUL. 

912-427        Amongst  the  Lotharingian  Counts  none  was 

]  ■  ;  ~  so  prominent  as  Count  Rainier,  Rainier-au-long- 

ch^b*  ^°*>  Count  °f  Hainault,  Mansuaria  and  Hasbey, 

M^of"4"  ru^ng  ^so  *^e  districts  subsequently  erected  into 

J^co?11"  *^e  Duchies  of  Lorraine  and  Bar.    Genealogists 

LotSrin-  try  to  provide  a  father  for  him,  but  in  truth 

gUL         Rainier-au-long-Col  must  be  honoured  amongst 

those  whose  distinction  resulted  from  their  merit, 

a  new  man,   promoted   by   Charles-le-Chauve. 

Rainier,  aided  by  his  bold  and  sagacious  consort 

Alberada,  had  fought  valiantly  against  Rollo,  in 

the  earliest  part  of  his  career,  when  the  Northmen 

pestered  the  North  Sea  shores.     Rainier  was 

strongly  affected  in  favour  of  the  only-surviving 

Carlovingian  monarch;  and  he,  taking  the  lead 

amongst  the  willing  nobles  and  people,  decided 

them  to  accept  Charles  as  their  King.     Twice 

did  King  Conrad   attempt  to  win  Lotharingia 

and  reunite  the  Rhine-kingdom  to  the  German 

realm :  he  succeeded  in  obtaining  Alsace,  but  the 

remainder  was  resolutely  retained  by  Charles. 

The  acquisition  of  Lotharingia  was  a  great 
event:  Charles  commemorated  his  accession  by 
adopting  it  as  the  third  era  of  his  reign.  Hence- 
forward his  charters  bore  a  triple  regnal  date — 
the  years  thrice  reckoned — from  his  Coronation, 
from  his  Restoration  after  the  death  of  Eudes,  and 
from  his  recovery  of  the  more  ample  inheritance, 
as  we  may  read  for  this  very  year.  Anno  deeimo 
nono  regnante  Karolo  Rege  glvriosissimo,  redin* 


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HOLLO  AND  GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.       17 

tegrante  decimo  quarto,  largiore  verd  indepta  912-037 
kereditate  primo — a  significant  declaration,  im-  — * — > 
plying  that  he  had  not  resigned  his  claims  to 
the  residue  of  his  inheritance  in  Charlemagne's 
Empire.      Some  short  time  after  that  Rainier 
had  succeeded  in  promoting  the  prosperity  of     916 
Charles,  he  died.  Charles  thereupon  granted  the  dSL  Rai- 
Duchy  of  Lorraine  to  Gilbert,  Rainier's  eldest  LorSTne 

"  granted 

son,  the  proud,  the  ambitious,  restless  Gilbert,  g^jj™ 
the  faithless  Gilbert,  who  became  a  most  effective 
agent  in  the  revolutions  which  ensued. 

Lotharingia  thus  added  to  his  dominions, 
rendered  Charles  a  German  Sovereign,  opening 
the  other  German  territories  to  his  power.  The 
times  were  exceedingly  evil,  the  Magyars  over- 
spreading Germany  and  threatening  the  Gauls,  contests 

neiween 

Fierce  contests  prevailed  between  King  Conrad  2?  2*, 
and  Henry  the  Fowler,  Duke  of  the  Saxons,  J****7 
the  illustrious  Otho's  son.    Impatiently  did  theS^Tthe 
Saxons  endure  the  supremacy  of  Franconia,  and lattcr' 
bitterly  were  the  Franconians  incensed  against 
the    Saxon    race.     Old   Hatto,   Archbishop    of 
Mayence,    was   a   strenuous   partizan   of  King 
Conrad :  a  story  was  in  circulation  that  he  had 
made  a  chain  of  gold  for  the  purpose  of  hang- 
ing Duke  Henry,  and  the  Saxons  believed  it. 
These  emergencies  tended  to  encrease  the  im- 
portance of  Charles,  furnishing  occasions  which 
enabled  him  to  display  his  vigour.     Henry  was 
in  danger  of  being  overpowered  by  the  Franco- 
vol.  ir.  c 


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18   CHARLES-LE-SIMPLE,  ROBERT  AND  RAOUL. 

0i2-$27  nians,  and  he  appears  in  the  character  of  a  suitor 
,  «  >'  to  Charles,  perhaps  a  liegeman.  Charles  crossed 
919-920  ^  ^y ne  jnto  tjie  reaj  Saxon  land :  fortresses 

and  strongholds  had  been  gained  by  Conrad :  these 
possessions    Charles   reconquered:   he   restored 
them  generously,  and,  without  exacting  any  con- 
ditions from  Henry,  returned  to  his  own  realm. 
919-aao         j  8.    Whilst  Charles  laboured  to  exercise 
foS^1  his  powers  of  government,  usefully  and  efficaci- 
clwitt.    ously,  a  venomous  opposition  was  festering  against 
him, — a  small  and  compact  party,  by  whom  all 
the  previous  revolutions  had  been  occasioned, 
and  who  now  resumed  their  schemes  with  con- 
densed energy. 

Pre-eminent,  and  the  acknowledged  leader, 
scarcely  concealing  the  extent  of  his  designs, 
stood  Robert  Duke  of  France,  or  of  Celtic  Gaul, 
as  the  Germans  called  him.  Other  titles  were 
accumulated  upon  him,  whether  by  intrusion  or 
by  right :  Robert-le-Fort's  vast  ecclesiastical  pre- 
ferments also  descended  to  his  son.  Practically 
they  had  now  become  inheritable,  like  any  other 
benefices.  "  Robert  Count  of  Paris"  could  scarcely 
have  sustained  his  courtly  splendour,  but  for  the 
revenues  enjoyed  by  "Robert  Abbot  of  Saint- 
Denis"  and  "  Robert  Abbot  of  Saint-Germain." — 
Encreuing  At  Tours,  the  dignity  of  the  Duke  of  France  was 

importance  °       * 

Do™©?1  absolutely  obscured  by  the  importance  annexed 

prance,     to  the  Prelatical  station  usurped  by  the  Military 

Chieftain, — Robert,  to  the  grief  of  all  right-think- 


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HOLLO  AND  GUILLAUME   LONGUE-EPEE.       19 

ing  men,— Primatial  Abbot  of  the  Gauls,— Robert,  »u-m 
by  royal  grace  and  favour,  Abbot  of  Saint-Martin. . — • — > 

919—920 

Age  gained  rapidly  upon  Duke  Robert :  his 
long-streaming  beard  was  grizzled  gray ;  but  the 
son  of  Robert-le-Fort  wielded  his  father's  sword 
with  his  father's  might,  fully  equal  to  that  father 
in  astuteness  and  pertinacity.  Robert  had  de- 
layed in  performing  homage  to  Charles :  he  had 
submitted  insincerely  and  grudgingly;  ill-con- 
tented was  he  in  his  high  station ; — he  claimed 
the  Crown  which  had  belonged  to  Eudes — Neus- 
trian  France  could  alone  satisfy  him.  Robert  in 
all  his  enterprizes  was  supported  by  the  talent, 
vigour,  and  the  moderation  of  Hugh-l'Abb£, 
Hugh- le -Blanc,  Hugh -le- Grand,  his  son,  who  in 
all  contingencies  appears  so  distinguished  by 
prudence,  vigour,  and  talent.  The  alliance  con-  Richard- 
tracted  through  his  daughter,  the  noble  Emma,  count  of 

°  °  Burgundy, 

with  the  House  of  Burgundy,  added  worthily  to  ™fj™ 
the  family  dignity ; — Hildebranda  her  sister,  was  ?£££ to 
scarcely  less    illustrious  as  Countess  of  Ver-SSfB^ 
mandois.  J^f 

Richard-le-Justicier,  King  Boso's  brother,  was 
at  this  era  a  most  influential  potentate:  his- 
torical criticism  seeks  to  shew  that  he  held  his 
Principality  by  a  revocable  grant;  his  contem- 
poraries, his  rivals,  and  his  subjects  knew  and  felt 
that  he  was  a  Sovereign.  The  epithet  which 
distinguishes  Richard,  had  been  well  earned  by 
his  stern  administration  of  the  law : — and  in  his 

C2 

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20      CHARLES-LE-SIMPLE,  ROBERT  AND  RAOUL. 

012— 927  own  political  conduct  he  was  rigidly  consistent, 
, — » — ,  perhaps  the  only  one  amongst  the  French  princes 
919-930  who  never  swerved  from  his  fidelity.  But  these 
sentiments  were  not  inherited  by  Raoul  his  son. 
Married,  and  happily,  to  Emma,  Raoul  entered 
heartily  into  the  league  against  King  Charles,  his 
wife  influencing  his  course  and  encouraging  his 
ambition.  Affectionate  and  spirited,  Emma,  like 
the  matron  Hermengarda,  retraces  in  her  cha- 
racter the  Bradamante  of  ideal  chivalry. 

Herbert  of  Vermandois  coalesced  with  Robert 
of  France  his  father-in-law.  Herbert's  authority 
was  encreasing,  but  his  appetite  was  unsatisfied. 
If  you  look  at  the  historical  map  of  Vermandois, 
you  will  see  how  numerous  are  the  white  dis- 
tricts, the  enclavures  left  uncoloured,  as  not  being 
Herbertof  subjected  to  Herbert.  He  had  no  map  to  look 
doitcoaiw- at,  hanging  against  his  walls;  but  these  white 
theCapet  spaces  were  mentally  eye-sores,  and  he  was 
working  to  colour  the  whole  with  the  Verman- 
dois colour:  most  particularly  did  he  covet 
lofty  La6n  and  hallowed  Rheims.  The  military 
tenants  of  the  See  mustered  and  moved  under 
Herbert's  command,  and  the  clergy  were  equally 
docile;  he  was  gaining  the  advowson  of  the 
Archbishoprick ;  yet  his  dominion  was  not  so 
complete  as  he  wished.  His  talents  and  influ- 
ence were  counterbalanced  by  the  universal  dis- 
like which  his  fraudulence  inspired. — "Amongst 
the  Fr&nks/'-rr-gaid  those  who  were  no  better 


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HOLLO   AND   GUILLAUME    LONGUE-EFEE.       21 

than   he, — "  none  is   so   wicked   as   Herbert  of  sis— w 
Vermandois/'     Yet,  provoked  by  the  traditions  - — * — . 
of  his  House,  Herbert,  humanly  speaking,  was      0IS 
not  entirely  without  excuse.    The  recollections 
of  injustice  teach  evil  to  the  injured;  and  the 
memory  of  the  blinded  Bernard  might  excite 
his  descendants  to  retaliation  or  revenge, 

Gilbert,  son  of  Duke  Rainier,  that  trusty 
friend  of  Charles,  so  lately  promoted  by  the 
King's  kindness,  had  conceived  a  spiteful  en- 
mity against  his  benefactor*  Aspiring,  versatile, 
handsome,  active,  athletic,  he  was  preparing  to 
gain  the  sovereignty  of  Romane  Lotharingia: 
Gilbert  even  entertained  some  designs  upon  the 
throne  of  France,  whilst  Henry  the  Fowler,  now  See  Vol  i, 
King  of  Germany,  machinated  for  the  recovery 
of  the  whole  Lotharingian  kingdom. 

The  dying  Conrad  had  surrendered  Germany 
to  his  prosperous  rival  by  transmitting  to  him 
the  insignia  of  the  royal  dignity.  The  East  ffl* 
Franks,  the  old  Franks  of  the  Franconian  land,  J\u^ 
honoured  as  the  ehiefest  amongst  the  Teutonic 
populations,  united  with  the  Saxons  and  Thu* 
ringians  in  accepting  the  Monarch,  Henry  joy- 
fully ascended  the  throne,  but  he  repudiated  the 
rites  of  consecration  bestowed  by  the  Church, 
nor  would  he  allow  the  diadem  to  be  placed  upon 
his  brows  by  priestly  hands.  He  was  unworthy, 
as  he  professed,  of  such  sacred  honours,  But  the 
humble  language  he  employed  does  not  harmo- 


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22      CHARLES-LE-SIMPLE,  ROBERT  AND  RAOUL. 

912-927  nize  with  his  lofty  and  ambitious  bearing ;  and  it 
-  ~~  has  been  conjectured  that  his  desire  was  to  cast 

919-920  Qff  ajj  8ubjection  to  spiritual  authority.  Thus 
did  the  great  restorer,  or  rather  the  founder  of 
the  German  Empire  in  the  proper  sense  of  the 
term,  commence  his  reign,  unanointed,  unblessed, 
uncrowned,  but  ruling  discreetly  and  sagely. 

All  Henry's  progeny  occupy  an  important, 
some  a  splendid,  position  in  history. — Hathburga, 
the  only  daughter  of  Count  Erwin,  noble,  opulent, 
lovely,  upon  the  death  of  an  unnamed  husband, — 
probably  her  first  love,  and  young  as  herself — 
had,  rashly  yielding  to  the  first  bitter  paroxysm 
of  grief,  entered  a  monastery.  Henry  then  Duke 
of  the  Saxons,  in  the  full  bloom  and  vigour  of 
adolescence,  easily  persuaded  her  to  elope.  The 
scandal  of  the  transaction  was  not  diminished  by  a 
marriage,  nor  did  that  marriage  ensure  durability 
to  the  union.  Hathburga  gave  her  noble  lover 
one  son,  the  bold  Thankmar;  but  Henry's  affec- 
tion for  the  mother  declined.  He  was  attracted 
by  the  charms  and  also  by  the  virtues  of  Matilda, 
— a  lovely  damsel  of  the  right  old  Saxon  line, 
a  daughter  of  the  heroic  Wittikind.  Ecclesias- 
tical censures  satisfied  Henry's  conscience  that 
his  connexion  with  Hathburga  was  null,  and  he 
solemnly  espoused  Matilda. — Otho,  who  received 
the  name  of  his  illustrious  grandsire,  was  their 
first-born — and  after  Duke  Henry  had  obtained 
the  German  kingdom,  four  other  children  fol- 


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ROLLO  AND  GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.       23 

lowed, — Henry  and  Bruno,  sons— Gerburga  and  912-027 
Hadwisa,  daughters.  *  ■  \  \ 

$  9.    A  great  object  sought  by  the  Oppo-^^f 
sition  was  Hagano's  ruin.     Always  in  their  way,  2^£_of 
the  butt  of  general  obloquy,  everybody  pelted  lnti0l,iit»- 
Hagano. — Hagano,  on  his  part*  unquestionably 
provoked  personal  dislike.    Deficient  in  that  dis- 
cretion which  might  have  enabled  him  to  temper 
the  obloquy,  so  inevitably  heaped  upon  the  ta- 
lented parvenu,  Hagano  profited  by  the  King's 
bounty,  and  grew  richer  and  more  odious. — The 
King's  great  Tower,  which  crowned  the  rock  of 
Ladn,  was  an  affront  in  the  landscape  to  all  who 
believed  that  the  walls  protected  Hagano's  trea- 
sures. 

Hagano  obtained  the  monastery  of  Chelles,  Hatred  ex- 
an  appointment  ludicrously  scandalous;  but  Hagano. 
shewing  how  currently  the  manse  of  a  religious 
house  was  treated  as  secular  property.  This  ap- 
pointment occasioned  great  discontent,  not  on 
account  of  its  impropriety,  but  because  Duke 
Robert  wanted  it.  Duke  Robert  was  himself 
an  Abbess,  at  least  he  occupied  the  station  of 
an  Abbess,  by  holding  the  manse  of  Morienval 
in  the  Valois,  founded  by  Charlemagne,  a  dis- 
tinguished and  well-endowed  nunnery. 

The  only  tangible  charge  preferred  against 
Hagano,  resulted  from  the  privilege  least  profit- 
able to  the  favourite,  but  which  renders  him 
the  most  obnoxious    to   the   multitude,  unre- 


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24      CHARLES-LE-SIMPLE,  ROBERT  AND  RAOUL. 

912-937  strained  companionship  with  the  King.  Charles 
,  «  >  gave  Hagano  the  higher  room,  a  courtesy  which 
9i9-9ao  tjje  kjngg  0f  France  yielded  to  those  whom  they 

ipd£SS-s  wished  to  honour.  Sometimes  Hagano  would 
lift  the  King's  cap  off  the  King's  royal  head,  and 
drop  it  on  his  own.  The  real  gravamen,  how- 
ever, appears  to  have  been  Hagano's  affectionate 
though  rough  fidelity.  Affronts  were  taken  where 
none  were  meant ;  and,  as  was  so  often  unhappily 
the  case,  the  solemn  festivals  of  the  Church  be* 
came  the  seasons  of  angry  discord.  Charles  held 
his  Court  at  Aix-la-Chapelle.     Henry  the  Fowler 

Theaffirontand  Duke  Robert  were  not  readily  admitted  into 

taken  at  #     J 

ciiapeUe  ^e  T0JB^L  Presence-  The  strutting  usher  delayed 
opening  the  door.  The  noble  Visitors  introduced, 
they  saw  Hagano  and  Charles  sitting  on  the 
same  couch,  Hagano  above  the  King.  The  em- 
bittered Henry  scolded  the  French  Monarch. 
"You,  King  Charles,  must  stand  or  fall  with 
Hagano." — "Hagano  must  reign  with  King 
Charles,  or  King  Charles  must  descend  from  the 
throne  with  Hagano" — Duke  Robert  threatened, 
if  the  King  did  not  rid  himself  of  Hagano,  he, 
Robert,  would  hang  him. 

Giibwt^        All  were  preparing  to  execute  their  plans ; 

tfolJtoLOT-  but,  *f  *^e  chronology  adopted  by  the  best  in- 

raine#  formed  historian  of  Lorraine  be  correct,  Gilbert 
began  the  Revolution.  Usurping  the  supreme 
authority  in  that  country,  he  bestowed  land 
and  fee  most  liberally.    Some  nobles  deserted  to 


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BOLLO  AND  GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.       25 

the  intruder ;  yet  the  majority  of  the  Lotharin-  912-927 
gians  were  stanch.  Charles  took  the  field,  and  - — * — » 
the  Loyalists  rallied  round  the  Eagle-standard. 
Charles  promised  an  amnesty,  and  more  —  he 
would  confirm  the  grants  of  Crown-lands  which 
Gilbert  had  pretended  to  make — Charles  marched  Gabon's 
against  the  rebel,  besieged  him  in  the  strong  tunes, 
hold  of  Harburgh,  precipitously  situated  between 
the  Meuse  and  an  influent  rivulet,  the  Goul,  and 
protected  on  the  third  side,  by  a  deep  ravine 
choked  with  bramble  and  brier — the  real  gueuie 
or  gully.  Gilbert  dropped  down  the  walls  and 
down  the  rock,  swam  across  the  Meuse,  and  fled 
to  Henry  the  Fowler,  who  received  him  kindly, 
and  supported  the  cause  of  the  revolter,  on  whom 
he  afterwards  bestowed  in  marriage  the  proud 
and  energetic  Gerberga  his  favourite  daughter. 
Charles,  much  to  his  damage,  pardoned  his  old 
friend  Rainier's  son,  restored  to  him  many  of 
his  fiefe,  amongst  others  Utrecht, — a  noticeable 
place,  as  marking  the  extent  of  the  Lotharingian 
Duchy.  A  fine  domain  was  thus  obtained,  giving 
ample  verge  to  Gilbert  for  gratifying  his  rancour 
against  the  King. 

§  10.    During  these  transactions,  the  Magyar  920-923 
hordes  scattered  themselves  over  Lorraine  fax££?£Sof 
and  wide.   Gilbert  and  his  adherents  were  raising  Wars* 
the  country  for  the  profit  of  the  Tartars.    The 
Scythians  swept  the  population  from  off  the  land. 
France  was  fearfully  threatened,  Charles,  unas- 


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26      CHARLES-LE-SIMPLE,  ROBERT  AND  RAOUL. 

912-027  sisted  as  he  was,   had  erected  excellent  forti- 

- — « — >  fications  on  the  Seine,  which  might  have  been 

useful  had  the  Magyars  crossed  the  border ;  but 

no  exertions,  no  merit  of  his  could  mitigate  the 

rancour  which  assailed  him. 

Fierce  disputes,  all  previous  kindnesses  forgot- 
ten, arose  between  Charles,  the  Carlovingian  King, 
and  the  Teutonic  Henry.  Henry  interfered  in 
French  affairs,  and  made  strenuous  exertions  to 
regain  the  Lotharingian  Kingdom.  Gilbert  en- 
creased  the  dissensions,  urging  Robert  Capet  to 
action.  Robert  did  not  immediately  march  with 
banners  displayed,  but  the  threatening  attitude 
of  the  Duke  of  France  and  Count  of  Paris,  the 
brother  of  King  Eudes  and  the  son  of  the  heroic 
RobertJe-Fort,  was  equivalent  to  the  hostility  of 
a  rival  Sovereign.  King  Henry  and  Duke  Robert 
came  to  a  mutual  understanding :  Charles,  guard- 
ing himself  against  both,  entered  Soissons,  whilst 
a  great  council  was  proclaimed  to  be  held  in  the 
antient  Merovingian  capital 
w>  Their  plans  fully  matured,  the  confederates 

qpiredby   gladly  obeyed  the  summons: — Charles  thereby 
to  discard  gave  them  the  very  opportunity  they  wanted. 
waT8"  One  and  all,  they  peremptorily  required  him  to 
dsrtfhim.    discard  his  minion  Hagano.    Charles  replied  as 
they  had  hoped,  peremptorily  refusing  the  demand, 
nor,  mischievous  as  the  consequences  became  to 
him,  can  it  be  said  that  he  resisted  unwisely, — 
for  a  Sovereign  acceding  to  any  such  demands 


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ROLLO  AND  GUILLAITME  LONGUE-EPEE.       27 

divides  the  nerve  of  his  power, — and  they  forth-  912-927 
with  dishonoured  him,  casting  him  off  as  their  ■  «■■  [ 
Senior.  •"-*• 

They  had  counted  the  cost  and  the  gain. — 
In  what  manner  could  they  most  satisfactorily 
to  themselves,  and  most  conclusively  before  the 
nation,  completely  extinguish  the  rights  of  the 
insulted  Sovereign? 

A  king  defeated  in  battle  might  again  col- 
lect his  forces  and  retaliate  upon  his  enemies — 
A  king  compelled  to  abdicate  might  reclaim 
his  crown — A  king  dethroned  by  the  Prelates 
might  be  recalled  by  the  Prelates:  —  an  im- 
prisoned king  might  escape : — the  blood  of  a 
murdered  king  would  draw  down  vengeance. 
But  there  was  an  ancient  privilege,  common  to 
all  the  barbaric  nations,  existing  in  full  vigour, 
yet  most  rarely  exercised,  and  therefore  the 
more  solemnly  impressive,  a  tradition  which  the 
youngest  had  heard  from  the  oldest,  the  franchise 
they  inherited  from  their  forefathers,  a  mystic 
rite  whereby  they  could  annul  his  authority,— 
wither  the  very  root  of  his  power. 

According  to  modern  principles,  the  Subject's  infflda- 
allegiance  is  indefeasible,  sailing  with  him  across  Hgfct  of  «- 

0  t  °  noundng 

the  ocean,  binding  him  from  cradle  to  grave ;  but  JjfgJjJ** 
the  primeval  legislation  of  the  Teutons  permitted 
to  the  vassal  or  liegeman  the  right  of  diffidation 
— he  might  undo  his  faith ;  and,  to  employ  the 
technical  expression,  which  in  modern  language 


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28      CHARLES-LE-SIMPLE,  ROBERT  AND  KAOUL. 

912-927  has  swerved  from  its  original  signification,  they 
. — ■ —  defied  him. 

920-923  ^  j  j  It  is  a  marvellous  portion  of  the  human 
constitution,  that  our  belief  in  objective  existence 
can  only  be  obtained  absolutely  through  the 
grossest  and  least  spiritual  of  our  senses.  Seeing 
does  not  bring  such  conviction  as  feeling:  we 
cannot  always  trust  our  eyes,  the  touch  is  never 
distrusted;  We  bear  the  strongest  testimony  to 
this  law  of  our  nature  by  our  analogical  language. 
In  our  judgments  of  the  humah  character,  insight 
does  not  afford  us  a  sufficient  practical  guidance, 
unless  the  rare  faculty,  figuratively  denominated 
tact,  accompanies  our  powers  of  social  know- 
ledge— intellectual  vision  is  not  adequate  unless 
perfected  by  intellectual  feeling.  No  description 
of  a  Lisbon  auto  da  f69  no  narrative  of  the  suf- 
ferer burnt  alive  at  the  Smithfield  stake,  enables 
you  to  realize  the  horror  of  the  execution  so 
palpably  as  the  roughness  of  the  Forfar  witch- 
collar,  calcined  and  scaled  away  by  the  oft- 
repeated  fire.  No  charm  of  verse  or  eloquence 
of  prose  can  teach  you  to  appreciate  the  devo- 
tion of  Kilmarnock  and  Balmerino,  so  intimately 
as  the  pressure  beneath  your  own  neck  of  the 
block  at  the  Tower. 
confirm*.  Hence  amongst  the  Teutons,  nay  indeed 
legdaets   amongst  all  the  antient  nations,  the  universal 

by  material 

symbol*,    custom  of  effecting  legal  acts  by  the  agency  of 
specific,  material  and  tangible  symbols,  which, 


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HOLLO  AND  GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.       29 

accompanying  the  spoken  formulae,  possessed  a  912-02* 
sacramental  power.  Words  were  essential,  writing  riTZ^ 
an  adjunct,  a  useful  record  of  the  transaction,  921~ m 
employed  to  aid  the  memory;  but  the  ratifica- 
tion was  given  by  the  hand. 

When  the  simplification  of  our  English  modes 
of  conveyancing  was  discussed,  men  least  dis- 
posed to  resist  innovation  out  of  reverence  for 
antiquity,  objected  to  abolish  the  ceremony  which 
requires  the  grantor  to  confirm  the  writing  by 
word   and  action,  placing  his  finger  upon  the 
seal — "  This  is  my  act  and  deed.' V-The  delivery 
of  the  turf  conveyed  the  land :  net  and  cobble 
passed  the  fishery:  the  house-key,  the  house;  and 
the  pulling  of  the  bell-rope  still  invests  the  in* 
cumbent;  but  no  symbol  was  of  such  universal 
application  amongst  antient  nations  as  the  stipula, 
the  festuca,  the  culm,  the  hawm. — Thrice  was  the 
hawxn  to  be  cast,  when  the  Teuton  bequeathed 
his  land  to  the  stranger  in  blood — Thrice  was  the 
hawm  to  be  flung  down  before  the  Sovereign 
when  the  lieges  refused  their  assent  to  the  doom; 
— and  once  was  the  hawm  to  be  cast  up  in  the 
air  before  that  Senior  whom  his  lieges  rejected 
and  spurned  away.    To  this  usage,  therefore,  the 
sternly  indignant  Frankish  Proceres  resorted,  pro- 
claiming that  they  cast  off  their  faith,  and  with 
one  act  in  the  open  field,  the  field  of  council,  did  Act  of 
they  cast  the  hawm — they,  no  longer  Charles's  how  per- 
lieges;  Charles,  no  longer  their  Senior  or  king. 


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30       CHARLES-LE-SIMPLE,  ROBERT  AND  RAOUL. 

912-437  §  12.  Had  Charles  any  intimation  of  their  in- 
I  tentions,  could  he  avoid  discerning  the  extreme 
921-922  danger  impending?  Ceasing  to  be  his  subjects,  his 
lotion  con-  lieges  became  his  masters — whenever  they  chose, 
abeyance,  they  might  make  security  doubly  sure — the  cell 
at  St  M&Lard,  where  Louis-le-D£bonnaire  had 
groaned,  was  ready  to  receive  his  descendant 
They  surrounded  him  in  his  palace,  made  him 
prisoner,  and  prepared  to  march  him  away.— 
But  he  was  rescued.  There  is  such  a  whirlabout 
amongst  the  parties  in  these  transactions,  always 
changing  sides,  that  it  is  impossible  to  account 
for  their  movements,  or  to  explain  their  inten- 
tions. Archbishop  Hervd  entered  Soissons,  ac- 
companied by  a  large  body  of  troops.  Charles 
sheltered  himself  under  the  protection  of  the  good 
but  vacillating  prelate:  he  afterwards  returned  to 
Tongres,  and  an  interval  of  seven  months  ensued, 
the  Gauls  continuing  in  an  anomalous  state  of 
partial  interregnum.  The  revolutionists  had  only 
obtained  an  imperfect  success.  The  diffidation 
released  none  but  the  chieftains  who  personally 
performed  the  act,  and  those  populations  whom 
they  represented. — The  Aquitanians  had  not 
defied  their  King, — the  Northmen  of  the  Seine 
had  not  defied  him ; — and,  more  potently  com- 
petent to  aid  their  sovereign  than  any  others, 
the  Lotharingian  people,  as  a  body,  had  not 
defied  him.  Moreover  during  these  disasters, 
Ogiva  gave  birth  to  a  son.    Could  it  be  said  that 


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ROLLO  AND   GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.       31 

the  infant  heir  had  lost  his  right?  The  father  re-  «»-«» 
appears,  reinstated,  surrounded  by  his  loyal  lieges,  *— * — » 
with  courage  unbroken,  spirit  undepressed,  and, 
scanty  as  his  court  might  be,  assuming  full  royal 
state  and  exercising  full  royal  power. 

$13.    A  new  persecutor  now  came  over ;  Reg-  «-*» 
nald  from  Northumbria,  who,  having  submitted  the  Loire 

Operations 

to  Edward  the  Elder,  grew  weary  of  England,  ofthe 
fitted  out  a  fleet,  and  sailed  to  France,  emulous  *2«m* 

'  '  to  the  cause 

of  Rollo's  good  fortune.  Regnald  first  attacked  the  *  Charlw- 
oft-devastated  banks  of  the  Loire ;  but  we  have 
few  correspondents,  so  to  speak,  in  the  South  of 
France,  and  we  obtain  only  an  extremely  imper- 
fect notion  of  events,  scarcely  discernible  on 
the  clouded  verge  of  our  narrow  historical  hori- 
zon. The  Northmen,  already  extensively  settled 
in  the  Loire  country,  are  frequently  confounded 
with  the  Norman  Northmen,  and  they  must  have 
consented  to  acknowledge  Rollo's  supremacy. 
Otherwise  we  cannot  understand  how  Poitou 
should  have  been  rendered  tributary  to  the  Patri- 
cian of  Rouen,  the  geld  continuing  payable  by  the 
Counts,  till  Guillaume-Longue-£p£e's  free  favour 
released  the  burthen.  Gerlo,  Rollo's  kinsman, 
probably  still  held  Blois.  The  Palace,  now  so 
bright  in  the  renovated  elegancies  of  the  re- 
naissance, stands  on  the  site  of  the  Danish 
Burgh.  Regnald  campaigned  in  all  the  adjoining 
country,  and  became  a  threatening  and  annoying 
enemy  to  Duke  Robert. 


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32   CHARLES-LE-SIMPLE,  ROBERT  AND  RAOUL. 

9i2-«27        The  Danes  had  been  gaining  ground  ex- 
, — ■ — »  ceedingly   in   Armorica — all  the  Provinces    to 
^d^L  *^e  North  of  the  Loire  were  on  the  point  of 
rilc£rmo"   becoming  Danish  territory.     Distracted  by  in- 
ternal dissensions,  the  feeble  authority  of  the 
native  Sovereigns  quite  precluded  the  Bretons 
from  availing  themselves  of  any  advantages  which 
they  had  won  under  Alain-le-Grand,  or  opposing 
the  inroads  of  the  indomitable  enemy.    Alain-le- 
$JJj*£    Grand  left  several  children,  some  of  whom  ob- 
SSforl     tained  appanages,  but  others  did  not.     Gurm- 
Breton!^6  hallion,  Count  of  Cornouaille,  descended  from 
don6^11"  *^e  great  Conan  Meriadec,  acquired  the  Sove- 
conntry.    ^ig^y     j£e  disappears  in  the  turmoil ;  and,  as 
we  are  told,  the  illusory  honour  of  the  Breyzad 
supremacy  devolved  upon  Mathuedoi,  Count  of 
Poh&,  who  married  Alain's  daughter. 

This  was  an  era  of  peculiar  misfortune  to  the 
pver-persecuted  Celtic  family.  Whilst  the  Anglo- 
Saxons  were  consuming  the  Cymri  on  the  Mercian 
borders,  and  Edward  establishing  his  supremacy 
over  all  the  Celtic  Sovereigns,  even  so  were  the 
Breyzad  failing  before  the  Pagan  hosts,  those 
Danes  who  in  Britain  were  as  inimical  to  the 
cognate  English,  as  to  the  antagonistic  race.  The 
native  population  of  Armorica  was  almost  wholly 
hunted  out  or  scared  away,  the  land  left  waste  and 
unoccupied.  The  Clergy  dispersed  themselves  in 
Roraane  France,  and  the  relics  of  Breton  Saints, 
enshrined  in  the  French  churches  and  monas- 


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BOLLO  AND   GUILLAUME   LONGUE-EPEE.      33 

teries,  recorded  the  national  dispersion.    Many  912-827 
of  the  nobles  crossed  the  Channel,  and  were  . — - — 
cordially  welcomed  in  their  day  of  distress  by 
the  Anglo-Saxons  who  had   dispossessed  their 
ancestors.     Mathuedoi  was  honourably  received, 
and  with  his  compeers,  Hoel  and  Cledauc  and 
Idwall,  and  the  other  Celtic  Reguli    of  East 
Wales  and  West  Wales  and  South  Wales  and 
Strath  Clyde,  graced  the  Anglo-Saxon  Court; 
and  Mathuedoi   obtained   equal  protection  for  Mathuedoi 
his  young  son,  Alain,  in  age  of  manhood  called  Aiain  re- 

ceived  in 

"Barbe-torte" — Alain,  the  worthy  descendant  of  England  by 

"  Ki°K  £fd- 

Alain-le-Grand,  who  companied  at  the  English wara- 
Court  with  Edward's  heir  apd  successor,  glorious 
Athelstan. 

The  desolations  and  conquests  inflicted  or 
obtained  by  the  Northmen  effected  a  powerful 
diversion  in  favour  of  King  Charles.    Duke  Ro-      &21 

°  Cession  of 

bert,  quitting  his  own  country,  proceeded  against  £^bnJ 
them.    Robert  presented  himself  before  the  Da-  ^lo  the 
nish  foe,  whom  he  dared  not  assail :  after  pro- 0anes- 
tracted  operations,  a  territorial  cession  ensued. 
Duke  Robert  granted  to  the  Danes  "Britanny," 
and  also  Nantes  and  the  Nantois  Marchlands. 
Upon  his  persuasion,  or  as  a  condition  of  the 
treaty,  or  of  their  own  good  will,   the  Pagans 
became  Christians;  but  many  contests  ensued 
before  they  were  pacified.     These  perplexed  but 
important  transactions  confirmed  that  supremacy 
of  the  Northmen  over  Armorica,  which  ultimately 
VOL.  11.  d 


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34      CHABLES-LE-SIMPLE,  ROBERT  AND  RAOUL. 

912-027  concurred  in  rendering  Britanny  the  arri&re  fief 
^_i_^  of  the  French  Crown. 

922"^<rf  $  **•  ^  year  e^aPse^  distinguished  by  the 
b^t^  cessation  of  hostilities, — a  pause  enforced  upon 
anhdthS  both  P3^^8  by  debility.  The  Capetians  desisted 
capetfens.  from  attacking  King  Charles,  and  he  remained  at 
LaSn,  not  merely  unmolested,  but  fully  exercising 
his  Royal  authority  and  always  relying  upon  the 
help  he  could  obtain  from  the  "  Terra  Norman- 
norum,"  whenever  Rollo  should  be  required  to 
aid.  Rollo  fully  justified  his  honesty  of  character. 
Despite  of  the  spiritual  affinity,  Rollo-Robert 
had  no  further  concern  with  his  rebellious  God- 
father. He  kept  entirely  true  to  his  father-in- 
law,  and  renounced  all  connection  with  the  Duke 
of  France.  But  Gilbert  rekindled  the  war  in 
Lotharingia,  again  seduced  some  of  the  nobles, 
again  pretended  to  the  Dukedom,  and  kept  up 
the  continuity  of  revolt.  The  loyalists  opposed 
him ;  and  he  revenged  himself  by  ravaging  the 
country,  burning,  plundering.  No  holy-tide  was 
honoured,  Lent  brought  no  respite,  and  Charles 
marched  to  suppress  the  rebellion,  Hagano  faith- 
fully adhering  to  his  royal  master.  Some  might 
say  that  the  pledge  for  Hagano's  fidelity  was  his 
treasure  in  the  tower  of  Ladn  : — as  for  Herbert 
of  Vermandois  who  had  joined  king  Charles, 
he  only  waited  an  opportunity  to  display  his 
Dangers  of  treachery. 
portion? 8        Charles,  now  in  the  Laonnois,  occupied  a  very 


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ROLLO  AND  GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.       35 

disadvantageous  military  position,  notwithstand-  912-927 
ing  the  importance  of  the  capital  city  which  he  ^ZXZ^ 
retained.   The  Isle-de-France  proper,  surrounded     922 
by  Seine,  Marne  and  Oise, — a  tract  as  nearly  as 
possible  deserving  the  insular  name, — was  filled 
with  forces  commanded  by  Hugh-le-Grand.    On 
the  South,  Baoul  and  the  Burgundians  threatened 
the  King's  troops.   Rollo  and  the  Northmen,  the 
King's  surest  allies,  and  with  whom  he  commu- 
nicated by  his  messengers,  were  separated  by  the 
enemies'  country.  Charles  crossed  the  Meuse  into  Charles  re- 
Lorraine.    Gilbert  avoided  battle,  and  effected  a  yond  the' 

Meuse. 

junction  with  the  Capetians.  Rapid  movements 
and  crossings  ensued.  Herbert  of  Vermandois 
abandoned  Charles,  and  with  the  fullest  deter- 
mination to  do  the  worst  for  him.  Baoul  and 
the  dreaded  Burgundians  joined  Hugh-le-Grand. 
Count  Robert,  Duke  Robert,  Robert  Abbot  of 
Saint  Martin,  came  up.  Charles,  nothing  daunted 
amidst  his  adversities,  assembled  a  large  force,  cbaries  re- 
attracted  by  personal  affection — what  other  mo-  verman- 
tive  could  have  brought  them  ? — and  then  boldly 
reentered  and  spoiled  the  Vermandois,  taking  his 
station  in  the  Soissonnais,  between  Marne  and 
Aisne. 

Encamped  within  three  miles  of  the  King, 
the  Capetians  dared  not  attack  him.  It  was 
expedient  to  gain  time,  and  conferences  were 
held  between  the  Chieftains  of  the  respective 
armies.     All  the  great  men  were  consulted  save 

d  2 


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36      CHABLES-LE-SIMPLE,  ROBERT  AND  RAOUL. 

912-W7  two, — Charles  and  Hagano ; — but  at  the  end  of 
* — * — >  this  tampering  truce,  hostilities  were  resumed. 
Ladn  token  Duke  Robert  surprized  Ladn,  and  plundered  the 
peda^?*"  ta^  Tower,  rejoicing  in  the  spoil, — what  spoil  so 
grateful  as  Hagano's  treasure?   Charles  desired 
to  reduce  Rheims :  he  encamped  before  the  walls 
on  the  morrow  of  the  Ascension.    Pentecost  was 
drawing  nigh,  but  all  Church-observances  were 
neglected,  the  work  must  be  done ;  and  he  cele- 
brated the  Feast  of  Pentecost  by  attempting  to 
jane  9.    storm  the  city.    He  was  beaten  off  discreditably. 
SS^off  The  royal  forces  melted  away ;  even  the  Lotha- 
RneSms.     ringians  returned  home.     Charles,  wholly  un- 
apprised of  the  capture  of  Ladn,  determined  to 
fall  back  upon  the  city,  marched  thither,  and 
found  the  gates  closed.    Thus  shut  out  from  his 
last  stronghold,  Charles  retreated  to  Tongres,  yet 
boldly  preparing  to  renew  the  conflict. 
922  Hitherto  the  Franks  hesitated  to  follow  up 

June  29.  r 

Robert,  their  defiance.  They  had  not  treated  the  throne 
ca^tum  as  vacant.  Possibly  they  might  not  be  unani- 
crowned  at  mous,   but  Robert  now  vindicated  his  family's 

Rheims.  , 

glory;  the  Proceres  assembled  at  Rheims,  and 
Robert  the  brother  of  Eudes  was  proclaimed 
King.  The  Prelates  were  reluctant:  Herve 
dreaded  the  responsibility;  but  some  of  the 
Bishops  were  bullied,  others  cajoled,  and  the 
second  monarch  representing  the  new  dynasty 
was  crowned  and  anointed  before  the  altar,  at 
Rheims,  by  Walter  Archbishop  of  Sens. 


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HOLLO  AND  GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.      37 

Three    days  afterwards   Archbishop    Herv£  913-927 

died — opportunely  for  the  Capet  party.    As  else-  \ ^_^ 

where,  according  to  the  universal  Canon-law,  922^?23 
occasionally  modified  by  local  usages,  clergy  and  JuIJ 2- 
citizens  concurred  in  choosing  the  Archbishop;  Abp.Her- 
but  power,  influence,  and  corruption,  sorely  in- 
fringed the  liberty  of  election.  Herbert  of  Ver- 
mandois  was  working  to  obtain  the  patronage. 
If  the  House  of  Vermandois  could  make  a  Ver- 
mandois  Archbishop,  the  Vermandois  Archbishop 
might  make  a  Vermandois  King.  Such  a  project 
might  be  remote — Herbert's  nearer  and  more 
feasible  object  was  the  promotion  of  his  son 
Hugh;  but  inasmuch  as  little  Hugh  could  but 
just  walk  alone — he  was  about  two  years  old, — 
Seulph  was  created  by  King  Robert,  a  wise  and 
learned  clerk,  and  if  he  had  come  in  rightfully, 
the  appointment  would  have  been  unobjection- 
able. But  it  was  one  of  the  numberless  mischiefs 
of  this  corrupt  system  that  good  men,  when 
bishoppedy  could  scarcely  avoid  tricks  and  in- 
trigues :  the  making  spoiled  them. 

Seulph  became  immediately  involved  in  trou- 
bles. Herv£  had  granted  certain  possessions  of 
the  See  to  Eudes  his  brother,  and  to  a  namesake, 
another  Herv£  his  nephew.  Upon  the  accession  of 
the  new  Archbishop  the  grantees  withdrew  their 
fealty :  they  would  neither  wage  battle  nor  answer 
in  judgment.  Robert  and  Herbert  assisted  Seulph 
strenuously.    The  Count  apprehended  the  spolia- 


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38      CHAKLES-LE-SIMPLE,  ROBERT  AND  RAOUL. 

912-327  tors  and  brought  them  before  the  King,  and  they 
^~^  '  were  kept  in  custody  till  Robert's  death  released 
922-823  them.  Seulph  reciprocated — he  testified  his  gra- 
titude by  sanctioning  some  obscure  and  repre- 
hensible arrangements  intended  to  secure  the 
reversion  of  the  See  for  the  boy.  No  vacancy 
however  could  occur  until  after  Seulph's  death ; 
translations  had  not  as  yet  ever  been  practised 
in  the  Church.  And  we  cannot  conjecture  that 
there  was  any  mode  of  forwarding  Herbert's 
designs,  otherwise  than  by  appointing  the  child 
to  the  station  of  Chor-Episcopus  or  coadjutor  in 
the  See,  thus  nursed  for  him  by  Seulph.  These 
abuses  were  not  to  be  rebuked  until  the  raising 
up  of  that  Pontiff  who  united  the  soldiers  heart 
to  the  martyr's  faith  and  fortitude. 
923  §  15.     Charles  continued  unflinchingly  in  the 

SSfrues   fieH  vigorously  employing  himself  in  offensive 
uti™".     and  defensive  measures.    He  took  no  cognizance 
of  his  dethronement.     We  have  a  charter  sealed 
by  him  as  King  during  the  hurry  of  the  march, — 
and  the  instrument  is  attested  by  Hagano, — two 
days  previous   to   his  arrival   before   Rheims. 
He  besieged  the  ungrateful  Gilbert  in  his  strong 
castle  of  Chevremont,  and  continued  correspond- 
ing with  his  son-in-law,  the  aged  Patrician  of 
Roiioand  Rouen.    Rollo  prepared  to  set  a  large  body  of 
pronto  troops  in  motion.  Other  Danish  forces  under  Reg- 
charieB.     nald  were  joining  the  Rouen  levies,  and  marching 
onwards.    Besides  their  operations  in  the  Loire 


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ROLLO    AND   GUILLAUME   LONGUE-EPEE.       39 

country,  these  Danes  invaded  Auvergne.    They  012-027 
were  checked,  or,  as  it  was  said,  defeated,  by  ^ZXZ^ 
William  of  Auvergne  and  Raimond  of  Toulouse  922-023 
—twelve  thousand  slain.     But  the  blow  hit  by 
the  Frenchman  rarely  left  a  mark  upon  the  Dane; 
and  after  their  alleged  discomfiture  we  behold 
them  as  powerful  as  ever.    King  Robert  was 
equally  active.     He  advanced  into  Lotharingia,  Trace  con- 
met  Henry  the  Fowler,  and  the  two  Sovereigns  tween  the" 

y  two  Kings. 

entered  into  an  alliance.  Yet  King  Charles  would 
not  bate  a  jot  of  his  regal  dignity,  and  the  King 
dejure  concluded  a  truce  with  the  King  de  facto, 
to  last  until  the  following  Otober. 

This  respite  Charles  diligently  improved :  he 
consulted  with  the  few  who  were  faithful,  ex- 
horted them,  encouraged  them,  declared  he  would 
encounter  any  danger, — he  would  die  rather 
than  yield  the  Crown.  The  Lotharingians  flocked 
round  the  Carlovingian  Eagle :  picked  men,  cho- 
sen men,  the  flower  of  the  country.  War  broke 
out  again  furiously.  Charles  directed  the  route 
of  his  army  towards  the  Aisne.  Mustering  at 
royal  Attigny,  he  marched  onwards  towards  ill- 
omened  Soissons,  where  King  Robert  encamped 
in  the  plain  without  the  city. 

Charles  had  marshalled  about  ten  thousand  chart* 

resumes 

men,  six  thousand  were  Lotharingians,  the  re- the  war. 
mainder  of  his  army  having  been  probably  col- 
lected from  districts  where  loyalty  still  lingered 
-—such  as  the  Soissonnais,  or  Aquitaine,  whose 


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40     CHARLES-LE-SIMPLE,  ROBERT  AND  RAOUL. 

912-W7  nobles  steadily  refused  to  acknowledge  the  Capet. 

T^ZZ  These  were  speedily  encreased  by  a  very  impor- 

922~"023  tant  reinforcement — four  thousand  Northmen 
under  the  conduct  of  Harold  the  Dane.  Count 
Fulbert,  bearing  the  Carlovingian  standard,  com* 
manded  the  vanguard,  Harold  the  Dane  the 
rear.  The  Capetian  forces  were  much  larger: 
the  warriors  engaged  on  either  side  were  chiefly 
the  ancestors  of  the  first  Crusade's  heroes — fore- 
fathers of  those  who  desolated  the  Holy  Land. 

The  cap*-  So  sudden  and  well-contrived  were  the  military 

turns  sot-  " 

SeStaSi   movements  of  Charles,  that  the  Capetian  troops, 
estimated  at  twenty   thousand,   continued  un- 
warned of  his  approach  till  their   camp  was 
stormed.    It  was  Sunday,  and  they  were  dining ; 
023      but  they  were  all  fully  armed — up  and  to  horse 

Battle  of    — and  the  fight  began  with  malignant  fury. 

Amongst  the  Capetians  one  warrior  dealt  his 
blows  with  desperate  valour. — Is  this  the  usurper 
Robert! — was  the  Carlovingian  outcry.  An  in- 
stant response  was  given.  King  Robert  waving 
his  royal  standard,  drew  out  from  beneath  his 
hawberk  his  long-flowing  grey-grizzled  beard. 
Instantly  surrounded,  Count  Fulbert  charged  at 
the  Capet,  and  thrust  him  through ;  but  Robert, 
mortally  wounded,  gave  a  mortal  wound,  and 

KiogRo-  struck  Fulbert  down.  The  assailants  thronged 
round  the  dying  King :  seven  spears  transfixed 
him;  one,  whose  trenchant  iron  clove  through 
tongue,  palate  and   brain,  was  claimed  by  the 


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HOLLO   AND   GUILLAUME   LONGUE-EPEE.      41 

Carlovingians  as  the  weapon  of  King  Charles.  9ia-$27 
The  legitimate  monarch  enjoyed  the  renown  of, — - — » 
giving  the  traitor  the  finishing  blow.  922-028 

But  the  second  Capetian  King  gained  a  post- 
humous victory.  Whilst  groaning  in  mortal  agony, 
under  the  bloody  shafts  which  pinned  him  to  the 
ground,  Hugh-le-Grand  and  Count  Herbert  ral- 
lied their  troops,  and  drove  the  Carlovingians 
off  the  field.  Yet  they  dared  not  pursue  the 
fugitives.    Where  was  their  leader  ? — their  King 

had  fallen Soissons  field  enjoys  the  miserable 

honour  of  humbly  emulating  the  carnage  of  Fon- 
tenay.    Eleven  thousand  nine  hundred  and  sixty. 
nine  Capetians  were  killed, — seven  thousand  one 
hundred  and  eighteen  Carlovingians :  more  than 
the  half  of  each  army.     Therefore,  though  the  gjj^ 
loss  was  numerically  greater  on  the  Capetian  gjJJ^iJi 
side,  the  proportion  of  the  forces  continued  nearly toretpeat- 
as  before;  and,  under  such  circumstances,  the 
smaller  residue  is  much  more  crippled  than  the 
larger.    The  Lotharingians  were  dispirited,  and 
dispersing   themselves,    returned    home,   whilst 
Charles  appears  reinstated  in  Ladn. 

The  Capetians  had  gained  a  dull  funereal 
triumph.  In  the  preceding  generation,  the  cala- 
mity of  Brise-sur-Sarthe, — the  death  of  Robert- 
le-Fort  inflicted  by  the  Norman  shaft,  had  been 
construed  as  the  vengeance  incurred  by  sacri- 
lege. An  undefined  horror  attended  the  fate 
of  King  Robert  his  son.    If  we  enquire  where 


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42      CHAKLES-LE-SIMPLE,  ROBERT  AND  RAOUL. 

913-937  Robert  was  interred,  all  the  usual  sources  of 
- — < — >  information  are  silent :  no  chronicler  designates 
King  Robert's  sepulchre :  no  monastic  necrology 
records  his  death  :  no  charter  testifies  the  endow- 
ment offered  for  the  good  of  his  soul : — we  are 
not  even  certain  that  Robert  received  Christian 
burial. 
Penances         All  the  regular  constitutional  assemblies  of 
the  chnrcn  the  realm  had  ceased — for  the  tumultous  conven- 

upon  the 

combat-  tions  which  had  been  held  were  partial,  irregular, 
and  revolutionary.  But  the  ecclesiastical  legis- 
lature was  in  full  activity.  A  Synod  was 
shortly  afterwards  held  at  Soissons,  hard  by  the 
field  of  slaughter;  and  the  Church,  mourning  for 
the  crimes  and  miseries  of  the  nation,  bore  Her 
testimony  against  war.  All  who  had  engaged  in 
the  conflict  were  condemned, — all  who  had  fought, 
the  vanquished  or  the  victors — were  alike  blood- 
guilty,  and  must  submit  to  the  discipline  which 
the  Church  imposed.  No  combatant  was  per- 
mitted to  enter  the  walls  of  the  sacred  edifice 
until  canonically  reconciled;  and  during  three 
years  were  the  penances  to  be  continued,  public 
testimonies  of  contrition  before  God  and  man. 

Whilst  the  Capetian  masters  of  the  field 
were  joyless*  the  expelled  monarch  abounded  in 
expectation  and  alacrity.  —  Charlemagne's  de- 
scendant, the  rightful  King,  will  not  own  to  his 
authority  being  a  whit  impaired,  let  Fortune  frown 
as  she  may. — His  allies  the  Northmen  gathered 


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HOLLO   AND   GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.       43 

in  the  Amiennois,  the  Beauvoisin,  throughout  all  913-927 

- 

Picardy,  all  preparing  to  assist  king  Charles —  - — * — . 
old  Rollo  sending  up  his  troops  from  Rouen,  and  92^8S 
grim  Regnald  marching  from  the  Loire  for  the  The  Danes 

&  °  °  support 

occupation  of  the  Vermandois. — Charles  peremp-  eharies. 
torily  required  Hugh-le-Grand  and  Count  Her- 
bert and  Archbishop  Seulph  and  the  other 
revolters,  to  return  to  their  allegiance ;  but  all 
bonds  between  them  and  Charles  were  irrepara- 
bly dissolved;  submission  was  impossible;  more 
strength  was  urgently  needed;  and  they  invited  TheCape- 
the  Bureundian  Raoul,  the  son  of  Richard-le- 5*0*1  of 

0  Burgundy. 

Justicier,  Robert  Capet's  favoured  son-in-law, 
brother-in-law  of  Hugh-le-Grand. 

Raoul  advanced  rapidly,  heading  a  powerful  see  vol.  1. 
force,  and  with  him  his  wife  Emma,  beautiful  406,  and 

634. 

as  she  was  ambitious  and  bold.  Emma  longed 
to  encrease  her  husband's  renown:  she  did  her 
part  as  a  true  helpmate,  prepared  and  ready, 
should  exigencies  require,  to  take  the  command 
of  a  garrison,  stand  a  siege,  and  defend  a  city 
against  an  enemy.  Had  the  Normans  reached 
Laon,  the  Capetians  would  have  been  hard 
pressed:  reinforced,  however,  by  the  Burgun- 
dians,  their  combined  forces  took  their  station 
on  the  Oise,  cutting  off  the  communication  be- 
tween King  Charles  and  the  Northmen. 

The  energetic  few  who  now  directed  the  des-  The  crown 

offered  to 

tinies  of  France  proceeded  to  choose  a  king.  Hugh-ie- 
Without  a  King,  no  law,  no  State,  no  political 


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44      CUARLES-LE-SIMPLE,  ROBERT  AND  RAOUL. 

912-027  existence. — Parentage,  power,  prowess,  designated 

\ — i_  Hugh-le-Grand  as  the  successor  of  his  father. 

922-928  jjie  Dy^y  0f  France  and  all  its  appurtenances, 
the  Abbey  of  Saint-Denis  and  the  Abbey  of 
Saint-Germain,  and  the  Abbey  of  Saint-Martin 
of  Tours,  now  virtually  his  inheritance,  would  be 
united  to  the  Crown.  Wise,  vigorous  and  opulent, 
who  could  wield  the  sword  and  the  sceptre  with 
equal  might  and  equal  splendour?  But  when 
the  Frankish  chieftains  unanimously  offered  to 

ana  reftued  raise  Duke  Hugh  to  his  father's  kingdom,  he 

by  him.  °  ° 

refused;  not  Cromwell's  faltering  nay-say,  nor 
Caesar's  affected  disdain,  but  with  the  firm  resolve 
of  repudiating  the  diadem. 

Such  a  phenomenon  as  the  voluntary  rejec- 
tion of  wealth,  station  or  honour,  is  a  moral  pro- 
blem perplexing  the  world,  and  for  which  the 
world  anxiously  seeks  a  plausible  solution.  Hugh, 
as  many  believed,  was  deterred  by  the  judgment 
which  had  fallen  on  his  father ;  yet,  if  so,  his 
scruples  were  not  sufficient  to  induce  him  to 
make  restitution :  that  which  King  Robert  had 
Duke  Hugh  as  firmly  held;  Hugh  kept  all  his 
father's  Abbeys,  and  more  besides,  to  the  day  of 
his  death.  Possibly  Hugh's  sagacity  and  prudence 
prevailed  over  ambition;  he  dreaded,  may  be, 
the  distressing  insecurity  of  the  throne.  Emma 
had  been  yearning  to  obtain  the  Crown  for  her 
husband ;  the  phrase  popularly  imputed  to  her,— * 
she  would  rather  kiss  her  Husband's  knees  than 


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ROLLO   AND  GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.      45 

the  knees  of  her  Brother, — seems  to  have  been  912-927 
a  trae  expression  of  .her  sentiments.    In  after  < — * — ' 
times  Hugh  was  designated  as  a  king's  son,  a      ~~ 
king's  nephew,  a  king's  brother-in-law,  a  king's 
son-in-law,  a  king's  father,  but  not  a  king  him- 
self; but  as  yet  he  was  childless,  no  son  to  call 
his  heir,  and  so  he  was  contented  to  be  a  sub- 
ject greater  than  a  king. 

The  Southern  Counts  and  Dukes,  those  beyond 
the  Loire,  severed  themselves  from  the  Capet 
party,  and  for  the  present  continued  neutral. 
None  next  to  Hugh  could  be  so  competent  to      92s 
resist  the  Danes,  now  threatening  further  con-Raouiof 
quests,  as  the   Burgundian  Raoul ;  and  Raoul  eieSSd1  7 
the  husband  of  Emma  was  accepted,  proclaimed  France, 

*  *  and  crown- 

and  crowned  at  Soissons  by  his  own  metropolitan,  •*■* SeM- 
Walter,  Archbishop  of  Sens.  Why  not  at  Rheims, 
and  by  Archbishop  Seulph  ?  Possibly  some  jea- 
lousy on  the  part  of  Vermandois  prevented  this 
most  solemn  inauguration.  King  Charles  had 
retreated  beyond  the  Meuse,  still  in  safety;  but 
henceforth  we  lose  sight  of  Hagano,  until  years 
afterwards,  when  we  meet  him  again  in  Mitre 
and  Cope, — Hagano  Bishop  of  Chartres. 

{16.     Notwithstanding  the  success  of  the  Authority 

J  °  yet  remain- 

Capetians,  they  did  not  yet  venture  to  assail  the  gg^ 
legitimate  King.     Charles  had  lost  France,  but 
he  was  King  in  Lotharingia, — King  in  the  Aqui- 
tanian   Gauls,    which    had    neither   recognized 
Robert  nor  Raoul, — King  and  Senior  over  the 


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46      CHARLES-LE-SIMPLE,  ROBERT  AND  RAOUL. 

913-927  Rouen  Northmen.  All  these  disturbances  and 
\ — » —  revolutions  very  much  enhaunced  the  influence 
922~*28  of  the  Danes :  from  their  first  touching  upon  the 
Frankish  shores  every  national  trouble  told  to  their 
advantage.  Rollo's  Northmen  were  gathering 
valiantly,  pouring  in  from  Rouen  where  they  had 
mustered,  and  joined  by  the  Danish  armies  from 
the  Loire,  Regnald's  men,  all  trusty  and  hearty. 
The  situation  of  Charles  was  not  more  desperate 
than  under  former  contingencies;  and  had  he 
been  as  clear-sighted  as  he  was  warm-hearted, 
he  might  have  regained  his  authority;  but  he 
fell  into  the  toils  spread  for  him  by  the  most 
crafty  of  deceivers. 

Herbert  of  Vermandois,  who  had  so  lately 
concurred  in  Raoul's  elevation,  now  declared 
himself  the  enemy  of  the  Burgundian  King.  Not 
merely  did  Herbert  ostensibly  abandon  Raoul, 
but  he  proclaimed  that  the  usurpation  was  a 
crime,  and  he  opened  a  negociation  with  Charles, 
expressing  an  earnest  desire  of  restoring  him  to 
his  rights. — If  King  Charles  would  be  pleased  to 
place  himself  under  the  protection  of  Herbert, 
the  Count  of  Vertnandois  would  speedily  take 
counsel  for  the  King's  restoration.  For  the 
avoidance  of  dissensions,  it  would  be  prudent 
that  the  King's  attendants  should  be  few.  Ber- 
nard de  Senlis,  Rollo's  friend  and  their  common 
friend,  conveyed  this  proposal ;  and  if  the  King 
required  any  security,  it  would  be  given  by  the 


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HOLLO   AND   GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.      47 

pledge  and  oath  of  Bernard. — Such  was  the  912—937 

import  of  the  communication ;  Bernard  de  Senlis,  ~ ;_ 

the  unconscious  instrument  of  fraud,  executed  ^^^ 
his  commission  successfully.    Charles  assented ;  J^ui 
he  had  none  to  counsel  with ;  yet  there  was  no  Sowing 
palpable  imprudence,  certainly  no  folly.  Charles. 

§  17.     Had  Herbert  of  Vermandois  been  an  Charles 

give*  trust 

honest  man,  and  the  counter-revolution  accom-  to  the  pro- 

posalsmade 

plished  through  his  intervention,  Charles,  instead  by  Herbert. 
of  being  sneered  at  for  his  weakness  or  stupidity, 
would  have  been  praised  for  his  bold  and  gene- 
rous confidence.  Those  who  blame  a  drowning 
man  for  catching  at  a  straw,  have  never  them- 
selves been  in  danger  of  drowning.  Charles  acted 
upon  reasonable  grounds.  His  very  conviction 
of  Herbert's  ambition  and  unworthiness  would 
make  him  give  credence  the  more  readily. — That 
a  Frankish  noble  should  desert  his  own  party, 
and  pass  over  to  the  other  side,  was  entirely  con- 
sistent with  the  moral  standard  of  the  times — the 
seeking  of  profit  by  political  treachery,  equally 
so ;  and  that  Herbert  would  demand,  as  the  re- 
quital for  his  good  services,  some  temptiug  en- 
clavure,  marring  the  integrity  of  the  Vermandois 
territory,  would  be  possibly  anticipated  by  the 
King.  But  Charles  did  not  fathom  the  depth 
of  Herbert's  cunning, — nor  was  the  treachery 
a  sudden  thought  prompted  by  opportunity.  Ere 
the  battle  of  Soissons  had  been  waged,  before 
Robert  had  fallen,  the  Capet,  confident  in  success, 


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48      CHABLES-LE-SIMPLE,  ROBERT  AND  RAOUL. 

912-927  had  demanded  from  Herbert  that  Charles  should 

• — * — *  sustain  perpetual  captivity, 

Herbert  however  really  required  no  incite- 
ment. The  plot  was  deliberately  matured,  and 
the  artifice  which  Herbert  meditated,  might  be 
extenuated  to  his  conscience,  by  the  recollection 
of  the  fraud  practised  upon  his  progenitor  the 
murdered  Bernard.  Twelve  were  the  confede- 
rates, Herbert  the  chiefest,  who  had  pledged 
themselves  to  accomplish  the  King's  destruction. 

Charles  im.  Herbert  was  merely  seeking  to  get  him  into  his 

Herbert,  grip  for  the  purpose  of  playing  him  off  against 
King  Baoul.  Oaths  were  given,  and  oaths  were 
taken.  Charles  advanced  to  Saint-Quentin  on 
the  Somme :  he  was  there  respectfully  received 
by  the  Count,  and  carefully  and  hospitably  enter- 
tained ;  but  the  honourable  arrest  soon  assumed 
the  aspect  of  irretrievable  captivity.  The  royal 
prisoner  was  removed  to  Chateau-Thierry,  and 
then  transferred  to  Perronne,  which  ultimately 
became  his  dungeon  and  place  of  sepulture. — And 
now  for  the  first  time  Ogiva  appears  before  us 
with  her  child,  the  little  Louis,  despairing  of  her 
Husband's  rescue,  fearing  even  for  the  life  of  the 
boy. — How  she  escaped  is  not  exactly  known; 
yet  certainly  she  did  not  accomplish  her  evasion 
otherwise  than  with  great  difficulty.     Louis  him- 

ogiTaand  setf  relates  the  homely  device  adopted  for  his 

Loerf?w-    safety,  he  was  concealed  in  a  truss  of  forage. 

SSgiMd.    She  reached  the  coast,  and  fled  to  England .-  the 


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ROLLO  AND  6UILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.       49 

glorious  Athelstan  received  his  luckless  sister  012-927 
kindly  and  royally; — Ogiva  and  Louis  are  'outre- 
mer,9  rescued  from  the  enemy,  far  beyond  the  sea. 

§  18.  During  the  period  intervening  between 
the  pacification  of  Clair-sur-Epte  and  the  fatal 
crisis  when  Charles-le-Simple's  calamities  became 
so  urgent,  whoever  resorted  to  the  Norman  Court  Jjjjjr^ut 
found  old  Rollo  growing  older  and  older :  mostly  ^^Sy. 
employing  himself  rightly  and  wisely  in  works  of 
peace.  Norman  traditions  affectionately  exhibit 
the  antient  warrior  administering  the  law,  im- 
proving his  Capital,  draining  and  embanking, 
encouraging  the  building  of  churches,  and  sur- 
veying the  rising  walls  of  palace  and  castle  :  or 
disporting  himself  in  the  chase,  whether  in  the 
game-abounding  "Foresta  de  Leonibus" — that 
favourite  and  remarkable  hunting  ground, — or  in 
the  woods  surrounding  the  fabled  Roumare,  or 
in  the  forest-park  of  Quevilly,  between  the  Rou- 
mare and  Rouen. 

Tall  in  stature,  gentle  in  manner,  Guillaume, 
Rollo's  only  son,  was  encreasing  in  general  favour. 
Amongst  the  mournful  hope-disappointing  pro- 
mises of  youth,  the  blossoms  blooming  only  for 
the  blight,  Guillaume  displayed  much  early  piety, 
and  a  childish  inclination  towards  retirement 
and  solitude ;  but  the  advantages  of  birth  and  sta- 
tion tempted  him  to  indulgence,  and  designated 
him  for  power.  Rollo  was  about  fourscore; 
and  there  were  many  amongst  the  chieftains 

VOL.  IT.  E 


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50      CHABLES-LE-SIMPLE,  ROBERT  AND  RAOUL. 

912-927  who  began  to  deliberate  whether  it  would  not  be 

, i_,  expedient  that  the  Octogenarian  should  retire 

922  from  the  functions  of  government,  and  resign  the 
authority  to  his  son; — but  Rollo  had  no  such 
mind.  The  deposition  of  his  father-in-law,  King 
Charles,  disturbed  his  tranquillity,  and  excited  the 
very  natural  desire  of  profiting  by  the  convulsions 
which  France  sustained:  he  would  fain  enlarge 
his  dominions  before  he  should  die,  and  render 
Normandy  tight  and  round. 
'B££*nm  It  is  a  moot  point  among  topographical  ar* 
JfJEE!4  chaeologists,  whether  Rollo  had  or  had  not  yet 
rica#  gained  the  Lieuvin  or  Lisieux  territory.  The 
young  Alain,  Matheudoi's  son,  having  returned 
to  Armories  was  accepted  as  Count  of  Vannes, 
whilst  Juhel-Berenger,  the  son  of  Judicail,  appears 
enjoying  the  County  of  Rennes.  These  Chief- 
tains, though  attached  to  the  French,  a  people 
more  congenial  to  them  than  the  rougher  North- 
men, folly  acknowledged  Rollo's  supremacy,  re- 
cognizing Rollo  as  their  common  sovereign;  and, 
by  such  submission,  the  two  great  Breton  Counties 
were  in  a  manner  united  to  Normandy.  Never- 
theless the  authority  of  Rollo  was  fluctuating; — 
and  though  many  districts  yielded  obedience,  his 
pretensions  and  possessions  were  uncertain  be- 
yond the  Dive. 
©23  The  Danish  war  now  burst  out  afresh  with 

Renewal  of  ,     .  ,  __  _     t 

the  Danish  all  the  pristine  Vikingar  fury.    From  Loire  to 
Seine,   all   France  was  in  confusion :   Regnald 


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BOLLO  AND  GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.       51 

came  up,  and  Hollo's  Rouen  troops  combined  912—927 
with  him :  the  banks  of  the  Oise  were  no  longer  ' 
defended,  the  Danes  occupied  the  Vermandois,  923-923 
which  they  plagued  as  in  days  of  old.  Obstinate 
conflicts  ensued,  fought  point  to  point,  blade  to 
blade.  Count  Hubert  beat  the  invaders,  and 
released  a  thousand  prisoners.  The  Amiennois^j^ 
was  in  fire  and  flame.  Aldelelm  Count  of  Arras  J*?"1* 
gave  the  Danes  battle  and  defeated  them,  and 
they  immediately  started  up  in  more  strength 
than  before.  The  Beauvoisin  was  burning,  further 
help  was  needed :  King  Raoul  himself  advanced 
in  all  haste  from  Burgundy,  and  affairs  assumed 
a  new  aspect.  The  Franks  now  determined  to 
act  upon  the  offensive. — Whatever  treaties  might 
have  been  concluded  with  the  Danes,  the  national 
conscience  of  the  French  ignored  these  solemn 
compacts:  the  Danish  occupation  was  not  legi- 
timated by  opinion  or  sentiment. — Baptism  did 
not  entitle  a  Dane  to  be  dealt  with  as  a  fellow- 
Christian.  Settled  in  the  land,  the  Danes  were 
still  abominated  as  the  outlawed  freebooters.  The 
political  cordiality  originally  grounded  upon  the 
personal  friendship  between  Charles  and  Gisella's 
consort  was  dissolved,  and  the  Franks  determined 
to  resume  the  territories,  which,  when  under  the 
terror  of  Bollo,  the  "Dux  Piratarum,"  they  had 
urged  their  sovereign  to  cede. 

King   Raoul,  and  Duke  Hugh,  and  Count 
Herbert,  with  Archbishop  Seulph,  summoned  and 

E  2 


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52      CHARLES-LE-SIMPLE,  ROBERT  AND  RAOUL. 

913-927  united  all  their  forces.  Normandy,  well  governed, 

] — « — I  tranquil,  and  flourishing,  was  as  tempting  to  the 

023      Christian  Franks  as  France  had  been  to  the 

TheFranks 

goMthe    Pagan  Danes.    Much  therefore  was  to  be  gained 
Noralndy  — Haoul  and  the  Frankish  chieftains  crossed  the 
Epte,  and  overspread  the  "Terra  Norinannorum," 
which  they  wasted  with  fire  and  sword. 

But  they  won  no  profit  by  waging  this  war- 
fare against  the  irrepressible  Northmen.  The 
conjoined  armies  of  Rollo  and  fierce  Regnald, 
the  latter  long  since  set  in  movement  at  the 
bidding  of  Charles,  crossed  the  Oise,  ranging  and 
foraging.  Raoul  prepared  for  the  coronation  of 
bold  Queen  Emma ;  but  when  the  inauguration 
was  celebrated  at  Rheims,  the  Frankish  squads 
rons  were  stationed  all  around  the  confines,  lest 
these  most  unwelcome  visitors  should  disturb 
933  the  solemn  ceremony.  The  French  earnestly  so- 
me for      licited  peace,  and  Rollo  consented  upon  the  usual 

peace.  . 

basis,  the  Frank  to  pay  and  the  Dane  to  receive. 
demands    Kollo  demanded  land  and  money,  a  large  addi- 
c^Poneof  tional  expansion  of  the  "  Terra  Normannorum" 
territory,    beyond  the  Seine,  and  a  copious  Danegelt.    The 
first  proposition  was  reserved  for  future  discus- 
sion, the  second  immediately  conceded :  hostages 
were  required  to  secure  a  due  performance  of 
the  conditions.     None  but    individuals  of  the 
highest  rank  would  be  accepted  by  the  Danes. 
Eudes,    afterwards   Count    of  Amiens,    son    of 
Herbert  of  Vermandois,  being  therefore  delivered 


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HOLLO  AND  GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.      53 

to  Rollo,  was  held  in  pledge  by  the  Northmen  912-^27 
during  five  years  and  more,  , — * — > 

Some  pacification,  some  breathing-time,  w^Re28~"^2|n 
indeed  earnestly  needed  for  France :  the  Franks  Bur»undy- 
were  in  a  great  strait;  the  Mogors  again  doing 
exceeding  mischief  in  the  Alpine  passes  and  in 
Italy,  swarming  also  into  the  Gauls.  The  North- 
men had  become  ravenous,  Regnald  in  particular. 
He  had  plundered  and  ravaged  sufficiently  in 
France,  but  he  had  not  obtained  his  heart's  de- 
sire; he  had  not  gained  any  compensation  for 
his  abandonment  of  his  Northumbrian  kingdom. 
Regnald  and  his  Danes  had  not  acquired  any 
landed  settlement;  and  he  was  preparing  to 
create  a  "Terra  Normannorum"  in  Burgundy, 
often  touched  and  often  wounded,  but  never  per- 
manently held  by  the  enemy. 

King  Raoul  was  unwillingly  compelled  to  march 
from  "France"  towards  his  own  country.  Hugh- 
le-Grand,  Count  Herbert,  and  Archbishop  Seulph, 
remained  in  the  Vermandois  as  his  Lieutenants. 
The  Danegelt  was  collected  throughout  France,  93i 
and  the  Regents  agreed  with  Rollo  for  a  con- and  Main© 

0  °  ceded  to 

siderable  encrease  of  territory,  the  whole  Pagus the  North- 
Baiocacensis,  as  it  should  seem :  probably  also 
various  portions  of  the  Armorican  marches,  and 
the  noble  County,  or  rather  Commonwealth,  of 
Maine.  This  obscure  transaction  indicates  impor- 
tant political  doctrines.  The  great  respect  still  com- 
manded by  the  Carlovingian  Crown  is  evidenced 


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54      CHARLES-LE-SIMPLE,  ROBERT  AND  RAOUL. 

912-937  thereby.  Otherwise  than  through  the  assent  of  the 
- — * — .  King  of  France  no  constitutional  title  was  im- 
parted by  mere  possession  or  conquest.  All  these 
territories  had  been  more  than  once  occupied  by 
the  Northmen.  Maine  also  was  locally  included 
in  Hugh's  "  Duchy  of  France,"  yet  the  Caenomanni 
enjoyed  great  independence,  and  recalcitrated 
vigorously  against  the  supremacy  claimed  by  the 
race  of  Rollo.  Nevertheless,  Rollo's  anxiety  to 
obtain  a  formal  or  diplomatic  cession,  and  the 
tardiness  displayed  by  the  Franks  in  giving  their 
assent,  must  be  considered  as  testifying  that  the 
veteran  had  made  a  very  important  acquisition  for 
his  descendants — These  surrenders,  so  extorted 
from  the  French,  added  more  than  a  third  to  the 
"  Terra  Normannorum." 
v   925  §  19.    Regnald  continued  ravaging  Burgundy. 

Baufeof  A  fierce  battle  took  place  at  Mont-Chalus,  in  the 
Mont-cha- roc^y  Avallon  range,  about  four  leagues  from 
Vezelay.  Ansegisus,  Bishop  of  Troyes,  was 
wounded,  Warner,  Count  of  Sens,  killed;  but 
large  numbers  of  the  Northmen  were  slaughtered. 
King  Raoul  marched  up  with  another  unhappy 
fighting  bishop,  Abbo,  Bishop  of  Soissons.  Raoul 
was  the  Northman's  active  opponent.  Regnald 
retired  from  Burgundy,  but  the  war  spread  to 
Paris;  and  the  Danes,  after  entrenching  them- 
selves on  the  borders  of  the  Seine,  returned  to 
the  Loire.  The  campaign  against  them  was  neg- 
ligently pursued.     The  narratives  transmitted  by 


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ROLLO   AND   GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.       55 

the  French  writers  concerning  Regnald's  devas-  9ia-937 
tating  career  appear  to  have  been  embellished  ■ — * — > 
by  vague  reports  and  exaggerated  rumours. 
Begnald  was  a  dreadful  tormentor  to  the  monks 
of  Fleury,  and  their  terror  did  not  spare  his 
memory.  An  ugly  face,  grinning  in  stone,  and 
inserted  in  the  Abbey-wall,  was  long  afterwards 
pointed  out  as  a  memorial  of  Regnald's  wretched 
death.  Unquestionably  this  mask  was  merely 
one  of  the  usual  Romanesque  freaks  of  the 
chisel;  but  there  is  an  innate  propensity  in  us, 
which  renders  us  dissatisfied  with  the  mean- 
ingless,— therefore  the  erudite  and  the  ignorant 
are  equally  prone  to  bestow  significations  upon 
things  which  have  none — UI do  not  know"  is  an 
answer  which  is  not  to  be  given  without  some 
exertion  of  moral  courage.  We  do  not  like  to 
confess  we  are  beaten,  even  by  an  amphigouri 
nonsense  verse. 

§  20.    Rollo  suddenly  proclaimed  that  the  925-926 
truce  between  the  Patrician  of  Rouen  and  the  men  re-eni 
Frankish  rulers  was  at  an  end.  Though  the  Dane-  er  ™Mt' 
gelt  had  been  rigidly  levied,  yet  the  money-bags 
halted  on  their  way,  the  instalments  were  unpaid. 
Rollo  ordered  his  Northmen  to  march  beyond 
their  border.     Too  feeble  to  lead,  the  withered 
warrior  animated  them  by  his  spirit.    The  Beau- 
voisin,  the  Amiennois,  the  Artois,  suffered  dread- 
fully,— Amiens  and   Arras   partly  burned,   the 
suburbs  of  Noyon  burned,  and  all  the  sea-bord 
countries  harassed  and  wasted. 


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56      CHAELES-LE-SIMPLE,  ROBERT  AND  RAOUL. 

$12-927        In  their  hostility  against  France,  the  Danes 
^ZXZ'  included  Flanders  unsparingly.    Arnoul,  the  son 
frfeb?  of  Baudouin-le-Chauve,  and  grandson  of  Baudouin 
theoounty  Bras-de-fer  and  Madame  Judith,  now  at  the  com- 
thieu*       mencement  of  his  lengthened  reign,  and  who 
dreaded  and  hated  the  Danes,  was  organizing  re- 
sistance and  revenge.  Arnoul  was  well-supported 
by  Helgaud  the  Second,  under  whose  government 
the  antient    country  of  the   Maritime  Franks, 
whilome  held  by  his  ancestors  the  famous  Lay- 
abbots    of  Centulla,   and   now   formed  into   a 
distinct  dominion,  entirely  separated  from  the 
Monastery. 
The  Lay-         Since  the  reign  of  Charlemagne,  the  employ- 
OT&Srt     men*  °^  *kat  great  Foundation  had  furnished 
Biquier.     an  exquisite  example  of  irregularity.    Charle- 
magne began  by  bestowing  the  Abbey  as  the 
dowry  of  his  daughter  Bertha,  upon  Angelbert, 
Count  Nithard's  father,  who  married  her.     But 
when  she  died,  Angelbert  entered  the  cloister  as 
a  shaven  monk,  and  the  establishment  became  a 
most  distinguished  school  of  learning  and  piety. 
Count  Helgaud's  grandfather,  dynastically  reck- 
oned "Helgaud  the  First,"  who  is  supposed  to 
have  been  Count  Nithard's  son,  erected  the  abba- 
tial  territory,  afterwards  Ponthieu,  into  an  here- 
ditary temporal  sovereignty,  acting  much  in  the 
manner  of  the  Teutonic  Grand  Masters  at  the  era 
of  the  Reformation. — Without  justifying  the  abuse 
in  any  instance,  it  must  be  confessed  that  except 


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ROLLO  AND  GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.      57 

for  the  scandal,  less  practical  harm  ensued  from  012-927 
these  Centulla  transactions  than  might  have  been  - — * — . 
anticipated;  —  the  Lay-abbots  appointed  Priors,  791~926 
under  whom  the  house  was  excellently  well  ma- 
naged, pre-eminent  in  discipline.   The  fact  is,  that 
Centulla  was  rich  enough  for  two,  or  more ;  and 
the  proportion  remaining  to  the  Church  was  vastly 
more  liberal  than  would  be  allowed  in  analogous 
cases  amongst  us  by  a  Lay-rector, — a  Lay-abbot's 
cater-cousin, — at  the  present  day. 

Centulla  of  the  hundred  towers  had  been, 
according  to  antient  traditions,  one  of  the  chief 
cities  of  Belgic  Gaul;  but  the  hundred  towers 
were  decaying  and  falling,  Centulla  was  reduced 
to  comparative  insignificance,  and  the  Counts  of 
Ponthieu  created  a  new  capital.  At  the  mouth  of  Jjjjjj*' 
the  river  Conches,  a  small  and  antient  monastery,  iUori«ln- 
dedicated  to  Saint  Sever,  standing  upon  a  steep 
and  rugged  hill,  whose  base  adjoined  the  sea- 
coast,  had  become  the  nucleus  of  a  hamlet.  Here, 
equally  for  the  purposes  of  government  as  for 
defence  against  the  Danes,  Helgaud  built  a 
palatial  castle,  around  whose  protecting  battle- 
ments a  town  arose.  The  spreading  tidal  estuary 
of  the  stream  constituted  an  excellent  haven; 
and  the  port,  after  the  decline  of  Quantovick, 
became  a  considerable  emporium.  Such  was  the 
origin  of  "  Monasteriolum  ad  mare,"  Montreuil- 
sur-Mer,  now  separated  from  the  sea  by  six 
leagues  breadth  of  alluvial  soil,  in  which  the 


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58      CHABLES-LE-SIMPLE,  ROBERT  AND  RAOUL. 

912-927  mingled  bones  of  extinct  and  existing  animals 
* — * — »  perplex  even  the  accommodating  chronology  of 
m~m  geology. 

Much  jealousy  existed  between  Ponthieu  and 
Normandy ;  and  Arnoul's  alliance  with  this  new 
principality  was  a  great  check  upon  the  Danes. 
^jj*£-  — Decrepit  Rollo,  though  his  subjects  compas- 
Eoll°"  sionated  him  as  more  than  half  imbecile,  retained 
his  clear-sighted  acuteness  and  vigilance.  Eu  on 
the  Bresle,  the  river  dividing  Normandy  from 
Ponthieu,  was  the  key  of  the  country  onlhat  side. 
Here  Rollo  placed  a  numerous  garrison,  a  thou- 
sand valiant  Kempers,  men  of  the  right  sort  from 
Rouen.  Besides  the  fortifications  of  Eu,  an  island 
opposite  to  the  town,  now  obliterated,  offered  an 
additional  point  of  defence.  The  Franks,  on  their 
part,  were  provoked  into  unusual  vigour:  the 
people  of  the  Beauvoisin  rose  against  the  Nor- 
mans. Hugh-le-Grand  collected  forces  from  Paris, 
they  took  the  offensive,  crossed  the  Epte,  invaded 
the  Rouennois,  and  rejoiced,  as  Northmen  ra- 
vaging France  would  have  done,  in  the  abundant 
booty.  Helgaud  and  the  Ponthieu  men  herried 
the  fertile  Norman  borders.  King  Raoul,  now  in 
Burgundy,  returned  hastily  to  France,  summoned 
the  arriere-ban,  and  strenuously  recommenced 
the  war. 
925-926  §  21.  Eu  must  be  considered  as  the  barrier- 
by.£™.  fortress  of  Normandy  on  the  North :  could  Eu 
be  taken,  Normandy  would  be  at  the  mercy  of 


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HOLLO  AND  GUILLAUME  LONGUE-ErEE.      59 

France  and  Flanders.  Arnoul  and  Herbert  of  m*-wt 
Vermandois,  the  Knights  of  the  Archbishoprick  . — • — > 
of  Rheims  obeying  Herbert's  orders,  joined  the  925""*26 
French  and  Burgundians.  Eu  was  stubbornly 
defended,  and  valiantly  stormed.  Infuriated  by 
resistance  and  enmity,  the  victors  inflicted  an  in- 
discriminate slaughter.  No  quarter  was  given  or 
asked  on  either  side — Hollo's  Northmen  fought 
in  the  fosses,  fought  on  the  ramparts,  fought 
in  the  streets.  A  remnant  of  the  garrison  escaped 
to  the  island,  not  seeking  safety,  but  courting  the 
opportunity  of  self-sacrifice.  The  desperate  com- 
bat on  the  holm  lasted  longer  than  the  conflict  in 
the  town.  The  primeval  spirit  of  the  Bersekers 
flamed  out  again — death  and  Walhalla.  When 
resistance  became  utterly  unavailing,  the  last 
surviving  Danes  slew  themselves  with  their  own 
swords. 

The  French  army  and  their  Flemish  eonfe-w»r*- 

"  m  Burned 

derates  were  permitted  by  their  commanders  to  {JJ'jgJS? 
disperse  after  the  siege,  but  they  reassembled  &c- 
in  the  course  of  the  following  year.  King  Raoul 
opened  the  campaign :  though  he  had  triumphed 
at  Eu,  the  victory  gained  against  the  Normans 
counted  for  nought  in  the  reckoning,  and  they  in- 
fested the  Artois  and  beyond,  fierce  as  ever.  Raoul 
chased  a  large  detachment  of  Normans,  and  pent 
them  up  in  a  wood.  Evening  drew  on,  and  the 
French  forces,  thus  far  successful,  became  a  corps 
of  observation,  encamping  round  the  fugitives. 


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60      CHARLES-LE-SIMPLE,  ROBERT  AND  RAOUL. 

918-927  But  the  Normans  watched,  while  those  who  ought 
\ — • — ~  to  have  watched  were  sleeping :  they  sallied  forth 
927  during  the  night,  wounded  King  Raoul,  and  killed 
Count. Helgaud.  It  is  possible  that  the  young 
Guillaume  may  have  here  first  fleshed  his  maiden 
sword.  According  to  the  French  accounts,  the 
Danes  sustained  considerable  loss,  eleven  hundred 
and  upwards ;  but  the  advantage,  if  it  were  one, 
could  not  be  improved.  The  Mogors  had  crossed 
the  Rhine ;  and,  when  merely  the  distant  roar  of 
the  monsters'  approach  was  faintly  heard  at 
Rheims,"  such  terror  was  excited,  that  shrines 
and  relics  were  hurried  away.  The  Northmen 
were  urgent  and  threatening.  Rollo  obtained 
an  instalment  of  his  subsidy,  the  Danegelt  was 
levied  in  France  and  Burgundy ;  and  the  peace 
between  the  Northmen  and  the  Franks  was  rati- 
fied and  celebrated,  as  a  joyful  event,  throughout 
the  kingdom. 
ri°u?hT  $  ^*    Rollo's  incapacity  for  the  labours  and 

GuSEuSL  to^s  °^  g°veniment  became  painfiilly  obvious  to 
every  one  except  himself:  he  was  now  past  four- 
score, broken  by  age  and  infirmity,  but  he  still 
held  on, — he  would  not  be  brought  to  acknow- 
ledge that  his  time  for  giving  up  his  work  had 
arrived.  His  mind  began  to  fail,  and  he  was  there- 
fore but  the  more  obstinate.  The  honour,  respect 
and  affection  which  he  had  inspired,  far  from  dimi- 
nishing, had  encreased  among  his  people :  his  fear 
was  still  upon  them ;  they  could  not  cast  it  off. 


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ROLLO  AND  GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.      61 

Raised  to  the  supreme  authority  by  the  consent  9i*-**t 
of  his  chieftains,  any  one  amongst  them  might  * — » — » 
have  been  tempted  to  seek  the  same  power,  but 
none  thought  of  striving  for  the  sovereignty. 
Loyalty  prevailed :  the  sovereignty  belonged  to 
Bollo  and  to  Hollo's  progeny.  The  majority  also 
amongst  the  influential  classes  sought  to  include 
the  Terra  Normannorum  permanently  within  the 
sphere  of  Romane civilization;  so  that  Normandy 
should  continue  a  member  of  the  French  monarchy, 
whereby  they  would  be  placed  on  a  level  with  the 
other  states.  As  Northmen  they  might  be  con* 
temned;  but  no  sovereign  was  more  calculated  to 
maintain  their  national  dignity  than  Guillaume — 
qualified  by  education,  language  and  parentage— 
a  kinsman  of  Vermandois,  imperial  Charlemagne's 
descendant. 

The  Counts  and  Chieftains,  Northmen  and 
Bretons,  having  therefore  finally  determined,  pre- 
sented themselves  to  the  old  man,  humbly  and 
gently  urging  him  to  appoint  a  successor.  Let 
Rollo  select  a  fitting  Duke  and  Patrician  for  the 
government  of  Normandy,  and  they  would  yield 
faithful  obedience.  There  could  be  no  doubt 
whom  Rollo  would  nominate,  but  they  made 
the  proposition  delicately,  avoiding  to  present 
the  son  as  the  rival  of  his  father :  it  was  pru- 
dent not  to  excite  the  old  man  s  morbid  irri- 
tability. Though  Rollo  was  still  reluctant,  yet 
he  could  not  resist  any  longer,  and  he  presented 


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62     CHAELES-LE-SIMPLE,  KOBERT  AND  RAOUL. 

912-927  to  the  assembly  his  son  Guillaume  as  their  future 

,     «,  ,  sovereign,  and  besought  them  to  accept  that  son 

937     as  their  Patrician  and  Count,  Duke  and  Defender; 

"Yet  he  is  more  inclined,"  said  his  father,  "for 

Gniiianme  a  life  of  contemplation  and  seclusion." — But  the 

STSuke     chieftains  would  not  allow  their  prospect  to  be 

andPatri-  .  r        r 

«*nof  clouded:  they  rejoiced  in  accepting  the  domi- 
SiBre~  nati°n  of  the  finely  proportioned,  robust,  bright- 
haired,  winning  youth.  Northmen  and  Bretons, 
Juhel-Berenger  and  Alain,  Count  Botho  and  Count 
Bernard,  all  took  the  oath  of  fealty;  and  placing 
their  hands  in  Guillaume's  hands,  became  his 
men,  they  his  vassals,  he  their  hereditary  Duke 
and  Patrician. 

This  submission  was  in  a  manner  dictated  at 
Clair-sur-Epte,  a  corollary  to  the  treaty,  for  in 
that  compact  there  was  no  one  point  so  expli- 
citly and  plainly  expressed,  or  so  solemnly  con- 
firmed, as  that  Bollo  should  hold  the  land,  to 
him  and  his  descendants  from  heir  to  heir  for 
931-982  ever.    Henceforward  Bollo  disappears  from  his- 
stanoee  of  tory.    The  exact  time  of  his  decease  is  uncertain : 
death  and  probably  he  survived  his  resignation  about  five 
'  years.     When  at  the  point  of  death,  the  awful 
rendering  up  of  life's  recollections  became  mani- 
fest in  him, — the  shadows  of  terrene  existence 
rising  and  passing  by  in  dim  succession,  prepara- 
tory to  the  soul's  departure.    In  his  case  the  remi- 
niscences of  the  wandering  mind  were  horrible — 
he  beheld  an  hundred  human  victims  slaughtered 


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ROLLO  AND  GUILLAUME   LONGUE-EPEE.      63 

to  appease  the  anger  of  Thor  and  Odin. — But  he  m*-wt 
recovered  from  his  waking  trance,  bestowed  addi- , — * — > 
tional  donations  upon  Church  and  Poor,  and  his     w 
body  was  deposited  in  the  Metropolitan  Basilica, 
Notre  Dame  of  Rouen. 

Hollo's  grave  was  dug  in  the  Sacristy,  but  when 
Archbishop  Mauritius  reconstructed  the  dilapi- 
dated Cathedral,  the  remains  were  translated 
by  him  to  the  Chapel  of  Saint  Romanus,  on  the 
northern  or  right-hand  side  of  the  Nave  as  you  go 
down  from  the  Choir,  in  a  line  with  Saint  Romanus' 
tower.  The  recumbent  statue  which  represents 
the  Danish  Jarl,  clad  in  ducal  robe,  may  date 
from  the  reign  of  Saint  Louis.  The  sculptor  has 
happily  succeeded  in  embodying  the  notion  con- 
veyed by  tradition  and  history— the  once  mighty 
man  of  war,  thoroughly  worn  out, — the  sunken 
lips, — the  furrowed  brow, — the  strength  of  four- 
score years  come  to  labour  and  sorrow. 


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Chapter  II, 

BAOUL    AND   LOUIfl    d'oUTRRMEB.     GUILLAUME    LONGUE-EPEE. 


927—942. 
927-943  §  1.  Hagiology,  in  this  our  "age  of  pro- 
gress"—of  progress  certainly,  yet  whither  tend- 
ing?— is  an  unpopular  theme;  at  best  but  tole- 
rated.— It  goes  against  the  grain  of  our  fancy. 
Popular  writers  most  favourable  to  the  "Acta 
Sanctorum"  treat  their  glorious  company,  their 
goodly  fellowship,  their  noble  army — in  a  patroniz- 
ing tone,  hesitatingly,  half  ashamed,— making  the 
most  of  their  recommendable  qualities  or  talents, 
asking  excuses  for  their  simplicities,  queernesses 
and  superstitions. — Gregory  the  Great  kindly 
patted  on  the  back  by  the  Essayist, — or  Bernard 
of  Clairvaux  encouraged  to  come  forward  by 
the  Historian,  rather  afraid  of  losing  caste  in  the 
intellectual  circles  through  his  owning  to  such 
an  acquaintance — somewhat  after  the  manner  of 
a  fashionable  chaperon,  introducing  a  protSgSe  of 
dubious  connexions  or  questionable  style. 

The  term  "  Hagiology,"  however,  though  none 
more  appropriate  can  be  substituted  in  its  stead, 
is  a  mistake,  a  source  of  misconception.  Turn 
which  way  we  will,  in  any  mental  enquiry,  we 
are  confounded  by  the  fallacy  of  human  language. 
We  may  be  certain  that  those  whose  lives  and 


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GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.  65 

actions  are  included  under  that  category,  would  027-M2 
mourn  the  epithet  bestowed  upon  them.  The 
biography  of  Saints  is  but  the  biography  of 
Sinners ;  amongst  whom,  each  would  contend  he 
was  the  chiefest.  It  is  the  exaggeration  of  human 
perfectibility  which  destroys  the  edification  that 
such  narratives  of  patience,  piety,  self-devotion, 
charity,  humility,  and  fortitude,  would  otherwise 
impart.  Nothing  like  this  glozing  view  of  human 
frailty  has  been  taught  to  us.  No  veil  has  been 
cast  upon  the  prevarication,  the  lust*  the  untruth, 
the  blood-guiltiness,  the  denial,  the  anger,  the  in- 
credulity,— the  weaknesses,  failings,  transgres- 
sions, iniquities  and  sins  of  those  who  have  been 
loved,  chosen,  called.  All  these  things  have  been 
written  for  our  edification,  in  order  to  refuse  us 
any  excuse  for  feigning  that  the  holiest  servants  of 
God  are  exempted  from  the  original  corruption. 
We  flatly  contradict  His  holy  word,  if  we  exhibit 
the  Just  as  never  falling.  No  miracle  fancied 
in  the  Golden  Legend,  could  be  so  utterly  in- 
credible as  the  undeviating  perseverance  ascribed 
to  Humanity. — 

The  false  tenderness  of  Hagiography  has  be- 
come catholic  in  the  worst  sense, — as  nearly  as 
may  be  universal :  in  secular  literature  it  runs 
riot.  Posthumous  biography,  posthumous  me- 
morials, in  every  variety,  guise  and  form,  are 
pervaded  by  this  debilitating,  deluding,  and  mis- 
chievous influence. — To  lie  like  a  pedigree  might 

vol.  11.  f 


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66  RAOUL  AND  LOUIS  D'OUTBEMER. 

037-943  be  a  proverb,  to  lie  like  an  epitaph  is  so.  Could 
'  *  '  we  imagine  the  disembodied  spirit  grieving  over 
the  profane  adulation  bestowed  by  man  upon 
man,  how  deep  would  be  the  affliction,  how  poign- 
ant the  sorrow,  sustained  by  the  most  humble 
and  lowly-minded  amongst  Philosophers,  becom- 
ing cognizant  of  the  inscription  upon  his  tomb : 

"Nature  and  nature's  laws  lay  hid  in  night: 
God  said,  Let  Newton  he,  and  all  was  light"— 

Every  concealment  of  a  blemish  detracts  from  the 
living  verity  of  the  portraiture.  No  truthful  re- 
presentation of  any  popular  hero  can  approach 
the  fine  ideal  of  popular  fame.  The  heroic  Pro- 
tector was  in  the  right  when  he  directed  courtly 
Lely  to  delineate  him  with  every  roughness,  every 
pimple,  every  blemish,  every  scar :  he  knew  the 
picture  would  not  be  himself  without  them.  Rare, 
indeed,  are  the  sitters  gifted  with  a  Cromwell's 
contempt  of  favour-seeking;  and  the  unbur- 
thened  easel  of  the  artist  who  should  work  ac- 
cording to  the  spirit  of  his  rough  injunctions, 
would  testify  to  their  unpalatableness.  It  is  the 
clever  dissimilitude  which  renders  the  likeness 
agreeable.  We  depreciate  the  Heliograph  be- 
cause it  is  honest  as  the  sun. 

But  the  historian  need  not  place  himself 
uuder  such  coercion,  he  is  not  compelled  to  paint 
for  a  patron's  pleasure :  his  primary  vocation  is 
to  instruct ;  nor  should  he  blench  at  the  risk  of 
displeasing.    Let  him  not  fawn  either  upon  the 


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GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.  67 

living  or  the  departed. — He  will  be  thanked  in  027-oa 
the  long  run. — Let  him  bide  his  time. — He  is  in  *""""' 
no  wise  responsible  for  the  defects  of  his  per* 
sonages,  still  less  is  their  vindication  obligatory 
upon  him.  This  conventional  etiquette  of  ex* 
tenuation  mars  the  utility  of  historical  biography 
by  concealing  the  compensations  so  mercifully 
granted  in  love,  and  the  admonitions  given  by 
vengeance.  Why  suppress  the  lesson  afforded  by 
the  depravity  of  the  "greatest,  wisest,  meanest 
of  mankind9' — he  whose  defilements  teach  us 
that  the  most  transcendent  intellectuality  is  con- 
sistent with  the  deepest  turpitude  ?  The  labours 
of  the  panegyrist  come,  after  all,  to  naught. — 
You  are  trying  to  fill  a  broken  cistern — You 
may  cut  a  hole  in  the  stuff,  but  you  cannot  wash 
out  the  stain. — Forget  the  worse  than  meaningless 
phrase,  which  represents  the  stiffened  corpse  as 
standing  at  the  bar,  and  appealing  to  the  "  tri- 
bunal of  posterity."  It  is  not  before  the  judgment- 
seat  of  man  that  the  dead  will  have  to  plead. — 

§  2.    Guillaume  Longue-£p£e  is  one  of  the  chwacter 
stereotyped  heroes  of  French  history ;  nay,  he  J^06^ 
is  included,  though  unauthorizedly,  in  a  national  4>'e- 
martyrology.     When  Rollo  said  that   his  son 
was  better  fitted  in  spirit  for  a  monastery  than 
a  sovereignty,  the  old   father's  judgment  was 
as  nearly  correct,  as  any  which  could  be  pro- 
spectively   pronounced    concerning    the   young 
prince's   character.     Charity,    devotional   taste, 

F2 


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68  BAOUL  AND  LOUIS  d'OUTREMER. 

037 -942  candid  acceptance  of  reproof,  a  yearning  for 
quietness  and  seclusion,  are  all  attributes  of  Guil- 
laume.  Succeeding  to  an  absolute  authority — 
for  the  "Senior"  and  "Patrician"  of  the  Rouen 
Northmen  was  unfettered  by  any  restraint  except 
his  own  discretion — Guillaume  never  sought,  in 
governing,  to  exercise  his  self-will.  The  "  Senior" 
"Patrician"  or  "Duke"  of  Normandy  might  have 
written  himself  King :  his  subjects  boasted  that 
Normandy  was  a  "Monarchy."  Sole  legislator, 
chief  military  commander,  paramount  adminis- 
trator of  justice,  Guillaume  never  desired  to  rule 
by  force,  or  otherwise  than  through  the  law's 
supremacy :  his  sword  was  the  symbol  of  order, 
the  sword  of  peace.  When  borne  aloft,  the 
golden-hilted,  long,  glittering  blade  awed  the 
beholders  into  tranquillity.  Unstained  by  blood, 
the  protecting  weapon  commanded  obedience 
wherever  displayed. 
Gua-  Guillaume  was  amply  endowed  with  mental 

<£*££ and  an(^  bodily  talents,  but  great  disadvantages  were 
the  correlatives  of  these  natural  advantages — 
the  compensation  by  which  our  pride  is  ju- 
dicially confounded.  Athletic  and  graceful,  Guil- 
laume possessed  extraordinary  vigour.  His  stroke, 
as. the  minstrel  sung,  was  that  of  a  giant:  his 
features  beautiful,  his  complexion  bright  as  a 
maiden's.  Gracious  in  manner,  spirited  and  cheer- 
ful, having  an  eye  for  splendour,  well  spoken  to 
all,  Guillaume  could  quote  a  text  to  the  priest, 


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GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.  69 

listen  respectfully  to  the  wise  saws  of  the  old,  talk  927—942 
merrily  with  his  young  companions  about  chess 
and  tables,  discuss  the  flight  of  the  falcon,  and 
the  fleetness  of  the  hound.  Sober  men  were  fain 
to  think  that  Guillaume  was  weaning  himself 
from  the  world's  vanities;  and  yet  that  same 
world  well  knew,  how  fully  Guillaume  enjoyed 
all  the  world's  delights  and  pleasures.  In  short, 
he  was  one  of  those  who  (when  not  put  out) 
are  sure  to  have  every  man's  good  word — and 
every  woman's  also.  Was  it  probable  that  Guil- 
laume would  live  discreetly  and  wisely?  He 
never  could  hold  fast  either  to  the  good  or  to 
the  evil ;  always  wrestling  with  himself  and  fail- 
ing ;  inwardly  warned,  yet  disobeying  the  warn- 
ing; ardently  affectionate,  yet  destitute  of  fidelity; 
seeking  to  do  right,  yet  backsliding, — unstable  in 
all  his  ways.  Human  life  is  a  continued  warfare, 
but  in  Guillaume's  case  the  strife  was  more  than 
usually  disclosed Peculiarly  ill  calculated  there- 
fore was  Guillaume  Longue-&p£e  to  cope  with 
the  difficulties  of  his  political  situation,  for  whose 
due  regimen,  clear  views,  firmness,  decision  and 
consistency,  were  pre-eminently  required. 

§  3.    Duke  of  Normandy — we  give  him  that  ™e.»*- 
familiar  title,  though  not  formally  assumed  till^j^y 
the  third  generation, — it  was  needful  that  he 
should  adjust  his  course  between  two  rival  in- 
terests grounded  upon  antagonistic  principles; 
and  mutually  unsusceptible  of  any  satisfactory 


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70  RAOUL  AND  LOUIS  D'OUTKEMER. 

W7-W2  compromise.  These  two  parties  were  the  Ro- 
TheRomm- manized  or  Christian  Northmen,  and  the  Pagan 
chrutun    Northmen,  whose  coexistence  constantly  threaten- 

Northmen. 

ed  the  stability  of  the  rising  commonwealth.  The 
Norsk  never  appears  to  have  been  retained  by  the 
clergy  as  the  medium  of  Christian  instruction : 
hence  the  "  gentile  language"  was  worn  out  or 
wearing  out  before  the  spread  of  Christianity; 
whilst  the  Bomane  dialect  was  cultivated  so  suc- 
cessfully, that  Normandy  was  the  earliest  of  the 
French  provinces  in  whose  idiom  the  peculiar  or 
special  characteristics  of  the  French  language, 
properly  so  called,  were  distinctly  evolved. 

Partly  the  descendants  of  the  earlier  Danish 
colonizations,  and  partly  consisting  of  those  who, 
like  Rollo  and  his  contemporaries,  had  been  habi- 
tuated to  France  during  the  greater  part  of  their 
lives,  the  Romanized  Northmen  constituted  the 
ostensible  nationality  of  the  State.  Their  accept- 
ance of  Christianity  was  the  condition  upon  which 
the  French  government  and  nation  had  sanc- 
tioned their  settlement  in  the  land;  and  they  had 
conformed  to  the  condition.  Some  were  sincere : 
but  a  sluggish  indifference  seems  more  generally 
to  have  characterized  these  converts :  all  were 
good  friends,  however,  with  the  Priesthood  and 
the  Archbishop  of  Rouen.  Opulent  and  influen- 
tial, the  powers  of  government  were  chiefly  vested 
in  the  members  of  this  party,  who  were  placed 
about  the  person   of  the  "Senior,"  to  whom 


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guillaume  longue-epee.  71 

they  rendered  a  patriarchal  reverence,   loving  m— 942 
him  for  his  father's  sake  as  much  or  more  than 
his  own. 

Guillaume  was  the  natural  head  of  the  French  Duke  Gun- 
party  :  born  to  be  so.    French  was  the  first  Ian-  *»•*>**  e 

*  head  of  the 

guage  the  boy  heard  upon  his  mother's  knee;  and,  Fwnchpar. 
through  that  mother,  Guillaume  claimed  to  be 
a  branch  of  the  noblest  family  in  the  monarchy. 
This  species  of  ancestorial  dignity  had  been  a 
weighty  recommendation  in  his  favour  when  the 
chieftains'  voluntary  submission  called  him  to 
the  succession  of  the  dominion  which  Rollo  won. 
Guillaume  Longue-£p£e  had  few  natural  con- 
nexions, the  pleasing  Gerloc  his  bright  sister,  the 
only  near  relative.  Our  knowledge  of  his  paternal 
kinsmen  is  very  limited;  Gerlo  and  Malahulch 
merely  flit  before  us ;  we  can  hardly  recognise 
them  distinctly,  and  we  never  hear  of  them  con- 
sorting either  with  Rollo  or  with  Guillaume.  They 
were  probably  envious  and  inimical;  whilst  his 
mother's  Vermandois  kinsmen  were  Guillaume's 
most  assured  friends.  They  were  probably  only 
of  the  half-blood,  not  very  nearly  related, — incli- 
nation, however,  combining  with  interest,  makes 
much  out  of  little  in  such  cases.  In  the  prac- 
tical table  of  affinities,  the  agreeable  are  texted 
in  gilt  and  illuminated  characters,  the  disagree- 
able blurred  away.  These  French  connexions 
were  congenial  to  Guillaume,  they  really  and 
•truly  deserved  his  confidence:  and  none  loved 
him  more  dearly   than  his  uncle  Bernard  de 


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72      RAOUL  AND  LOUIS  D'OUTEEMER. 

927-942  Senlis,  to  whom  Guillaume,  and  Guillaume's  son 
after  him,  turned  in  those  days  of  peril,  when 
home-help  seemed  to  fail. 

Sws  Guillaume's  education,  carefully  and  syste- 

SS^uon.  niatically  pursued,  had  rendered  him  familiar 
with  the  manners  of  France,  and  embued  him  with 
the  opinions  of  the  Christian  Commonwealth. 
Botho,  the  sapient  and  courteous  antient  warrior, 
selected  by  Rollo  as  his  son's  governor  and  guar- 
dian, who  had  so  faithfully  executed  his  trust,  was 
indeed  a  Dane  by  birth,  but  he,  so  accustomed 
to  the  ways  of  the  country,  so  intimate  with  the 
people,  that  all  his  influence  tended  to  maintain 
the  Christian  party. 

TheDanfah       R  4.    ln  the  same  manner  as  the  Romane 

or  Heathen  J 

*■**•  had  become  the  symbol  of  Christian  nationality, 
so  did  the  Norsk  continue  the  emphatic  token 
which  distinguished  the  Pagan  Danes,  who  adhered 
to  the  conversation  of  their  ethnic  progenitors. 
The  Heathen  party  came  less  into  evidence  than 
the  Romanized  or  Christian  party ;  they  are  not 
always  discoverable  with  equal  distinctness,  never- 
theless they  were  widely  dispersed  and  thickly 
disseminated,  even  in  Rouen  within  the  sound  of 
Notre-Dame's  bells ;  not  the  less  powerftd  from 
their  partial  concealment.  We  well  know  how 
frequently  the  East  Anglian  and  Northumbrian 
Danes  relapsed  into  idolatry: — witness  the  laws 
of  Canute, — the  repeated  endeavours  of  Synods 
and  Councils  to  extinguish  the  latent  heathen- 
dom.   In  Normandy,  the  traces  of  Scandinavian 


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GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.  73 

belief  are  exceedingly  faint:  the  respective  masses  997—949 
of  semi-christianized  as  well  as  unconverted  North- 
men probably  included  more  freethinkers  than 
idolaters,  yet  in  such  cases,  the  enmity  towards 
an  antagonistic  creed  supplies  the  place  of  reli- 
gious zeal  amongst  slack  professors  of  their  own. 
Christianity  languished :  having  oftentimes  been 
introduced  merely  by  treaty  and  bargain : — mo-, 
nastic  establishments,  the  fortresses  of  piety,  uni- 
versally broken  up, — discipline  shamefully  re- 
laxed,— the  succession  of  bishops  interrupted,— * 
the  priesthood  few  in  number  and  degenerate, 
and  inveterately  concubinary. — But  the  antipa- 
thies mutually  entertained  between  the  Chris- 
tians and  the  Pagans  were  selfish  and  political. 
Hatred  against  a  common  enemy  is  a  stronger 
bond  of  union,  than  love  amongst  brethren. 

In  Evreux  and  the  Evre^in,  probably  also^jjgj1- 
throughout  the  Seine  country,  districts  in  which  Sfcwt. 
the  Danes  had  been  so  long  hiving  and  swarming,  f£Jg* 
they  were  very  generally  christianized :  perhaps  S2£*" 
also  in  the  Armorican  Marches,  where  the  Bo* 
mane  language  had  supplanted  the  Breton  at  an 
early  era;  but  the  parties  or  nationalities  were 
intermixed,  dispersed,  and  straggling.     The  Da- 
nish element  was  strongest  in  the  Bessin,  the 
province  which  had  first  received  a  Teutonic  or 
Scandinavian  colonization,  subsequently  nourished 
by  fresh  supplies.    Ample  immigrations  had  ar- 
rived from  the  North,  such  as  Bagnald  and  his 


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74  KAOUL  AND  LOUIS  tfOUTREMER. 

w-wa  followers,  Pagans  fresh  from  Northumbrian  these 
accessions  of  Danish  population  were  reiterated 
throughout  the  reign  of  Guillaume  Longue-£p£e ; 
and,  notwithstanding  all  checks  and  vicissitudes, 
the  Baltic  ports  and  the  Norwegian  fiords  were 
in  familiar  relation  with  Normandy. 

Romanized  or  even  French  chieftains  encou- 
raged this  Danish  party;  Riulph,  for  example, 
who,  either  from  Rollo  or  from  Guillaume,  ob- 
tained a  County  in  the  Breton  border,  Riulph 
also  held  possessions  in  the  Evre^n,  where  Danish 
Christianity  was  the  strongest.  On  the  other 
hand,  Bernard  the  Dane  adhered  to  the  French 
party;  Bernard  was,  as  his  name  imports,  a  native 
Northman :  he  loved  his  own  people,  he  had  not 
repudiated  Scandinavia,  his  antient  fatherland: 
nevertheless  he  was  a  sincere  and  affectionate  sup- 
porter of  the  Romanized  Guillaume  Longue-£p£e, 
as  he  had  been  of  Rollo  before  him,  and  entirely 
cordial  to  the  ethos  adopted  by  Guillaume.  Such 
amalgamations  and  anomalies  are  found  in  all 
similar  cases:  the  theoretic  homogeneousness 
of  national  parties  is  never  completely  realized, 
nor  are  the  best  of  men  logically  consistent  in 
their  politics  or  their  faith,  their  affections,  or 
sentiments*  Sons  do  not  take  after  their  fathers: 
conscience,  caprice,  a  purse  of  gold  or  a  gold-stick, 
guide,  lead,  or  tempt  us  in  spite  of  every  con- 
nexion or  tie  which  religion,  birth,  blood,  or  kin- 
dred, may  impose.    We  have  seen  an  O'Neale 


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GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.  75 

the  Grandmaster  of  the  dire  Orange  confederacy:  997-949 
— the  gentle  and  high-minded  Geraldine  perish- 
ing in  defence  of  Shamrock  and  Harp. 

Botho,the  kind  and  wise  director  of  Guillaume's 
youthful  education,  and  Oslac,  his  chief  counsel* 
lor,  appear  as  the  representatives  of  a  neutral 
party.  All  the  prudence  of  the  Statesman  was 
required  for  the  adjustment  of  these  rivalities : 
no  parliamentary  leader  compelled  by  hard  fete 
to  govern  through  an  opposition  could  have  a 
more  anxious  task  than  Guillaume.  If  zealous 
for  religion,  zeal  might  be  abused,  and  degene- 
rate into  grasping  persecution.  And,  if  he  sought 
to  be  moderate,  the  Duke's  short-comings  were 
equally  liable  to  produce  mischief, — a  toleration  . 
grounded  upon  indifference,  might  allow  the 
Church  to  sink  deeper  into  degraded  apathy. 
So  also  in  Guillaume's  social  converse — favour 
to  this  or  that  set  of  kinsmen,  or  neglect  of 
them — his  predilection  for  his  mother's  family  or 
a  quarrel  with  his  father's — a  contention  for  the 
higher  place  at  the  Christmas  festival — a  squabble 
at  a  hunting  party, — an  involuntary  frown  or  an 
inconvenient  smile  might  disengage  the  conflicting 
elements,  and  generate  a  destructive  civil  war. 

§  5.    Guillaume  Longue*£p&'s  external  re-  923-927 

.  .  Political 

lations  were  replete  with  scabrous  difficulties — «to»tionof 

France. 

the  Patrician  of  Rouen  claimed  to  be  a  vassal  of 
France ;  and,  under  any  contingency,  the  freshly 
implanted  Norman  Duchy  would  be  involved  in 


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76  EAOUL  AND  LOUIS  D*OUTBEMEB. 

M7-W3  the  Kingdom's  fortunes.    The  drooping  and  the 

/— a — ,  springing  dynasties,  Second  race  and  Third,  were, 

928~*27  at  this  juncture,  equally  in  abeyance.    Raoul,  a 

rootless  trunk,  was  thrust  in  between  them,  but  his 

authority  was  limited  and  contested.    Crowned  at 

Sens,  Count  in  Burgundy  and  King  in  "  France," 

or,  as  some  were  then  wont  to  call  the  region, 

"Belgic  Gaul,"  the  remaining  provinces  knew  him 

not.   Powerful  Aquitaine  refused  to  acknowledge 

Raoul :  the  Aquitanians  wholly  denied  the  validity 

of  the  imprisoned  King's  deposition,  and  protested 

Booninot  against  the  intruder.     In  all  their  solemn  instru- 

Mged  by  ments  of  State,— Precept,  Deed  or  Charter, — the 

theAqnita-        t  . 

niatoitt£.ey  ^r*nces  °^  *hose  regions  recorded  their  dissent : 
g^^j^they  reckoned  the  date  from  the  year  when  the 
unfaithful  Franks  had  disgraced  their  King — 
anno  tertio  quo  Karolus  rex  per  infidos  Francos 
dehonestatus  est, — or  they  viewed  the  throne  as 
wholly  vacant,  nay,  as  never  having  received  the 
intruder.  Christo  regnante,  sed  Rege  expectante, 
was  the  impressive  declaration  of  their  feeling. 
Thus  they  testified  their  inherent  conviction  that 
the  State  would  not  subsist  otherwise  than  as  a 
Kingdom. — "We  will  have  a  King  over  us,  that 
we  also  may  be  like  all  the  nations,"  is  the  ac- 
knowledgment ultimately  enforced  from  human 
society. — The  Aquitanians  rejected  the  spurious 
monarch:  they  could  not  prognosticate  who 
would  follow,  yet  they  themselves  would  wait 
patiently  till  the  problem  should  be  solved. 


lie  docu- 
ment*. 


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923-927 


GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.  77 

The  recall  of  the  banished  dynasty  was  con-  927-943 
fidently  contemplated  by  their  partizans.  We, 
who  look  back  upon  the  past,  can  clearly  discern, 
that,  admitting  the  possibility  of  a  temporary 
Carlovingian  restoration,  the  ultimate  accession 
of  the  Capets  was  inevitable.  Raoul  the  Burgun- 
dian,  though  powerful  by  opulence,  character  and 
influence,  was  only  maintained  in  his  royal  dig- 
nity by  a  mightier  potentate,  more  distinguished 
as  the  supporter  of  the  State  than  as  its  Sove- 
reign, Hugh-le-Grand, — Hugh  who  might  have 
ruled  there  had  he  chosen,  who  could  rule  when- 
ever he  would.  It  was  therefore  a  truthful  ex- 
pression of  his  influence  and  position  that  he 
should  be  accredited  throughout  Britain  as  the 
Rex  Francorum,  the  French  King. 

Hugh  was  childless  when  he  received  the  offer     926 
of  the  Crown. — How  far  the  absence  of  an  heir  S»&!ui 
may  have  dictated  his  negative  must  be  left  to  S!L  hu 
conjecture ;  but,  if  so,  he  soon  afterwards  deter-  w|S^!d. 
mined  to  give  himself  the  chance  of  a  son.    A 
splendid  legation  was  dispatched  to  the  Court  of 
Athelstan,  bearing  with  them  such  treasures  as 
England  never  yet  had  seen ;— the  precious  onyx 
vase  embossed  by  Grecian  art,  exciting  the  marvel 
of  the  beholders,  who  declared  that  the  corn  seemed 
waving,  the  tendrils  growing,  the  figures  instinct 
with   life: — brilliant  gems,  amongst  which  the 
emerald  shone  resplendent : — caskets  filled  with 
the  richest  spices, — and,  rarer  than  any  gem, 


hilda. 


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78  RAOUL  AND  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER. 

997-943  those  antient  historic  relics,  honoured  and  hal- 
lowed by  tradition  and  faith — the  sword  of  Con- 
stantine  the  Great,  on  which  you  read  his  name, 
the  hilt  containing  a  nail  of  the  true  Cross : — 
Charlemagne's  spear,  which,  brandishing  when  he 
assailed  the  Saracens,  he  never  returned  from  battle 
except  as  a  victor: — the  banner  of  Saint  Maurice, 
chief  and  chieftain  of  the  martyred  Theban  legion, 
— and,  highest  revered,  the  particle  of  the  Crown 
of  Thorns.  Long  after  the  Conquest,  the  Malmes- 
bury  monks,  though  they  dared  not  assert,  were 
willing  to  believe  that  the  relic  preserved  their 
Abbey  from  calamities  and  misfortunes.  The 
Chief  ambassador,  Adolph  Count  of  Boulogne, 
and  Lay-abbot  or  Impropriator  of  Saint-Bertin, 
besought,  on  behalf  of  Hugh,  the  hand  of  Ead- 
hilda,  Ogiva's  sister.  Gladly  did  the  damsel  and 
her  royal  brother  yield  their  assent:  the  alliance 
greatly  encreased  the  honour  of  King  Robert's 
son  and  heir;  but  the  second  marriage  disap- 
pointed Hugh's  expectations,  even  like  the  first. 
The  bed  of  this  Anglo-Saxon  Adeliza  was  barren 
— Eadhilda  never  gave  Hugh  a  child. 

conn«-  As  in  all  the  former  revolutions  of  France, 


leadin  ***  *^e  hea(k  an(*  ww^')  including  the  sovereigns, 
JSSeSiy  belonged  to  a  constellation  of  families  located  in 
toJ££J£  the  northern  regions  of  the  Gauls,  connected 
riage*       by  consanguinity  or  marriage.   Duke  Guillaume 

Longue-£p£e  reckoned  himself  with  Vermandois. 

The  King  and  the  Duke  of  France,  and  the  Count; 


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GUILLAUME  L0N6UE-EPEE.  79 

Raoul  and  Hugh-le-Grand  and  Herbert,  were  wr-4Ma 
brothers-in-law,  whilst  Hugh-le-Grand,  Eadhilda's  ,—  \    \ 
husband,  was  also  brother-in-law  to  Queen  Ogiva,  9M^"*88 
and  uncle  to  Louis  beyond  the  sea.    As  this 
history  advances,  we  shall  find  such  connexions 
multiply,  so  as  to  invest  their  members  with  the 
aspect  of  a  chosen  caste,  to  whom  the  powers  of 
government  appertained:  alliances,  however,  of 
discord,  not  of  harmony.    It  was  always  more 
than  an  even  chance,  whether  any  two  brothers- 
in-law  were  not  two  enemies. 

§  6.  Normandy  was  becoming  highly  influen- 
tial in  the  politics  of  France :  Rollo  always  stood 
true  to  King  Charles,  never  acknowledging  Raoul 
as  his  Senior;  if  Guillaume  Longue-£p£e  thought 
fit,  he  might  instigate  a  Carlo vingian  restoration. 
A  friendly  intercourse  subsisted  between  the  op- 
posite coasts  of  the  Channel :  the  Terra  Nor- 
mannorum  welcomed  the  emigrations  from  the 
Anglo-Saxon  Danelagh,  and  Athelstan,  the  ba- 
nished Prince's  kind  uncle,  sought  to  be  reckoned 
as  Guillaume's  ally.  France,  if  she  offended  Guil- 
laume, might  suffer  severely  from  his  hostility. 
Let  him  but  be  provoked  to  make  the  venture; 
and  he  might  at  any  time  summon  a  sufficient 
Danish  force  to  threaten,  perhaps  to  expel,  the 
Burgundian  sovereign.  But  Guillaume  on  his 
part  might  profit  through  wary  management. 
By  adhering  to  Raoul,  who  much  required  his 
aid,  he  had  the  opportunity  of  further  consoli- 


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80  RAOUL  AND  LOUIS  D*OUTREMER. 

027-042  dating  his  own  power,    Herbert  of  Vermandois, 

\ — iZ^  improving  all  the  contingencies  of  the  times  for 

w±-w  kjg  own  advantage,  was  preparing  to  obtain  the 

countenance  of  Guillaume.    Herbert  had  a  right 

to  seek  his  kinsman's  friendship,  but  the  Count 

had  a  great  deal  upon  his  hands. 

It  is  extremely  difficult  to  trace  this  consum- 
mate intriguer  through  the  doubles  and  dodges 
of  his  tortuous  course ;  but  we  may  observe  that, 
as  long  as  he  lived,  a  primary  object  was  the 
acquisition  of  Rheims.    Herbert's  dealings  in  this 
matter,  which  we  must  briefly  notice  as  a  key  to 
his  subsequent  proceedings,  also  constitute  an 
interesting  paragraph  in  the  history  of  the  Wes- 
tern Church :  we  shall  find  the  import  of  these 
Rheims  transactions  in  our  own  English  history. 
^™rejp»        The  Sovereigns  and  Princes  of  the  Gauls, 
£S?J*-    Germany  and  Italy,  Emperors  and  Kings,  Counts 
X£m3~  or  Dukes,  discrepant  as  they  might  otherwise  be 
*nZ£3£*  *n  tfosfr  views,  were  labouring  with  one  consent 
rfErfSS  to  extinguish  the  freedom  of  episcopal  election ; 
Som.60"    the  object  sought  being  the  conversion  of  all 
ecclesiastical  dignities,  from  the  Popedom  down- 
wards, into  absolute  donatives.     In   Germany, 
where  the  bishopricks  were  approximating  to 
that   station  which  they  afterwards  unhappily 
assumed  in  the  Germanic  Empire — Prince-Pre- 
lates, whose  temporal  panoplies  almost  stifled  the 
spiritual  authority — the  exertions  of  the  State 
were  now  most  strenuous.  Henry  the  Fowler,  he 


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GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.  81 

who  had,  upon  his  high  appointment,  rejected  the  wr-9& 
consecration  imparted  by  the  Clergy — Henry,  the  ,-  *—> 
unanointed  and  uncrowned  king, — enforced  his  M4-W6 
claims  with  stern  prepotence.    At  Metz,  entirely  Meta—re. 

sistance  of 

against  the  people's  will,  he  intruded  the  ancho-  **•  citizens 

.  to  the  no- 

nte  Benno  into  the  See.    Metz,  proud  of  her  g^0* of 
liberty,  proud  of  her  antiquity,  deeply  resented  gS£t& 
the  injustice.    The  provoked  citizens  opposed  the  Fowlep- 
Sovereign's  illegal  act  by  a  villanous  crime.  They 
conspired  against   the  Prelate,    mutilated  him 
shamefully,  and  put  out  his  eyes. 

Benno  was  a  faithful  and  holy  man: — a  better  simony  and 

v  other  cor- 

choice  perhaps  than  the  citizens  would  have  ™£  ™-u_ 
made,  had  they  been  left  to  themselves ; — but  the  £Jj*m!* 
selection  of  a  proper  individual  did  not  diminish 
the  inherent  evils  of  the  system.  A  competent 
prelate,  owing  his  dignity  to  a  prerogative  nomi- 
nation, was  only  a  happy  accident.  In  the  ordi- 
nary course  of  affairs,  the  qualifications  or  disquali- 
fications of  the  Bishop-designate  were  slurred  over, 
or  wholly  disregarded,  by  the  royal  or  princely 
patron.  Direct  and  unmistakable  simony  was 
not  unfrequent,  money  or  money's  worth:  yet, 
from  its  very  grossness,  this  most  vulgar  form 
was  the  least  injurious  to  the  Church,  whose 
interests  received  far  more  damage  when  the 
preferments  were  dictated  by  the  temptations 
which,  tripping  in,  velvet-shod,  do  not  startle  the 
slumbering  conscience, — policy,  convenience,  or 
family  aggrandisement. 

VOL.  II.  G 


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82  RA0UL   AND  LOUIS   D'OUTREMER. 

W4-942  Occasionally,  the  prerogative  appointees  were 
!■  ^  I  men  of  secular  or  disreputable  lives, — bowling 
824-985  Bishops,  sporting  Bishops,  drunken  Bishops,  cam- 
paigning Bishops;  but  even  when  they  were  of 
an  average  character,  decent  and  tolerable,  the 
preferments  were  vitiated  in  public  opinion  by  the 
certainty  that  the  proportion  of  good  was  a  chance, 
and  that  the  patronage  was  exercised  solely  for 
patronage  sake ;  of  which  the  most  flagrant  exam- 
ples were  such  as  that  which  Herbert  of  Ver- 
mandois  now  so  anxiously  sought  to  afford.  In 
the  cases  belonging  to  this  class— and  they  had 
become  matters  of  common  occurrence — the  ab- 
surdity was  even  more  revolting  than  the  scandal. 
An  ordinary  man,  decorously  lukewarm,  smat- 
teringly-learned,  moderately  dull,  or  cleverly 
children  wopWly,  might  be  useful  in  the  See,  but  to  instal 
SliSEj  a  little  fellow,  bigger  than  a  baby,  yet  hardly 
ricks#  grown  up  into  a  boy,  was  an  outrageous  mockery 
of  the  Christian  community.  The  ceremony  was 
equally  sorrowful  and  ludicrous:  the  child,  taught 
to  repeat  the  responses,  or  to  spell  them  if  he 
could  not  get  them  by  heart,  usually  behaved 
pitiably.  Sometimes  the  terrified  urchin  would 
whimper,  not  in  fear  of  losing  the  bishoprick, — 
a  loss  which  he  could  nowise  appreciate, — but 
lest,  as  a  dunce,  he  should  receive  the  accustomed 
chastisement  for  not  knowing  his  lesson.  The 
bystanders  laughed — some  cried  shame.  Such  is 
the  naive  description  given  by  a  contemporary, 


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GUILLAUME   LONGUE-ErEE.  83 

who  had  too  often  witnessed  and  deplored  these  924-943 
grievous  spectacles,  Hatto,  Bishop  of  Vercelli.  r — — , 
They  were  amongst  the  heavy  abuses  and  tribu-  02*'-0fl5 
lations  of  the  Church  which  Hatto  records :  not 
to  be  mitigated  until  the  age  of  reform, — the  age 
of  Hildebrand. 

§  7.  According  to  the  most  plausible  hypo- 
thesis concerning  the  obscure  arrangement  en- 
tered into  with  the  view  of  securing  Hugonet's 
promotion,  Herbert  proposed,  according  to  the 
modern  mode  of  transacting  analogous  kinds  of 
business,  to  run  Seulph's  life  against  the  life  of 
the  child,  Seulph's  age  was  not  such  as  to  pro- 
mise a  speedy  vacancy :  nevertheless  his  health 
was  closely  watched  by  those  in  the  Verman- 
dois  interest,  and  equally  so  by  their  adversa- 
ries ;  Frodoardus,  our  faithful  historical  guide, 
from  whom  we  derive  great  part  of  our  story, 
and  who  had  himself  received  good  preferment 
from  Seulph,  being  included  in  the  latter  party, 

Seulph's  years,  months,  and  days,  were  care-  Death  of 

Archbishop 

fully  counted ;  and  when  Seulph,  according  to  the  s^iph— 
reckoning  of  Frodoardus,  had  held  his  priraatial  ^Jj^; 
see  during  three  years  and  five  days,  he  sud-  Jlnittto0' 
denly  died.    Poison  had  been  poured  into  his  cup :  m  Ht,*h- 
Frodoardus  implies,   in  very  intelligible  terms, 
that  Count  Herbert's  familiars  had  enjoyed  access 
to   the   Archbishop's  buttery.      Count  Herbert, 
though  exercising  a  most  powerful  influence  in 
and  over  Rheims,  electors  and  non-electors,  clergy, 

G  2 


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84  BAOUL  AND  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER. 

934—942  citizens,  soldiery,  was  not  yet  absolutely  master  r 
, — ^— s  it  was  expedient  that  he  should  deal  considerately 
925-927  w«tk  t^e  constituency,  persuade,  and  manage  them 
gently  and  agreeably.  He  repaired  to  Rheims.— 
Able  advocates,  Abbo,  bishop  of  Soissons,  and 
Bovo,  bishop  of  Ch&lons,  Queen  Frederuna's  bro- 
ther, assisted  Herbert  in  his  canvass.  Moreover, 
he  was  energetically  counselled  and  supported  by 
his  brother-in-law,  King  Baoul. 

Upon  little  Hugh's  nomination,  no  opposition 
was  manifested,  because  such  of  the  clergy  as 
were  not  of  Herbert's  colour  dared  not  shew  their 
faces :  Frodoardus— who  was  afterwards  impri- 
soned by  Count  Herbert — being  one  of  the  num- 
ber. The  Vermandois  candidate,  five  years  old, 
was  duly  elected,  and  placed  under  the  care  of 
Guido,  Bishop  of  Auxerre,  who  superintended  his 
education,  and  a  Chorepiscopus  was  appointed  to 
do  the  duty,  Odalricus,  the  Bishop  of  Acques,  who 
had  been  ejected  from  his  see  by  the  Saracens. 
custody  of  King  Raoul,  the  transactions  thus  far  com- 
raiitiea  of  pleted,  granted  the  custody  of  the  temporalities 
STrb^l*0  to  ^ount  Herbert  during  his  son's  minority.  Wife 
and  children,  dogs  and  horses  were  immediately 
housed  and  stabled  by  Herbert  in  the  Archev6ch£ 
or  Palace,  close  under  the  wing  of  the  Cathedral. 
Moreover,  Herbert  appropriated  to  himself  the  fine 
Archiepiscopal  domain  of  Couci,  which  never  after- 
wards reverted  to  the  see,  but  became  the  proudest 
Baronial  seignory  in  the  kingdom.    These  most 


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GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.  85 

unseemly  proceedings  were  the  commencement  aw-M* 
of  troubles  which  lasted  during  the  joint  lives  \ — * — \ 
of  Hugh  and  of  Artaldus,  who  speedily  arose  as  927~928 
Hugh's  competitor.    Count  Herbert  rode  through  Disputes 
the  Church — so  to  speak — booted  and  spurred.  8ion8Joc«a- 

*  r  stoned  by 

The  recusant  clergy,  our  faithful  witness  F*o-*^p~- 
doardus  included,  sustained  the  deprivation  of 
their  benefices;  and  a  violent  quarrel  having 
broken  out  among  the  Cathedral  canons,  mili- 
tary force  was  employed  as  a  sedative  ;■ — a  deacon 
and  sub-deacon  were  killed  in  the  cloister  by 
Count  Herbert's  soldiery. 

§  8.    Mutual  assistance  in  those  times  always  jealousies 
implied  mutual  suspicion.    Each  man  distrusted  tween  Her- 
his  neighbour,  even  as  his  neighbour  distrusted  ma°*j* 
him.    Those  who  drank  out  of  the  same  cup  had  RaouL 
to  pledge  each  other  that  they  would  not  use  the 
dagger :  your  friend  was  always  the  man  against 
whom  you  were  bound  to  guard  yourself — if  a 
connexion  or  relation,  most  of  all.    Herbert  had 
co-operated  efficiently  with  Raoul,  and  Raoul  had 
abundantly  reciprocated.    By  Raoul's  aid, "  Hugo 
parvulus"  (as  Frodoardus  calls  him)  had  obtained 
the  Archbishoprick,  of  which  Herbert  was  now 
in  possession;   and   Herbert  repaid  Raoul  by 
keeping  King  Charles  safely  in  Peronne  dungeon. 
Yet  notwithstanding  this  apparently  cordial  part* 
nership,  the  brothers-in-law  were  incurably  jea- 
lous of  each  other May  we  not  reasonably  sus- 
pect that  their  sister-wives  helped  to  foment  the 


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86      RAOUL  AND  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER. 

024-9*9  dissension,— Hildebranda  the  Countess  riyalling 
. — *_  Emma  the  Queen? 

jj^^8  In  Burgundy,  Baoul  was  a  rich  man,  a  power- 
JSJ^  ful  Prince,  his  domains  wide  and  extensive ;  but> 
£ud«?  M  King  in  France,  he  had  no  more  than  King 
Charles  before  him — no  revenue, — no  army, — no 
city  save  the  Clachduin,  the  rock,  palace,  burgh 
and  tower  of  Ladn.  This  only  possession,  Her- 
bert now  endeavoured  to  wrest  from  him.  Her- 
bert had  five  sons,  Eudes  (the  hostage  at  Rouen), 
— Albert, — Robert, — a  namesake  Herbert, — and 
the  boy  Archbishop,  Hugh.  This  youngest  enjoyed 
an  excellent  provision,  but  Count  Herbert  was  very 
anxious  to  gain  a  firm  footing  for  the  eldest,  and 
he  insisted  that  King  Raoul  should  grant  to  the 
young  man  the  County  of  the  City.  Urgently  as 
Raoul  had  felt  the  need  of  conciliating  his  bro- 
ther-in-law, he  would  not  yield. — Upon  this  point 
he  was  impracticable — the  concealed  grudges  ex- 
ploded, Herbert  revolted,  and  attempted  to  sur- 
prise the  rock.  Ladn's  garrison  repulsed  him ; 
and  he  adopted  a  course,  which  in  any  one  but 
Herbert  of  Vermandois,  would  have  seemed  incon- 
ceivable. A  greater  humiliation  than  dethrone- 
ment now  befel  the  unhappy  Charles:  he,  the 
descendant  of  Charlemagne,  to  be  bandied  about 
as  a  puppet  between  contending  tricksters  and 
parties. 

If  Charles  had  not  been  betrayed  into  captivity, 
Raoul  could  scarcely  have  maintained  himself 


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GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.  87 

upon  the  throne. — Were  Charles  brought  for-  924-943 
ward  again,  might  not  Raoul  be  in  the  greatest ,-  «     » 
danger  of  losing  that  royal  authority — his  delight  ^^ 
and  Emma's  pride?    Aquitaine  denounced  theJ^^J; 
Burgundian  as  an  usurper :  Lotharingia's  loyalty  J^eL* 
was  unsubdued:  the  Northmen,  sturdy  allies  of S^7 
Charles  to  the  last,  had  shewn  themselves  Raoul's  oni. 
determined  and  desperate  enemies.     Herbert  im-  Herbert 
mediately  calculated  upon  employing  these  hos-  with  Pope 
tile  elements  as  the  means  of  intimidation,  and 
he  forthwith  commenced  negociations  for  the 
restoration  of  the  legitimate  king,  treating  with 
that  very  Pope  John  the  Tenth,  to  whom  the 
Normans  owed  their  conversion. 

The  mysterious  history  of  the  Popedom 
abounds  in  awful  and  painful  contrasts  between 
the  Supreme's  Pontiffs  sacerdotal  efficacy,  dis- 
cretion, and  wisdom,  and  the  weaknesses  or 
crimes  by  which  the  man  was  disgraced  and  con- 
demned. Such  a  Pope  was  John  the  Tenth — so  914-938 
earnest  and  sound  in  his  endeavours  to  implant  SS™SS 
Christianity  amongst  the  Danes. — The  handsome  S3m  x, 
Clerkling  (whom  the  Cenci  claim  as  belonging  to 
their  family)  originally  earned  his  promotion  by 
the  influence  of  the  lovely  Theodora,  the  sister  of 
Marozia,  and  emulating  that  sister  in  profligacy 
and  beauty :  yet,  in  St.  Peter's  chair,  his  conduct 
was  blameless  and  edifying.  From  this  Pope 
John,  Herbert  of  Vermandois  solicited  spiritual 
support,  calling  upon  him  to  excommunicate  the 


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88  BAOUL  AND  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER. 

924-942  rebels  who  deposed  their  sovereign.  The  Princes 
^HXZX  and  Prelates  of  Lotharingia  and  Germany  were 
W7-»28  jjjyjj^j  to  ^  Henry  the  Fowler  himself,  sym- 
pathising with  a  fellow-monarchy  promised  co- 
operation ;  but  most  important  was  it  for  Herbert 
to  secure  the  assistance  of  the  young  Guillaume 
Longue-^pde.  Eudes  of  Vermandois,  for  whose 
sake  Herbert  his  father  had  besieged  Laon,  con- 
tinued in  Guillaume's  power,  still  kept  under 
arrest  at  Rouen,  a  pledge  until  the  remaining 
instalments  of  the  weary  Danegeld  due  from 
France,  should  be  fully  discharged  :  unless  Eudes 
was  released,  how  could  he  receive  investiture  of 
his  County  ?  The  preliminary  measures  accom- 
plished, life  was  suddenly  given  to  Herbert's 
schemes  by  the  appearance,  in  bright  day,  of  one 
who  had  been  forgotten  as  a  dead  man  in  the 
King        grave.    The  captive  Charles  was  brought  forth 

Cfi&rl6B  TO- 

Jewed  from  from  Peronne,  and  produced  to  the  public  as 

prison,  and  *  * 

SmTh  -^nS  at  **t#  Quentin-  Raoul  hastily  retreated  to 
count  W  Burgundy :  he  must  abandon  La6n#  There  was 
St^Tto  but  one  to  whom  he  could  confide  his  city,  heroic 
Burgundy,  jjmma,  whom  he  placed  in  command  there. 

§  9.  The  way  was  opening  rapidly  for  the 
Restoration.  Guillaume  Longue-£p£e  unhesitat- 
ingly adhered  to  the  resuscitated  monarch.  The 
obligation  contracted  by  his  father  Rollo  had 
descended  to  him :  it  ran  with  the  land.  Through 
Rollo,  he  owed  his  dominion  to  Charles,  and  h& 
prepared  to  afford  hearty  and  uncoerced  assist- 


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GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.  89 

ance.     Charles,  carefully  escorted  by  Herbert,  924-343 
crossed  the  Norman  frontier,  and  took  up  his ,— * — , 
residence  at  Eu.   Here  a  conference  was  held  with  927~828 
the  Duke  and  Patrician  of  Rouen.     Guillaume     927 
performed  solemn  homage  to  King  Charles  as  his  Lon^e 
lawful  sovereign,  placing  his  hands  between  King  fSmEZ 
Charles's  hands,  and  becoming  his  liegeman,  even  SSg  to 
as  Rollo  had  done  at  Clair-sur-Epte.    Words  and  eu.  w  a 
actions — la  bouche  et  lee  mains — testified  that 
Guillaume  had  entered  into  the  service  of  his 
father's  liege  lord  earnestly  and  sincerely;  and, 
concurrently  with  this  submission  to  the  legiti- 
mate King,  he  concluded  an  alliance  with  the 
Count  of  Vermandois.   Guillaume  confided  impli- 
citly in  his  uncle  Bernard  de  Senlis,  or  Senlis- Ver- 
mandois;  and  possibly,  Bernard's  intervention 
brought  the  young  nephew  more  readily  into  the 
confederacy. 

Thus   countenanced,    thus   supported,   Her-£ins 

'  rr  Baoulre- 

bert  proceeded  actively  in  the  good  cause.    The  5JJJj£ 
country  was  everywhere  disturbed,  dangers  threat-  q^; 
ening  from  without.     Rumours  filled  France — dU**# 
the  Magyars  are  coming! — and  the  terrified  inha- 
bitants prepared  to  abandon  the  country,  so  as 
to  escape  even  the  chance  of  encountering  these 
hideous  enemies:  —  the  Northmen  alone  seem 
never  to  have  heeded  them.   The  report  was  pre- 
mature: the  Magyars  did  not  come  this  time,  but 
the  Saracens  were  near  at  hand,  advancing  through 
the  Alpine  passes,  now  so  familiarly  known  to 


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90  RAOUL  AND  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER. 

»m-mi  the  sons  of  the  Desert.  Raoul  stationed  himself 
\ — • — » in  Burgundy,  unquestionably  for  the  purpose  of 
997  defence:  had  the  Mahometan  forces  once  de- 
scended the  Jura,  France  would  have  been  lost. 
But  Herbert's  hostility  compelled  him  to  quit  his 
position;  and  during  the  Christmas  festival  he 
marched  northwards,  towards  and  into  the  Ver- 
mandois,  wasting  and  destroying  as  he  proceeded. 
— King  Charles  must  be  considered  as  a  nullity, 
and  Hugh-le-Grand  offered  himself  as  a  mediator, 
far  more  inclined  to  favour  Herbert's  pretensions 
than  those  of  Raoul.  The  terms  imposed  upon 
Raoul  pinched  him  very  hard — he  must  surrender 
La6n  unconditionally.  But  Queen  Emma  stoutly 
refused  to  comply  with  the  extortion :  she  would 
not  give  up  the  royal  fortress ;  and  Raoul,  having 
vainly  endeavoured  to  induce  his  wife  to  open 
the  gates,  returned  to  Burgundy.  However,  after 
an  interval,  the  heroine  was  content  to  yield,  and 
Herbert  possessed  himself  of  the  much-coveted 
city. 
bSSS  §  10-  In  the  meanwhile,  the  friendship  be- 
"™e  tween  the  Norman  Patrician  and  Herbert  of  Ver- 
****  mandois  cooled :  the  cause  of  the  disunion  is  un- 
certain; perhaps  Guillaume  Longue-£p£e,  being  at 
this  juncture  earnest  for  the  restoration  of  King 
Charles,  or  supposing  himself  to  be  so,  distrust- 
ed Herbert,  and  therefore  withdrew  from  him. 
Hugh-le-Grand  intervened,  again  quelled  the 
dissension,  and  the  dissidents  pledged  themselves 


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GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.  91 

to  peace ;  but,  in  order  to  ensure  Herbert's  sup-  924-942 
port  for  King  Charles,  Count  Guillaume  stipulated  ,-  ^     [ 
that  Herbert,  as  well  as  the  other  counts  andGirf^me 
bishops  of  his  party,  should  commend  themselves  5252? 
to  the  King  and  perform  homage.    Until  Herbert  ^hS* 
complied  with  this  condition,  Guillaume  continued  d?ho§iS^ 
to  detain  the  son  of  Herbert,  Eudes,  the  expectant 
Count  of  Ladn,  at  Rouen. 

Strange  that  any  validity  should  be  ascribed 
to  forms  and  pledges  and  promises  so  utterly 
futile — which  those  who  demanded  them  knew  to 
be  valueless :  for  there  was  no  prophylactic  against 
the  Luegenfeld  contagion.  The  inveterate  prac- 
tice of  contracting  illusory  obligations  had  ren- 
dered men  thoroughly  insensible  to  the  existence 
of  truth. — How  forcibly  contrasting  with  the 
French  character,  as  displayed  when  we  behold 
the  golden  fleur-de-lys  shining  in  the  azure  shield, 
— the  period  when  the  principles  of  Honour  were 
evolved, — the  most  exalted  of  worldly  sentiments, 
so  nearly  analogous  to  Christian  duties  as  often 
to  prove  their  most  fatal  bane. 

Yet,  after  all,  nothing  has  been  gained.  There 
is  no  extirpation  of  any  human  failing.  Diseases 
may  wear  out :  the  leprosy  of  the  body  has  dis- 
appeared from  the  catalogue  of  human  afflictions, 
but  there  is  no  eradicating  any  leprosy  of  the 
soul.  Our  age  juggles  with  moral  responsibility 
by  swamping  individual  conscience  in  the  delin- 
quencies of  the  aggregate  community.    My  Lord 


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92  BAOUL  AND  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER. 

934-942  Coke  was  legally  correct  when  he  pronounced 
!ZZXZ^  the  famous  dictum  that  corporations  cannot  be 
927—929  excommunicated,  because  they  have  no  souls: 
but  he  forgot  that  souls  compose  the  corpora- 
tion. Faithlessness  continues  to  be  the  esoteric 
doctrine  of  all  nations;  and  the  well-known 
member  of  Parliament  who  put  on  the  Journals 
his  notice  of  an  address  to  the  Crown, — that,  in 
future,  no  treaties  be  concluded  with  foreign 
powers,  inasmuch  as  they  are  never  observed- 
conveyed  a  true  lesson,  though  a  useless  one, 
by  his  somewhat  ponderous  drollery. 

Henry  the  Fowler  made  the  best  of  his  oppor- 
tunities :  he  crossed  the  Rhine,  encamped  upon 
the  Meuse,  and  proceeded  to  establish  himself  in 
Lotharingia.  Lands  were  liberally  distributed, 
oaths  and  promises  given  and  taken,  and  a  set* 
tlement  of  affairs  concluded  between  the  King 
of  Germany  and  the  leading  Lotharingians.  No 
further  use  could  be  made  by  Herbert  of  the  un- 
happy Charles.  Whatever  influence  he  expected 
to  obtain  through  Papal  authority  soon  vanished. 
928  Old  battered  Marozia,  and  her  husband,  Guido 
ationbe-    Marquis  of  Tuscany  and  then  also  Lord  and 

tween  , 

Raouiand  master  of  Rome,  determined  to  rid  themselves  of 

Herbert 

tanned  ^°Ve  ^°^n*  Ttah*  soldiers  surprized  the  unhappy 

^*to-       Pontiff  in  the  Lateran :  cast  him  into  prison,  and 

smothered  him  under  a  pillow.    Hugh-le-Grand 

and  Herbert  held  a  conference  with  King  Henry, 

settled — for  the  time — their  course  of  action,  and 


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GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.  93 

repaired  to  Raoul.     The  King  and  the  great  w±-w2 
Vermandois  were  reconciled.    Herbert  had  ac-  , — * — » 
complished  his  ends:    Laon,  castle,  rock,  city, 
and  tower,  were  won.     He  commended  himself 
again  to  Raoul,  and  King  Charles  descended  again 
into  his  dungeon. 

§  11.    Herbert  marched  with  King  Raoul  to 
Burgundy.    Vienne  was  granted  to  the  Count 
of  Vermandois-— the  bargain  did  not  hold.    But 
a  most  astounding  event  next  ensued,  unaccom-  JJJJJ^ 
panied  by  any  note  of  preparation.     We  meetJ^PJ^" 
King  Raoul  at  Rheims.    Without  any  warning,  chJfIeg  at 
the  prison-doors  are  opened,  and  we  behold  King  Uberty* 
Charles  honoured  as  a  king  by  Raoul,  and  rein- 
stated in  the  royal  domain  of  Pontyon  and  the 
palace  of  Attigny. — Another  sudden  change,  and, 
as  by  the  wand  of  a  magician,  Charles  is  replaced 
in  the  hard  custody  of  Herbert  of  Vermandois- 
These  marvellous  mutations  imply  a  maze  of  in* 
trigues,  now  wholly  inexplicable ;  but  they  were 
effected  smoothly  and  silently.    Amongst  these 
kings  and  princes  all  pacts  and  promises  were 
lies;  and  nothing  so  easy  as  lying. 

Never  was  Charles  seen  again  alive  beyond 
his  prison-walls.  He  was  lingering  in  his  dungeon, 
bound  in  fetters.  About  a  year  afterwards,  his 
corpse  was  carried  out — he  was  buried  at  Pe- 
ronne,  "Peronna  Scottorum,"  in  the  church  dedi- 
cated to  famous  Saint  Fursseus,  the  anchorite  of 
Burgh  Castle.    Many  believed  that  Herbert  had 


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94      BAOUL  AND  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER. 

934-942  caused  the  sinews  of  his  legs  to  be  divided :  a 
/ — * — ,  horrible  device  occasionally  adopted  by  those, 
92*~m  who,  unable  to  tread  out  the  last  glimmering  spark 
of  conscientious  compunction,  sought,  without  in- 
flicting death,  to  render  the  sufferer  impotent  and 
helpless.    This  report  however,  was  probably  an 
exaggeration :  the  cruelty  would  have  been  need- 
less, otherwise  than  as  a  vindictive  retribution  for 
the  death  of  the  blinded  Bernard.    Herbert  had 
no  need  to  employ  violence :  he  might  safely  trust 
to  grie£  close  confinement,  heavy  irons,  stinted 
oot  7, 929.  diet,  and  foul  air.   Herbert's  Physicians,  well  read 
it"*        in  Constantinus  Africanus,  discreetly  pronounced 
Feronne?   that  the  complaint  of  which  the  prisoner  died  was 
a  "  macronosia? — that  is  to  say, — a  decline  pro- 
duced by  malignant  humours  and  natural  causes. 
Charles  was  very  patient  during  all  his  sufferings: 
after  his  decease  he  was  secretly  honoured  as  a 
martyr;  and  the  imperial  line  of  Charlemagne 
was  now  reduced  to  one  individual,  the  child 
Louis  beyond  the  sea. 
980  §  12.    Guillaume  Longue-£p£e  avoided,  for 

rSJ^S!  *^e  Present>  any  direct  intervention  in  French 
gjjj*  j£  affairs.  But  the  Danish  Northmen,  acting  inde- 
iiimogos.  pendently,  and  possibly  reinforced  from  Northum- 
bria,  were  raging  south  of  the  Loire,  punishing 
the  country  as  in  the  darkest  times  of  their  inva- 
sions. Raoul  issued  a  general  summons.  The 
King  was  obeyed  by  the  French  with  extraordi- 
nary alacrity.    It  was  indeed  for  their  own  in- 


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GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.  95 

terest  that  they  should  exert  themselves  heartily  924—949 
in  repelling  the  marauders  from  their  own  con-  * — « — „ 
fines.  Twelve  legions  were  assembled  :  it  is  diffi- 
cult to  conjecture  the  number  of  troops  implied 
by  this  expression,  yet  we  may  construe  the 
awkwardly  employed  classical  phraseology  into 
the  fact,  that  Raoul  commanded  a  strong  and 
well-marshalled  army.  He  advanced  to  Limoges. 
A  single  battle  ensued,  which  ended  this  Danish 
war :  the  Danes  were  defeated,  and  the  greater 
part  slain.  Barely  indeed  had  the  prowess  of 
the  Franks  been  rewarded  by  such  a  decisive 
victory.  The  splendid  triumph  gained  at  Limoges 
by  Raoul  over  the  Pagans,  accomplished  another 
conquest,  but  pacific.  Raoul  won  the  fealty  of 
many  amongst  the  Aquitanians :  he  had  relieved 
them  from  their  enemies,  and  their  obedience  tes- 
tified their  gratitude ;  it  was  well  to  have  such 
a  helpful  king.  But  Burgundy  was  troubled,  and 
required  his  presence :  the  Saracens  blocked  the 
Alpine  passes;  and  Queen  Emma,  whom  Raoul 
had  stationed  as  his  lieutenant,  acting  over-much 
as  a  virago,  had  provoked  a  family  rebellion. 

Gilbert,  married  to  Hermengarda,  Richard-le-  Queen 

Emma. 

Justicier's  daughter,  and  therefore  Raoul's  brother-  Dfcturb- 

&  '  ancesio 

in-law,  was  Count,  or,  perhaps,  Governor  of  great  Burgundy. 
part  of  Burgundy,  including  the  Dijonnais,  under 
Raoul's  supremacy.    It  seems  as  if  it  were  im- 
possible that  any  relatives  in  those  times  could 
live  without  a  quarrel:  quarrelling  was  meat 


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96  BAOUL  AND  LOUIS  D'OUTEEMER. 

924-942  and  drink  to  them.   For  some  unknown,  but  per- 
^^Hr  haps  justifiable  cause,  Queen  Emma  mustered  her 
331-&83  jj^p^  an(j  boldly  expelled  the  husband  of  her 
husband's  sister  from  his  favourite  stronghold — 
dark  mountainous  Avalon.    Gilbert  retaliated  : 
Raoul  came  to  the  help  of  his  wife,  checked  Gil- 
bert's progress,  and  the  brothers-in-law  thence- 
forth really  became   and  continued  friends, — a 
social  phenomenon.  Emma's  unrecorded  achieve- 
ments and  exertions  were  probably  far  more 
numerous   than    those  whereof  the   history  is 
preserved.     Very  meagre  and  obscure  are  the 
memorials  of  Burgundy. 
Feud  be-  $  13.    Raoul    now   hastened   to    France — 

tween  J 

oSSdand  France  *n  utter  confusion.  A  bitter  feud  was 
v!mw-of  raging  between  the  original  confederates,  Hugh- 
dolB'  le-Grand  and  Herbert  of  Vermandois,  dating 
from  the  year  when  King  Charles  died  at  Pe- 
ronne,  and  possibly  connected  with  that  event. 
Raoul  had  made  great  exertions  to  pacify  them — > 
worked  hard  as  a  mediator; — but,  after  every 
truce,  the  bickering,  impatient  rivals,  resumed 
their  strife  with  renewed  pertinacity.  This  feud 
must  be  considered  as  a  running  accompaniment 
of  discord  to  all  the  incidents  of  Raoul's  reign  until 
its  conclusion.  The  dissensions  between  Hugh 
and  Herbert  became  perplexedly  complicated 
with  the  virulent  contest  carried  on  between 
King  Raoul  and  Count  Herbert  for  the  Arch- 
bishoprick  of  Rheims.    Raoul,  who  previously  had 


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OUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.  97 

worked  so  strenuously  with  Herbert  for  the  pur-  924^942 
pose  of  accomplishing  little  Hugh's  promotion, ,-  « ■  . 
now  laboured  just  as  strenuously,  or  more  so,  to  981~"m 
undo  his  own  work,  and  to  place  Artaldus,  a 
monk  of  Saint  Remi,  in  the  See.   Artaldus  was  a 
good  man  and  wise,  but  tainted  by  the  miserable 
politics  of  his  time ;  a  political  deserter  also,  who, 
having  abandoned  Herbert,  had  become  the  re- 
tainer of  Hugh-le-Grand. 

Raoul  issued  his  precept  to  the  clergy  and  J^jf0M 
citizens,   commanding  them  to  elect  Artaldus*  ^Jgg^ 
a  command  which  they  consistently  refused  to  ^^Ed 
obey — Hugonet  was  their  Archbishop— their  elec-  d£*  *§ 
tion  was  made.    Raoul,  aided  by  Hugh-le-Grand, RheuM- 
brought  them  to  reason.    After  a  siege  of  three 
weeks  they  opened   their  gates,  and  Artaldus 
was  consecrated  and  enthroned :  Raoul  did  not 
condescend  to  go  through  the  form  of  an  elec- 
tion.     These  hostilities  between  the  King,  the 
Duke,  and  the  Count,  intermixed  with  numerous 
incidental  feuds,  —  of  which  I  omit  many  and 
abridge  all, — however  petty  they  appear,  are,  in 
truth,  of  the  highest  importance.    At  this  period, 
they  constitute  the  history  of  France,  and,  in  a 
set  history  of  France,  should  be  given  with  mi- 
nuteness of  detail :  for  they  dispel  the  various 
brilliant  theories  which  represent  the  contests 
between  Charlemagne's  descendants  and  the  de- 
scendants  of  Robert-le-Fort  as  disclosing  the 
deeply-rooted  sentiments  resulting  from  race  or 
VOL.  11.  h 


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98      RAOUL  AND  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER. 

027-942  nationality.    Except  in  the  case  of  the  Lotharin* 
]T^     [  gians,  and  amongst  them,  not  purely,  we  discern 
wa-m  no  other  motives  save  the  private,  mean,  sordid, 
ambitious  or  angry  passions  of  the  contending 
parties. 
Henry  the        Henry  the  Fowler,  a  bystander,  but  not  indif- 
interferes.  ferent,  was  waiting  to  assail  France.    There  was 
a  lurking  ambition  in  the  German  king,  and  in 
his  son  Otho  after  him,  to  acquire  all  Charle- 
magne's Empire  westward  of  the  Rhine.    Was 
it  not  theirs — did  not  the  German  people  retain 
the  golden  eagle,  Charlemagne's  Pfaltz  and  Char- 
lemagne's tomb? — Reckless  Herbert,  reckoning 
upon  this  yearning,  now  abandoned  Raoul  wholly, 
and    performed  homage  to  King  Henry,  who 
crossed  the  great  Rhine.    Raoul,  equally  alert, 
and  acting  in  conjunction  with  Hugh,  invaded 
Herbert's   territories,  and   cleverly  overreached 
him  for  the  nonce.   If  he  could  not  separate  Her- 
bert from  King  Henry,  he  might  separate  King 
Henry  from  Herbert.  Hugh-le-Grand  negotiated, 
and  King  Henry  was  content  to  retreat  beyond 
that  great  Rhine,  leaving  Herbert  to  settle  his 
accounts  with  King  Raoul. 
The*""93!         $  ***     ^  heavy  tide  of  troubles  was  rolling 
Bwto^*6  towards  Normandy.     Armorica  wasted,  harassed, 
and  depopulated,  was  preparing  for  insurrection. 
JftElTo-  *^e  P0^*^  state  of  that  miserable  country  was 
Sr^!*  extremely  perplexed  :  an  aggregate  of  Provinces, 
rica-         Territories,  and  Marchlands,  diverse  in  their  in- 


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GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.  99 

terests,  divided  by  their  rivalries,  and  only  occa-  &27-M2 
sionally  united  by  their  enmity  against  the  Nor-  \ — * — ^ 
mans  and  the  Northmen.  Juhel-Berenger,  who  m~m 
seems  to  have  been  thoroughly  a  Frenchman, 
had,  as  we  have  seen,  been  the  strenuous  sup- 
porter of  Guillaume  Longue-^pee.  Alain  had 
concurred  with  Berenger  in  acknowledging 
Hollo's  authority,  but  they  construed  this  ac- 
knowledgment simply  as  an  honourable  relation, 
in  which  temporary  dependence  and  alliance  were 
blended.  The  four  Counts,  of  Nantes,  of  Goello, 
of  L^on,  and  of  Cornouaille,  had  never  performed 
homage  to  the  Patrician.  Many  parts  of  Bri- 
tanny  were  occupied  by  bands  or  garrisons  of 
Northmen,  who,  though  not  inimical  to  Rollo 
or  to  Guillaume,  did  not  depend  upon  the  Senior 
of  Rouen.  But,  far  more  formidable  to  the  Bre- 
tons than  any  direct  hostility,  was  the  Danish  or 
Norman  colonization,  insulting  the  Celts,  and 
rendering  them  aliens  in  their  own  native  land. 
Many  of  the  Northmen,  both  Romanized  and 
Pagan,  had  settled  themselves  in  Cornouaille  and 
the  Nantois,  domineering  amongst  the  Bretons — 
an  occupation  exceedingly  annoying.  The  Nor- 
man Count  or  Chieftain  who  commanded  in  Cor- 
nouaille is  called  "Felican,"  a  nape  evidently 
given  incorrectly,  but  so  unsusceptible  of  emen- 
dation, that  we  cannot  attempt  to  rectify  it.  sept.29. 

The  law  of  nations,  clear  and  consistent  when  The  eT^ 
expounded   by   grape-shot  and  shrapnell-shell,  JS^y. 

H2 


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100  BAOUL  AND  LOUIS  d'OIJTREMER. 

927-042  congreve-rocket  or  colt-revolver,  furnishes  irrefra- 
^_^_ ^  gable  arguments  in  support  of  any  right  claimed 
981-082  ky  power  and  prosperity,  and  an  irrefutable  vin* 
dication  of  any  wrong  inflicted  upon  weakness  or 
misfortune.  This  code,  so  comprehensively  elas- 
tic, declares  that  resistance  against  usurped  autho- 
rity becomes  justifiable,  when  there  is  a  reason- 
able prospect  of  succeeding : — the  correctness  or 
the  erroneousness  of  the  calculations  made  by  the 
oppressed,  decides  whether  their  attempt  shall  be 
honoured  as  patriotism,  or  punished  as  rebellion. 
The  Bretons  attempted  to  cast  off  the  grievous 
yoke.  On  the  Feast  of  Saint  Michael,  and  during 
the  very  hour  that  the  mass  was  sung,  they  rose 
simultaneously  against  the  Northmen,  inflicting 
a  general  slaughter. 

The  insurrection  spread  throughout  Armo- 

rica :   Rollo  was  dead ;   the  battle  of  Limoges 

had  given  courage  to  the  Bretons — a  proof  was 

afforded  that  the  Northmen  were  not  invincible. 

Felican's  forces  were  numerous  and  sturdy,  but 

the    Bretons, — excellent    archers, — shot    them 

down.    Armorican  traditions  extol  Juhel-Beren- 

ger  as  the  champion  of  national  liberty,  the  first 

The         who  had  raised  the  war-cry;  but  the  Normang 

summoned  bestowed  that  honour  upon  Alain  Barbe-torte, 

laume  "    whom  they  vituperated  as  the  chief  rebel.     The 

Longue*  4 

6tt  di     accusatlon  may  be  very  true ;  for  Alain  emulated 
glance,      the  glory  of  his.naa*eeake  and  grandsire. 

Guillaume  Longue-£p6e  forthwith    enjoined 


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GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.  101 

the  Breton   Counts  to   present   themselves  at  927—942 

Rouen,  renew  their  allegiance,  and  submit  them-  X^X 

selves  to  their  Senior's  mercy. — They  girt  their  m-9& 

loins  for  the   battle  and   faced  the   danger — 

Their  reply  is  imperfectly  known  from  the  report 

preserved  by  the  Norman  historians,  yet  the  main 

purport  of  the  Armorican  protestation  may  be  also 

collected  from  the  reminiscences  of  history. — A 

King  they  had,  the  King  who  sat  on  the  throne  of 

Charlemagne :  the  King  of  the  French  sufficed  for 

them :  they  needed  no  Norman  Duke,  no  Patrician 

of  Rouen.  Cornouaille  had  long  since  been  granted 

byCharles-le-Chauve  to  Pasquitain  and  Solomon. 

The  Senior  had  no  power  to  transfer  the  vassal's  Theyre- 
*  #  ftue,  de- 

allegiance  without  the  vassal's  consent.    Admit  ^^^ 

that  portions  of  Armorica  had  been  ceded  to  Rollo  "■  <*&*- 
by  the  Crown  of  France,  to  be  held  by  him  during 
his  life,  for  the  better  support  of  his  newly- 
created  dignity ;  yet,  with  Rollo's  life,  the  bond 
expired.  Friends  the  Breton  chiefs  would  be  to 
Guillaume,  his  peers  and  equals ;  but  to  no  land 
except  the  land  of  France  would  service  be  ren- 
dered by  Armorica.  This  declaration  scarcely 
agreed  with  their  own  personal  acts,  if  those  acts 
have  been  fairly  represented.  Alain  and  Berenger 
had  been  foremost  in  acknowledging  Guillaume  as 
Rollo's  successor  while  Rollo  still  lived;  and 
they  had  repeated  that  voluntary  acknowledg- 
ment^ when,  after  his  father's  decease,  Guillaume 
assumed  his  Ducal  power. 


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102  RAOUL  AND  LOUIS  d'OUTREMER. 

Wi-w        Guillaume   disclaimed    the  responsibility  of 

*       pronouncing  judgment  in  his  own  cause,  and  he 

©81-932  therefore  refrained  from  hostilities,  until,  as  he 

Proceed- 

G§i£f  professed,  he  could  examine  into  the  validity  of 
J'^He  the  Breton  pleadings.  He  convened  his  Court 
wtaioneof  his  Counts  and  Counsellors,  and  claimed  their 
MdSJSS!  opinion ;  but  it  does  not  appear  that  the  defen- 
goU°I*      dants  had  any  opportunity  of  reply. 

Bernard  the  Dane,  and  Botho,  Count  of  Bayeux, 
stood  up  equally  as  advisers  and  as  witnesses.  They 
had  been  present  at  the  famous  conferences  on  the 
island  of  the  Epte,  they  rehearsed  the  discussions 
which  had  ensued,  and  the  stipulations  concluded 
Bernard  between  the  parties : — in  the  terms  of  Anglo- 
their  «°re-°'  Norman  jurisprudence  they  "made  record"  of  the 

cord"  of  J  r  J 

the  Nor.    compact.    The  undeniable  successes  obtained  by 

man  right. 

the  Northmen  constituted  the  staple  of  their 
argument.  Had  not  the  Northmen  oft  and  oft 
chastised  the  audacious  disobedience  of  the  mean 
Breton  race?  Had  not  Rollo  subjugated  the 
land  the  Bretons  lived  in  ?  Had  he  not  enforced 
the  submission  of  the  Bretons?  Would  not  the 
Normals  be  disgraced,  were  they  now  to  allow 
such  insolence  to  prevail? — The  statement  thus 
made  by  Bernard  and  Botho  was  grateful  to  the 
hearers,  and  if,  as  may  have  been  the  case  with 
old  men,  their  recollection  failed  upon  certain 
points  which  might  have  tended  to  support  the 
Breton  claims  of  exemption,  there  was  no  one 
present  by  whom  the  correction  could  be  made. 


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GUILLAUME   LONGUE-EPEE.  103 

Anyhow,  the  argument  was  irresistible: — mic-  M7— $42 
He  will  aye  have  more. — Guillaume  unfurled  his  ^ZXZ^ 
standard  and  summoned  his  lieges.     The  North-  ^T982 
men,  notwithstanding  their  recent  disasters,  were  Jjjjjji^ 
still  very  powerful  in  Britanny.     A  commander,  ^n  2f^« 
"Imicon,"  of  whom  we  have  only  confused  notices, Bret0DS- 
wasted  the  country.     Crossing  the  river  Coesnon, 
Guillaume  penetrated  into  the  very  centre  of  Ar- 
morica,  burning  and  ravaging:  the  Bretons  dis- 
persed themselves  before  him,  and  Guillaume 
returned  triumphantly  to  Rouen.    But  the  Brey- 
zad  spirit  was  not  yet  broken.    Relieved  from 
the  Duke's  immediate   presence,    they  rallied, 
repossessed  themselves  of  Cornouaille,  and  in- 
sulted Danish  Bayeux. — Another  bloody  foray. — 
Guillaume  and  the  Normans  again  entered  the 
Celtic  territory,  which  they  devastated  ferociously. 
Famine  and  misery  compelled  the  Bretons  to 
implore  the    victor's    mercy.      Juhel-Berenger 
purchased  his  pardon  by  renewing  his  homage, 
and  regained  his  Suzerain's  favour.    Well  settled  Jnhei- 

0  Berenger 

in  his  County  of  Rennes,  Juhel-Berenger's  lineage,  J^jjj^* 
subsisting  during  four  generations,  will  become  JJ^RSng 
very  noticeable  in  our  Norman  history.    Alain  £££*•• 
Barbe-torte  did  not  experience  the  like  forbear-  2££j!rti 
ance ;  the  embittered  Guillaume  would  not  hear  i^gjid. 
of  pardon.     Armorica  could  not  protect  Alain, 
France  denied  safety.    As  a  child,  Alain's  father 
had  found  a  home  for  him  in  Britain  beyond  the 
sea ;  and  again  he  fled  to  that  island  of  refuge, 


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104    RAOUL  AND  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER. 

027-942  sheltering  himself  beneath  the  shield  of  friendly 

\ — ; \  and  glorious  Athelstan. 

cou^tf82        Guillaume  Longue-ep^e's  successes  determined 
Amnchin  *^e  Duchy's   South-western  frontier.     All  the 
SntiD?"     territory  North  East  of  the  Coesnon,  hencefor- 
ward the  boundary  separating    Britanny  from 
Normandy,  became  the   "Avranchin"  and  the 
"Cdtentin."  Riulph,  sagacious,  eloquent  and  bold, 
but  who  soon  appears  so  rebelliously  conspicuous, 
acquired  a  County,  subsequently  denominated  the 
"Bocage  Normand,"  nigh  the  Vire. 
T^«    f  The  Channel  Islands,  rich  orchards  of  the  sea, 

Channel  *  ^ 

islands,  appendages  of  the  Cdtentin,  shared  the  political 
destiny  of  their  mainland.  No  portion  of  the 
Ducal  dominions  became  more  thoroughly  Nor- 
malized ;  and  here  the  antient  Norman  jurispru- 
dence flourishes  at  the  present  day.  The  judg- 
ment of  forfeiture  pronounced  against  John  Lack- 
land did  not  disturb  their  allegiance.  Faith- 
fully have  the  people  adhered  to  England — 
or,  as  they  are  reported  to  say,  England  apper- 
tains to  them,  it  was  their  Duke  who  conquered 
England.  They  may  adduce  grave  authority  for 
the  indulgence  of  their  pretensions. — My  Lord 
Coke  lays  down  as  law,  that  the  possession  of 
these  islands  is  good  seizin  for  the  rest  of  the 
Duchy.  During  all  vicissitudes,  and  notwith-» 
standing  all  mutations  of  religion  and  policy,  it 
is  in  the  right  of  the  Norman  Coronal — and  dis- 
playing the  Leopards  of  Normandy  on  her  Ducal 


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GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.  105 

seal, — that  this  remnant  of  Rollo's  dominion  is  927-44? 
ruled  by  the  Sovereign  of  the  British  Empire.      \ i_J 

\  15.  Guillaume  Longue-£p6e  acquired  great  JJjJJjj^ 
renown  by  these  Armorican  exploits,  equally  con-  YtiZZ* 
ducive  to  the  interests  of  the  Normans,  and  gra-  E»Priota- 
tifying  to  their  pride: — he  flourished  in  glory 
and  apparent  prosperity.  Nevertheless  his  chief- 
tains began  to  be  anxious  concerning  the  future 
destiny  of  the  State.  How  could  Normandy  exist 
as  Normandy,  should  the  race  of  Rollo  fail  ?  In 
the  same  manner  as  the  French,  even  the  most 
lawless,  could  not  conceive  a  Commonwealth 
otherwise  than  under  a  King's  supremacy,  so  did 
the  Northmen  connect  the  very  existence  of  their 
Domination  with  the  individuality  of  their  Ruler 
An  opinion  prevailed  that  the  young  Duke  was 
inclining  to  adopt  a  life  of  celibacy,  perhaps 
profess  in  some  monastery.  Should  Guillaume 
Longue-^pee  die  heirless,  childless,  would  not  the 
rising  State  be  doomed  to  anarchy  or  extinction? 
His  counsellors  therefore  urged  him  to  marry — 
a  hint  is  given  that  the  pressure  of  solicitation 
may  have  proceeded  from  the  French  or  Roman- 
ized party.  Guillaume  made  his  own  choice, — > 
perhaps  had  already  made  it — yet  one  satisfactory 
to  his  advisers — the  fair  Espriota,  a  gentle,  wise, 
and  affectionate  damsel,  distinguished  by  her 
amiability  and  beauty. 

The  happy  ambiguity  of  the  term  nobilissima, 
enables  the  family  historian  to  avoid  any  confes- 


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106  RAOUL  AND   LOUIS  D'OUTREMER. 

027—942  sion  that  Espriota  was  destitute  of  that  ancestry 

#—  I [  which  would  surely  have  been  extolled,  had  she 

931-332  p0Sgesse(j  the  honours  of  distinguished  lineage. 
Dudon,  who  addresses  her  son's  son,  either  as- 
sumed that  any  particulars  concerning  Espriota 
were  needless,  or  felt  that  it  was  more  prudent  to 
avoid  them.  We  know  nothing  whatever  concern- 
ing Espriota's  station  or  origin,  save  that  an  ex- 
pression employed  by  those  who  despised  her, 
gives  us  some  reason  to  conjecture  (though  with- 
out much  confidence)  that  she  was  born  in  the 
Breton  Marchlands  —  possibly  the  daughter  of 
some  Romanized  Frankish  soldier,  yet  certainly 
altogether  French  in  manners;  inasmuch  as  the 
French  was  the  language  which  alone  came  na- 
tural to  her  children. 
They  an  Guillaume  Longue-epee  having  pleased  himself 

£ri>i&kh  *n  *^e  se^ect^on  °'  his  consort,  became  a  husband, 
j££*!*n  following  his  father's  example,  and  his  own  wilful 
way.  He  would  not  bring  the  bride  to  Church — 
why  should  he  disgrace  his  mother's  memory? 
had  her  union  with  Rollo  received  the  benedic- 
tion of  the  priest  before  the  altar?  Therefore 
Guillaume  took  the  maiden  to  be  his  "  Hustrue," 
more  Danico,  pursuant  to  the  antient  Gentile 
usages  of  the  North.  Guided  by  a  deliberate  and 
carefully  considered  determination,  Guillaume  re- 
fused to  wed  his  true-love  otherwise  than  in  con- 
formity to  the  ethnic  Danish  custom  : — exhorted 
to  espouse  her  as  beseemed  a  Christian,  the  ad- 
vice was  peremptorily  refused. 


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GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.  107 

Icele  ama  moult  e  tint  chere;  027—943 

Mais  a  la  Danesche  manere  *      »      ' 

La  Toult  avoir,  non  autrement  ©si— »82 
Co  dist  l'estorie,  qui  ne  ment. 

When  the  French  vituperated  Espriota's  son,  S^t^d 
they  called  his  parent  a  concubine — or  even  ap-™*"***6*- 
plied  a  more  disgraceful  appellation  to  her.  This 
accusation  belongs  to  the  numerous  class  of  judge- 
ments which  are,  in  a  measure,  both  true  and 
untrue.  The  Teutonic  nations  in  general,  had 
been  slack  in  comprehending  the  difference  be- 
tween the  civil  and  the  ecclesiastical  marriage ; 
and  however  strongly  a  marriage  contracted  ac- 
cording to  the  traditional  secular  or  Gentile 
rites,  might  be  reprobated  by  the  Church,  it 
was  binding  according  to  popular  opinion.  The 
English  Church  wisely  incorporated  the  civil 
gponsio  in  her  ordinal ;  and  amidst  prayer  and  * 
benediction  she  yet  preserves  the  substance  of 
the  original  wedding,  the  alliterative  verses 
echoed  from  primeval  ages,  softened  and  sancti- 
fied. In  Normandy,  both  modes  continued  equally 
common,  so  that  in  the  following  century  it  was 
still  needful,  when  speaking  of  a  marriage,  to  state 
whether  the  matrimony  had  been  concluded  more 
Danico  or  more  Christiano, — the  mere  notice  of 
the  fact  did  not  raise  any  presumption  for  or 
against  the  Danishry  or  the  Christianity  of  the 
ceremony. 

In  the  tenth  century,  France  and  Germany 


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108         BAOUL  AND  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER. 

927-042  had  begun  to  exhibit  more  decency  of  morals 
^XZX  than  during  the  earlier  periods ;  and  such  scan- 
asi-982  j^g  M  those  occasioned  by  Charlemagne's  li- 
centious liberty  were  comparatively  rare.  Ex- 
ample therefore  did  not  encourage  Guillaume 
Longue-epee,  and  if  he,  well  taught,  well  knowing 
his  duty,  adopted  the  before -mentioned  course 
for  the  purpose  of  conciliating  the  Pagan  or 
Danish  party,  the  compliance  was  an  unworthy 
concession. — If  he  acted  with  the  intention  that 
thereby  he  might  reserve  to  himself  the  liberty 
of  discarding  his  companion,  when  he  might  think 
fit  to  rid  himself  of  her,  he  would  deserve  a  far 
heavier  censure.  Anyhow,  he  could  not  conceal 
from  himself,  that,  according  to  the  principles 
he  professed,  he  was  doing  wrong. 
Rami's  $  16.    Whilst  Guillaume  Longue-epee  was 

nieces**.   consoii(jating  ^jg  dominions  by  the  reduction  of 

Armorica,  King  Raoul  was  also  gaining  ground, 
strenuously  supported  by  Hugh-le-Grand.    They 
prosecuted  the  war    against   Herbert    of  Ver- 
mandois,  pertinaciously  and  successfully:  castle 
after  castle,  city  after  city,  town  after  town,  were 
wrested  from  their  wily  rival,  though  every  posi- 
tion was  obstinately  disputed.    After  two  months' 
siege,  Saint  Quentin  surrendered.    Saint  Medard, 
successes   *^e  citadel  of  Soissons,  though  defended  by  a 
SSuf  s5i  strong  garrison,  also  surrendered ;  Hamme  and 
theW1    Arras  capitulated ;  Chateau  Thierry  was  besieged 
teritoi?.    by  Raoul  during  six  weeks :  he  was  then  called 


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GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.  109 

off,  but  Queen  Emma  beleaguered  the  fortress,  927-943 
until  Gualo  the  commander  came  out  and  laid 
the  keys  at  the  feet  of  the  valiant  lady. 

Hildebranda  fully  vied  with  her  royal  sister 
in  martial  prowess.  Count  Herbert  had  erected 
additional  fortifications  at  Ladn,  rendering  the 
place  very  defensible.  There,  as  his  representa- 
tive, he  had  left  his  Countess  with  her  two 
daughters,  Alicia  or  the  Adela,  and  Luitgarda. 
Alicia  had  been  betrothed  to  Arnoul  of  Flanders 
since  she  was  a  child;  and  ere  long  we  shall  meet 
both  damsels  crowned  with  bridal  garlands,  but 
now  they  had  to  sustain  the  duresse  of  a  siege. 
Raoul  assembled  a  large  army,  eight  thousand 
men.  Having  with  this  overwhelming  force  cap- 
tured the  city,  he  blockaded  the  citadel.  Hilde- 
branda held  out  nearly  a  quarter  of  a  year,  when 
she  was  compelled  to  offer  a  surrender,  and  Raoul 
allowed  his  sister-in-law  to  depart  with  the 
honours  of  war.  Almost  all  these  places  were 
taken  and  again  retaken.  Each  success  or  loss 
created  further  conflicts ;  mischiefs  bounding  and 
rebounding. 

South  of  the  Loire,  Raoul's  influence  ex- submission 

of  tbo  Ac- 

tended  rapidly.  The  Princes  of  Aquitanian  Gaul,  wtufon 
hitherto  shy  or  inimical,  became  friendly.  The 
Count  of  Vermandois  they  detested:  but  though 
alienated  from  the  King  as  an  intruder,  they  did 
not  entertain  any  personal  antipathy  against  him. 
Vienne,  which  had  resisted  Raoul's  authority, 
surrendered.    Raymond  Count  of  Toulouse,  and 


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110         BAOUL  AND  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER. 

W7-942  Hermengaud  of  Rhodez,  the  Counts  of  Septimania, 
,-  I  ~[  who  also  ruled  Albi  and  Cahors,  came  forward, 
wi-wa.  ^tb  them  appeared  Lopd  Aznar,  a  Gascon  Duke, 
accompanied  by  his  famous  steed,  a  hundred  years 
old,  as  men  believed,  and  sound  in  wind  and  limb 
— the  horse  as  celebrated  throughout  Gaul  as  his 
master.    These  very  powerful  chieftains,  meeting 
King  Raoul  on  the  banks  of  the  Loire,  became 
his  vassals  or  liegemen,  placing  their  hands  in 
his  hands,  heartily  promising  to  aid  him  in  carry- 
ing on  his  war :  they  honoured  Raoul  because  he 
was  vindicating  the  pretensions  of  his  royal  Crown, 
sodai  and        fi  17.    We  have  reached  the  happiest  era  of 

andpoliti-  #J-  jrjr 

cidMtua-    Guillaume*s  chequered  reign. — Honours  fresh — 
Lo^™6  an  easy  conscience  as  a  sovereign — his  Court  joy- 
^rieodDim-e  fid  and  splendid,  the  loving  husband  of  Espriota, 
rac^ung  in  her  own  mind  an  honest  woman,  though  a 
qn^teoCf°D"  wife  we  can  hardly  dare  to  call  her. — Guillaume 
onca'  Longue-ep6e,  like  his  father,  employed  himself  in 
improving  the  country ;  but  Rollo's  palaces  suf- 
ficed not  for  his  son;  and  seeking  his  own  plea- 
sure, Guillaume  constructed  a  palace  nigh  the  sea- 
shore, a  situation  which  the  mediaeval  princes  of 
Gaul  rather  avoided.   But  Guillaume  dreaded  not 
his  kindred  Danes,  and  the  Normans  courted  com- 
merce with  rich  and  amicable  England. — Rollo 
had  been  aided  and  distinguished  by  Athelstan's 
friendship;  and  the  Anglo-Saxon  Basileus  ex- 
tended the  same  countenance  and  courtesy  to 
Rollo's  son. 

At  this  period  Normandy's  Northern  coasts, 


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981—932 


GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.  Ill 

her  channel-shores,  possessed  but  a  small  propor-  927—942 
tion  of  those  towns  by  which  the  Province  was  Z~ 
subsequently  protected  or  adorned.  Havre-de- 
Grace  did  not  exist : — the  banks  on  which  Havre 
stands  were,  in  Guillaume  Longue-£p£e's  time, 
a  fathom  below  the  neap-tide  level  of  the  Seine. 
That  magnificent  commercial  mart  is,  compara- 
tively, a  creation  of  yesterday,  dating — saving 
the  presence  of  learned  Cellarius,  who  identifies 
the  locality  with  the  Corocotinum  of  the  Itinera- 
rium  Antonini — from  the  discovery  of  the  New 
World. — In  the  chronological  table  of  French 
trade  and  commerce,  the  date  of  Havre's  foun- 
dation ranges  even  with  the  planting  of  the  dra- 
peau  blanc  on  the  shores  of  the  Saint  Law- 
rence. 

On  the  banks  of  the  Dieppe, — the  deep-water,  Compam- 
— nought  could  be  found  except  the  germ  of  the  *»  <**$*» 
flourishing  sea-port  and  town  to  which  the  name  2jf£JmD1 
of  the  river  has  been  transferred,  and  that  germ  2S?JJ" 
might  have   escaped  the   glance  of  the   well- Nonnandy' 
mounted  knight,  or  even  been  passed  unnoticed 
by  the  weary  pilgrim — the  hovels  of  a  few  fisher- 
men, dependent  upon  the  Castle  of  Hasdans,  after- 
wards the  lofty  bulwarked  Arques. 

Caen,  as  a  city,  had  not  been  formed — Poetical 
imagination,  or  popular  tradition,  when  Caen  be- 
came the  seat  of  the  Ducal  Court,  ascribed  Car 
thorn,  Cadun,  Chaem,  Kame,  Kane,  Kan  (Caen 
bears  a  score  of  names  in  antient  documents),  to 


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112         BAOUL  AND  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER. 

927-843  Cairn,  King  Arthur's  seneschal;  but  we  can 
'.-  i  scarcely  affirm  that  there  was  such  a  bourgade, 
aw— 833  till  we  reach  the  time  of  Guiilaume  Longue- 
^pee's  grandson.  And  when  Guiilaume  Longue- 
6p6e  began  his  reign,  the  desolate  ruins  in  the 
Campus  Fiscanni, — the  wide  field  watered  by  the 
river  F^can, — alone  indicated  the  site  where  Duke 
Ansegisus  had,  in  the  Merovingian  age,  founded 
the  monastery  which  had  been  utterly  desolated 
by  the  Northmen's  fury. 
Fecamp:  a  Vast  surrounding  woods  extended  southward 
KeJTby  and  westward  to  the  winding  Seine ;  and  it  was 
LongoA- 6  probably  whilst  hunting  in  the  country  that  the 
amenity  of  the  vicinity,  and  the  convenience  of 
the  haven,  suggested  to  Guiilaume  the  idea  of 
providing  himself  with  a  Palace  there.  Huge, 
skilfully  planned  and  lofty,  a  portion  of  the 
edifice  existed  about  an  hundred  years  ago. 
The  precious  fragment  is  now  demolished,  nor 
has  any  representation  been  preserved ;  but  the 
name  the  structure  bore,  "the  Tower  of  Babel," 
conveys  some  notion  of  its  altitude  and  design. 
But,  that  a  chapel  should  be  included  in  the 
scheme  of  the  splendid  residence,  was  an  idea 
which  never  entered  Guillaume's  thoughts. 
During  the  progress  of  the  building,  the  work- 
men, exploring  the  neighbourhood,  discovered 
certain  ruins  which  offered  hewn  stone  applicable 
to  the  new  constructions — the  remains  of  Saint 
Eulalia's  dilapidated  Basilica. 


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GUILLAUME  LONGtTE-EFEE.  113 

The    dread    of   profanation   restrained   the  027-042 
labourers  from  such  a  use  of  the  consecrated  """^     ' 
materials.      When   the    circumstances    became  ®31-»M 
known  to  their  noble  employer,  he  lamented  the 
abandonment  of  the  antient  fane :  and,  having  ex- 
pressed great  contrition  for  the  negligence  which 
left  his  palace  without  an  altar, Guillaume  (casting 
all  the  blame  upon  the  architect)  directed  that 
an  oratory  should  be  built  on  the  hallowed  ground. 
But  the  devotion  which  warmed  him  in  the  first 
instance,  suddenly  cooled:  an  endowment  could 
not  be  spared ;  and  the  expenditure,  lavished  on  Guii- 
his  own  house,   was  withheld  from  the  House  conduct 

with  re- 

of  God.    "  Let  it  be  such  as  may  remind  me  or  JP60**0 
my  successors,"  quoth  Guillaume,  "  to  do  some-  JjJMj^ 
thing  better."  Guillaume  kept  his  word — he  made  build- 
the  memorandum  according  to  his  promise,  but 
he  had  promised  nothing  save  the  memorandum, 
and  he  gave  nothing  more.    The  scattered  frag- 
ments and  worthless  rubbish  were  employed  in 
raising  a  small  mean  chapel,  over  which  his  Ducal 
palace  frowned.   From  this  settlement  originated 
the  town  of  Fecamp,  where  the  Abbey,  testifying 
the  piety  of  Guillaume's  son  and  grandson,  who 
compensated  for  their  ancestor's  neglect,  became 
afterwards  so  conspicuous  in  the  civil  and  eccle- 
siastical annals  of  the  Duchy.  SET 
§  18.    Socially,  morally  and  politically,  Guil-  *&  wE- 
laume  Longue-6p£e  now  connected  himself  more  SLw^th 
intimately  with  the  Frenchmen  and  with  France,  %j9    * 
vol.  11.                                                     1 


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114  RAOUL  AND  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER. 

027-043  adopting  the  terms  "Frenchmen"  and  "France" 
ZUXlX  according  to  their  widest  modern  meaning.    The 
932-933  difference  of  languages  and  the  severance  of  the 
dynasties  had  estranged  Germany : — Italy,  always 
least  congenial,  despised  the  Tramontanes,  herself 
despised  by  them : — the  antient  unity  which  once 
pervaded  the  Carlovingian  Empire  was  feebly 
recognized: — yet  all  Carlovingian  France  was 
animated  by  a  consentaneousness  of  feeling,  of 
sentiment,  and  of  nationality,  in  the  aggregate, 
however  chequered  in  the  detail.     Counties  and 
Duchies  and  Populations,  and  Counts  and  Dukes 
and  People,  quarrelled  amongst  themselves.  Gibes 
and  taunts  were  exchanged :  they  waged  mutual 
wars,  and  wars  against  the  Sovereign;  yet  no 
one  absolutely  repudiated  the  other  as  an  alien. 
Guillaume  Longue-epee  acknowledged  this  prin- 
ciple of  comprehension  to  the  fullest  extent :  he 
opened  his  dominions  to  all  who  sought  him. 
Gracious  to  his    inferiors   and  cultivating  the 
acquaintance  of  his  compeers — he  was  peculiarly 
proud  of  his  alliance  with  Hugh-le-Grand,  though 
he  equally  courted  the  friendship  of  Count  Her- 
bert, Hugh-le-Grand's  formidable  rival.   Was  not 
Count  Herbert  Guillaume's  kinsman?    Did  not 
Guillaume  also  belong  to  Herbert's  illustrious 
Favour      lineage,  noble,  royal,  imperial  Vermandois  ? 
GniKnme        Guillaume's  views,  thus  far,  were  prudent  and 
mane6 or "  sagacious :   what  statesman  could  have  judged 
party0.       otherwise  ?   That  the  Northmen  should  assimilate 


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GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.  115 

themselves  to  the  French  was  essential  for  their  m-$ut 
prosperity.    Moreover  this  mode  of  action  was  , — « — » 
prompted   by  his  taste;  and  here  lurked  the  m~m 
danger.    Sorely  are  we  seduced  to  imprudence, 
error,  or  iniquity,  when  any  line  of  conduct,  being 
in  itself  justifiable — nay ,  meritorious — is  also  con- 
formable to  our  natural  inclinations,  agreeable 
to  our  imagination,  attractive  to  our  fancy,  and 
above  all,  conducive  to  our  own  worldly  interests. 
We  are  mastered  by  the  united  impulses,  and  hur- 
ried on  to  danger  or  destruction. 

Guillaume    Longue-£p£e's  policy  was  wise, 
but  he  overdid  it.    He  seemed  bewitched  by  the 
French,  gave  so  much  encouragement  to  those 
of  the  Romane  tongue,  was  so  profusely  boun- 
tiful to  his  mother's  kinsmen  and  connexions, 
that  the  Danish  party  were  provoked  to  exceeding 
jealousy. — French  ascendancy  would  surely  en-  Di»£on£nt 
gender  Danish  subjugation:  their  Duke,  becoming  gg*  ij**- 
more  and  more  uncongenial  and  alienated,  would  5Sta»- 
oust  them  from  power  and  deprive  them  of  their rectkm- 
lands. — These  apprehensions    spread  widely  a- 
mongst  all  who  set  themselves  against  the  French, 
all  who  were  Danish  Northmen,  or  were  allied  to 
them,  all  who,  though  not  of  Danish  blood,  were 
attracted  to  the  Danish  party.    Such  was  Count 
Riulph,  who  suddenly  appears  as  the  leader  of  the 
anti-Gallican  insurrection.  Some  scanty  scattered 
particulars  may  be  recovered  concerning  this 
Count  of  the  Cotentin  border,  just  sufficient  to 

12 


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116  BAOUL  AND  LOUIS  D'OUTREHER. 

927—043  enable  us  to  guess  his  position  in  the  Frankish 
] — i—,  community.  His  son,  "  Anquetil-le-Preux,"  ac- 
932-933  companie<i  him  [n  the  fatal  war.  Riulph's 
nephew,  who  afterwards  obtained  direful  cele- 
brity, is  variously  named  or  described  as  "  Balzo," 
"Bauces,"  "Fauces,"  "Balduinus,"  or  "Balduinus 
Curtus,"  and  is  said  to  have  been  the  son  of  a 
Count  of  Cambrai.  Therefore  Riulph  was  either 
the  brother-in-law,  or  the  brother  of  that  Count : 
but  Balzo,  as  we  ascertain  from  the  most  incon- 
testable evidence,  a  royal  charter,  was  related  in 
blood  equally  to  the  family  of  Charles-le-Simple 
and  to  Arnoul,  Count  of  Flanders,  in  whose 
household  he  held  the  office  of  Chamberlain,  so 
that  Riulph,  Balzo's  father,  must  have  been  con- 
nected with  both  of  them.  The  consequences 
resulting  from  the  insurrection  are  so  deeply 
important,  that  even  these  imperfect  notices  are 
very  valuable,  as  tending  to  elucidate  future  por- 
tions of  Norman  history,  as  obscure  as  they  are 
momentous. 

Convening  the  discontented  Captains  and  No- 
bles of  the  Danishry,  Riulph  expatiated  upon 
their  approaching  peril — What  rescue  could  be 
found? — Unity  of  purpose  and  suddenness  of 
action; — nothing  else  could  save  them  from 
Same  sP°^a^0n»  na7>  absolute  servitude.  Guillaume 
tion-  Longue-£p£e's  maternal  ancestry,  his  relationship 
with  noble  Vermandois,  his  intimacy  with  France, 
his    Romane    cultivation,    manners   and   fluent 


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GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.  11? 

speech,  the  results  of  Rollo's  care,  the  reasons  997-943 

which  had  operated  so  forcibly  in  his  favour  \ i_ 

when  he  was  called  to  the  succession,  now  W3-*a8 
afforded  the  arguments  for  his  rejection.  All  his 
advantages  told  against  him.  Guillaume  ruled 
as  a  Frenchman:  and  therefore  the  insurgents 
-declared  that  his  authority  must,  in  the  first  in- 
stance, be  maimed  by  compelling  him  to  cede  the 
whole  Terra  Normannorum  westward  of  the  river 
Rile.  If  he  agreed,  military  service  would  be 
rendered  to  him, — if  he  refused — war.  This  was 
the  tenor  of  the  threatening  message  conveyed 
to  him.  The  conditions  propounded  would  have 
created  an  independent  Norman  State,  probably 
under  Count  Riulph.  The  territory  required  by 
the  insurgents  constituted  two-thirds  (or  more) 
of  Guillaume's  dominions.  Had  the  Confederates 
effected  this  dismemberment,  they  would  soon 
have  obtained  the  remainder :  indeed,  it  was  the 
expectation  of  attaining  this  result  which  prompt- 
ed their  demand. 

Guillaume  Longue-£p£e  was  unable  to  meet  Gun-f 
this  exigency.  Like  his  bold  father  before  the  tenor. 
walls  of  Chartres,  he  was  suddenly  stricken  by 
panic  fear.  Palsied  by  terror,  his  powers  of  judg- 
ment seemed  wholly  lost — his  faculties  sustained 
a  thorough  collapse ;  he  acted  as  if  resistance 
;were  impossible.  The  Insurgents  were  yet  dis- 
tant, beyond  the  Seine.  His  Capital  was  skilfully 
fortified,  walls  and  towers  tall  and  strong.     His 


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118  EAOUL  AND  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER. 

937—943  three  most  influential  chieftains,  Oslac,  courteous 
^7^  '  Botho  Count  of  Bayeux,  and  Bernard  the  grey- 
933-983  |jear(je(i  Dane,  continued  faithful ;  good  men  and 
true  were  they,  trusty,  affectionate  and  sage. 
Moreover,  a  chosen  body  of  soldiery,  three  hun- 
dred of  the  &ite,  held  to  him  loyally ;  thus  sup* 
ported,  he  might  surely  have  defied  the  enetay. — 
But  he  persisted  in  his  bewilderment ;  no  pre- 
cautions were  adopted  to  obstruct  or  impede  the 
advance  of  the  Insurgents,  no  outposts  stationed, 
no  council  held,  no  means  of  defence  employed. 
Upon  one  object  only  could  Guillaume  collect  his 
thoughts.  Espriota  great  with  child — Espriota's 
safety. — The  burthened  consort  was  sent  by  her 
anxious  and  affectionate  husband  to  the  newly- 
erected  Palace  of  Fecamp,  so  that  she  might 
speedily  cross  over  to  England,  and  dwell  there 
with  the  royal  exiles,  the  young  Louis  and  Ogiva> 
sheltered  by  magnanimous  Athelstane's  friendship 
and  hospitality. — His  own  Norman  sovereignty 
Guillaume  deemed  to  be  lost. 

§  19.    Guillaume  Longue-£p£e  retreated  into 

Rouen  with  his  adherents,  and,  offering  terms, 

vainly  attempted  to  effect  a  pacification. — Terri- 

offen       tory  he  could  not  consent  to  surrender;  but  his 

Grifenme  treasure  and  stores,  his  armoury's  contents,  should 

mugentfl."   all  be  theirs ;  baldricks  and  bracelets,  helms  and 

hauberks,    battle-axes  and  swords,  decked  and 

adorned  with  gems  and  gold.    His  opponents 

should  enjoy  his  highest  confidence  and  exclusive 


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GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.  119 

favour.   Whatever  they,  his  perpetual  Councillors,  027-342 
enjoined,  he  would  obey :  raise  up  or  cast  down  ,  ■   «     > 
according  to  their  desire:  their  advice  should  983-*33 
govern  the  country ;  and  his  authority  be  in  all 
respects  subordinate  to  theirs — Normandy  would 
become  a  Commonwealth,  in  which  the  Duke 
might  enjoy  an  honorary  precedence,  but  their 
power  would  be  pre-excellent  above  his  own. 

Again,  Guillaume  Longue-dp£e,  if  sincere — 
and  could  he  be  sincere  ? — did  overmuch.  Instead  hi*  offers 
of  inspiring  gratitude,  the  extravagant  liberality 
of  this  constitutional  charter  excited  vehement 
suspicion.  The  Insurgents  could  not  believe  him 
— a  French  device  to  cheat  us,  said  they. — He 
wishes  to  gain  time,  and  then  he  will  come  down 
upon  us  with  all  the  power  of  his  French  friends 
and  French  allies. — No  impediment  was  offered. 
Onwards  the  revolters  marched,  the  people  join- 
ing them.  They  crossed  the  broad  and  flowing  The  in. 
Seine ;  and,  directing  their  route  along  the  North-  nSShto 

Rouen,  and 

era  bank,  stationed  themselves  opposite  Hollo's  station 

* x  themselves 

castle,  Guillaume's  palace,  the  citadel  of  Rouen.  Jgg™  *• 
The  position  they  occupied  was  then  an  open 
mead,  now  covered  with  avenues,  buildings  and 
gardens. 

The  actual  presence  of  the  Insurgents  en* 
creased  Guillaume's  dismay.  Another  despairing 
attempt  was  made  by  the  trembling  Sovereign— 
they  should  have  all  they  asked — all  the  country 
as  far  as  the  Rile,  and  more — all  the  territory 


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120  BAOUL  AND  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER. 

$27-942  between  the  Rile  and  the  Seine  to  be  theirs  also. 
*TTt       Nothing  would  remain  to  him  except  the  rem- 
032-4*33  nant  between  Seine  and  Epte, — that  is  to  say — 
the  Fays  de  Caux,  portions  of  the  Vexin  and  the 
Rouennois,  and  his  city  of  Rouen. — The  suspi- 
cions, the  distrust,  and  also  the  boldness  of  the 
Insurgents,  encreased  in  proportion  to  the  widen- 
Farther     i"g  extent  of  Guillaume's  concessions.     If  not 
one  ^pj^  M  an  artifiCe,  his  proposition  must  be 


construed  as  amounting  to  a  virtual  abdication. 
The  land  he  offers  to  give  us,  said  they,  is  not  his 
to  give — we  have  got  it, — he  is  a  stranger  to  us, 
our  natural  enemy,  he  shall  no  longer  rule  over 
us  in  anywise, — let  him,  if  he  thinks  fit,  take  refuge 
amongst  his  French  kinsmen  and  French  friends, 
the  sooner  the  better:  we  will  have  none  of 
him.  —  Guillaume  Longue-ep£e  might  be  per- 
mitted to  evacuate  the  city.  Thus  far  they  would 
respect  the  son  of  Rollo.  But  if  he  rejected  the 
offer,  no  further  amnesty  would  be  granted  to 
him — the  City  stormed,  and  he  and  all  his  ad- 
herents put  to  the  sword. 
Guiuaume  Distracted  Guillaume  assembled  his  Chief- 
Sandon    tains  and  soldiery,  and  sallied  forth  from  Rouen, 

Normandy. 

marshalling  his  troops  upon  a  rising  ground,  the 
Mont  Riboudet,  whence  he  could  observe  the 
enemy's  forces.  His  sight  confused  by  terror,  the 
insurgent  Host  appeared  to  him  overwhelming: 
he  would  make  any  sacrifice  by  which  he  might 
purchase  a  respite  from  the  impending  danger. 


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GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.  121 

Addressing  Bernard  the  Dane,  he  declared  his  997-442 
determination   of  abandoning   Normandy,   and  j—  I     ~ 
taking  refuge  with  his  good  uncle  Bernard  de  M2-°88 
Senlis,  now,  thanks  to  Count  Herbert,  Lord  of 
Coucy — he  would  dwell  under  his  uncle's  protec- 
tion until,  through  that  powerful  kinsman's  help 
and  advice,  he  could  obtain  the  assistance  of  the 
French  armies,  and  exterminate  the  rebels. 

§  20.  ,  To  Bernard  the  Dane,  though  so  Bernard  v 
faithful  and  affectionate,  this  craven  cowardice  indign™6* 
was  intolerable.  The  proud  and  antient  warrior 
spurned  the  allegiance  he  had  rendered  to  the 
degenerate  son  of  Rollo :  he  bitterly  upbraided 
Guillaume — his  intention  was  equally  disgraceful 
and  perilous — if  Guillaume  the  refugee,  and  any 
who  adhered  to  him,  entered  France,  they  would 
assuredly  be  cut  off  by  the  inimical  people,  still 
smarting  from  the  Danish  ravages;  mourning 
over  the  extorted  Dane-geld. 

As  far  as  the  Epte,  he,  Bernard,  and  the 
soldiery  would  escort  Guillaume,  and  then,  desti- 
tute of  Leader  and  Chieftain,  embark  in  a  body  for 
Denmark  their  distant  fatherland,  and  abandon 
Normandy  for  ever.  These  stinging  reproaches 
aroused  Guillaume  Longue-^pee  as  from  a  trance. 
His  courage  rose  as  suddenly  as  it  had  sunk — he 
himself  would  at  once  lead  his  forces  on  to  battle, 
« — literally  lead  them,  foremost  in  the  charge,  the 
bearer  of  the  Standard.  His  three  hundred  good 
men,  trusty  and  true,  came  forward,  swore  they 


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122  BAOUL  AND  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER. 

937-042  would  live  or  die  with  their  Duke,  and,  according 
".,-  I  ~[  to  the  most  antient  Teutonic  usage,  the  con- 
*a2-*88  current  clashes  of  battle-axes  and  swords,  the 
barditus,  the  mappentak,  testified  their  solemn 
determination. 
Defeat  of         The  insurgents  were  completely  routed.    We 
genS*The  lose  sight  of  Riulph  in  the  woods,  whither  he  fled, 
bataaie."    and,  in  the  first  instance,  escaped  the  pursuit  of 
the  infuriated  soldiery;  but  he  afterwards  fell 
into  Guillaume's  hands,  and  perished  miserably. 
It  is  most  probable  that  Riulph,  blinded  by  Guil- 
laume's orders,  died  under  the  horrible  opera* 
tion ;  for  his  death  excited  among  his  kinsmen 
an  implacable  hatred  of  the  instigator  of  the 
deed. — One,  at  least,  never  rested  till  Riulph's 
blood  was  avenged.    His  son  Anquetil  the  brave 
was  reported  to  have  been  slain,  not  fairly,  but 
by  device  or  fraud  ?    Brave  Guillaume  had  been 
unmanned  by  fear, — fear  instigated  the  gracious* 
mannered  Guillaume  to  cruelty :  and  Dudo,  the 
family  eulogist,  rejoices  in  recording  the  punish- 
ment and  destruction  of  the  enemy. 

Long  afterwards  was  the  triumph  celebrated 
by  Norman  minstrelsy. 

Li  pr£  de  la  bataille,  fo  li  lieux  apele 
Encor  dare  li  nom,  ne  fa  puiz  remaez. 

The  Poet  of  the  Plantagenets  lays  much  emphasis 
upon  the  continuance  of  the  traditional  name 
until  his  own  time,  but  he  did  not  anticipate  the 
long  endurance  which  would  be  possessed  by  the 


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GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.  123 

appellation  commemorating  a  conflict,  a  memorial  927-042 
equally  of  Guillaume  Longue-6p£e's  faint-hearted-  ]T^     ' 
ness  and  valour.    The  Prt  de  la  Bataille  existed  a83-*8a 
as  a  green  field  within  recollection.    The  natural 
features  of  the  site  have  been  partially  obliterated 
by  the  structures  which  encircle  the  antient  Nor- 
man capital.    Yet  the  locality,  though  more  than 
nine  centuries  have  elapsed,  is  still  recognizable, 
and  the  antient  designation  well-known ;  and  this 
is  one  of  the  examples  of  an   unbroken   tra- 
dition confirming  an  almost  legendary  event  in 
history. 

Joy  upon  joy:  very  shortly  afterwards,  a 
knight  galloping  through  the  Porte  Cauchoise 
rode  into  the  Castle  of  Rouen, — Fulcard,  the  jolly 
messenger  from  F£camp.  On  the  very  day  when  Birth  of 
the  battle  was  fought  and  won,  Espriota  had  been  "&i»- 
safely  delivered  of  a  male  child,  a  noble  babe, 
an  heir  and  successor.  Guillaume  Longue-£p£e 
was  filled  with  delight,  and  he  immediately  des- 
patched the  faithful  Botho  to  take  charge  of  the 
Ducal  household  at  Fecamp.  Henry,  Bishop  of 
Bayeux,  accompanied  the  Count  of  Bayeux ;  and 
the  child,  Botho  being  sponsor,  was  baptized 
"  Richard ;"  a  name  unsuggested  by  any  known 
family  or  social  connexion,  and  to  which  tradition 
afterwards  added  the  epithet,  "Sans-peur" 

§  21.    The  suppression  of  this  desperate  re-  come. 
bellion  decided — for  the  present — the  great  ques-  SSS^8  w- 
tion  whether  Normandy  should  exist  as  Normandy,  sup™ 
or  become  extinct  as  a  State.   No  Danish  conquest  beiuonV 


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124  BAOUL  AND  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER. 

*27-4*2  in  the  Gauls  had  acquired  stability  so  long  as  the 
-      Northmen  preserved  their  national  identity;  and 

fi83~"988  the  terra  Normannorum,  its  occupants  being 
unable  to  maintain  their  ground,  as  a  people, 
would  have  merged  in  Hugh-le-Grand's  Duchy. 
The  son  of  Duke  Robert  maintained  a  dormant, 
but  unrenounced  claim,  to  the  territory  usurped 
by  Rollo-Robert ;  and,  that  the  Norman  State 
should  be  organized  as  a  member  of  Carlovingian 
France,  was  the  condition  of  her  vitality — the 
Normans  must  live  as  Frenchmen  or  disappear. 
Guillaume,  fully  feeling  this  necessity,  now  de- 
termined to  remove,  as  far  as  was  practicable, 
the  ambiguity  of  his  political  position.  Do  all 
he  would,  the  French  had  not  really  acknowledged 
him  as  a  Frenchman.  In  their  hearts,  they  did 
not  own  him,  however  fluently  he  spake  the 
language  of  France,  however  gay  his  garb,  however 
splendid  his  array,  or  whatever  may  have  been 
the  civility  he  displayed.  They  grudged  at  the 
son  of  Rollo,  they  were  accustomed  to  call  him 
the  Dux  piratarum — an  expression  much  more 
than  contemptuous,  inasmuch  as  the  idea  which 
the  denomination  conveyed,  absolutely  excluded 
the  marked  man  from  the  social  community. 
Every  Christian  was  entitled  to  retaliate  upon 
the  cut-throat  Pirate. 

Guillaume  Longue-£p£e  had,  however,  become 
the  homager  of  King  Charles,  the  dethroned 
King,  the  deceased  King.  Death  had  dissolved 
the  bond;  and  Guillaume  holding  himself  free, 


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GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.  125 

had  stood  aloof  from  any  further  recognition  of  037-949 
the  French  Crown ;  but  Raoul  would  be  glad  "~^     \ 
enough  to  have  him.    He  therefore  spontaneously  •»-•» 
imitated  the  example  then  so  recently  afforded  by 
the  Princes  of  Aquitaine,  thus  again  connecting 
his  dominion  with  the  venerated  monarchy.    Un- 
coerced, unsolicited,  unassailed,  Guillaume  re- 
paired to  King  Raoul,  placed  his  hands  between 
the  King's  hands,  and  became  his  liegeman. 

Raoul  not  merely  accepted  the  homage,  but  Gumum* 
extended  the  advantages  resulting  from  the  com-  <sPa?b£ 
pact.    Guillaume  had  subdued  the  Armoricans,  Lawman 

.  ...        of  ttaonl, 

yet  it  might  be  doubted  whether  his  dominion  •»*  *•- 
was  legalized  until  the  acquisition  was  confirmed  ▼«•*>*»«. 
by  the  successor  of  Charlemagne,  the  protection 
of  whose  name  had  been  so  confidently  invoked 
by  the  vanquished  ?  The  question  was  now  set 
at  rest  Raoul  granted  to  the  Duke  of  Normandy 
those  provinces  of  "Maritime  Britanny"  which 
his  prowess  had  conquered, — provinces  never 
afterwards  severed  from  the  Duchy,  or  entitled 
to  deny  that  the  Duke  of  Normandy  was  their 
immediate  Suzerain.  This  transaction  was  very 
advantageous  to  both  parties.  Raoul,  acknow- 
ledged as  Seigneur  by  the  "  Patrician  of  Rouen," 
was  more  truly  King  of  France  than  he  had  been 
during  any  antecedent  period  of  his  reign ;  and, 
although  Guillaume  Longue-^pee  cannot  in  strict- 
ness be  styled  the  premier  Peer  of  France,  yet  he 
possessed  an  equivalent  rank  in  station,  honour, 
and  power. 


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988— 934 


126  BAOUL  AND  LOUIS  D'OUTREMEB. 

W7-943  The  Danish  party  being  apparently  broken  up, 
the  affection  entertained  by  Guillaume  Longue- 
£p£e  to  the  French  glowed  even  more  ardently 
than  before.  He  encouraged  the  French  in  every 
way,  cultivating  every  opportunity  of  drawing 
closer  to  the  French  princes  and  nobles,  identify- 
ing himself  with  their  interests  and  feelings.  They 
equally  courted  his  advances,  anxious  to  avert 
his  enmity  and  profit  by  his  munificence* 

§  22.  Thick  woods  and  forests  surrounded 
Rouen.  When  the  Giant  Bothomagus  and  his 
companions, — or  who  ever  may  have  been  the 
archaic  founders  of  Rouen, — selected  their  site, 
they  were  unquestionably  mindful  of  the  protec- 
tion these  ambushments  afforded.  To  Rollo  and 
his  descendants  they  became  constant  scenes  of 
recreation,  habitual  hunting-grounds. — The  fabled 
Roumare  Forest  extended  almost  to  the  City- 
walls. — Beyond  the  Seine,  yet  so  near  as  to  be 
reckoned  the  palace-park,  was  shady  Chevilly, 
where  the  Conqueror  received  intelligence  of  his 
cousin's  demise,  and  heard  how  perjured  Harold 
had  occupied  the  English  throne. 
Sj^de0"  Most  memorable,  however,  amongst  these 
chmcto  wilds  was  the  awe-inspiring  Foresta  de  Leonibus, 
imutj.  the  Nemus  de  Leonibtis,  the  Sylva  Leonum.  The 
Rouraois  and  the  Vexin  were  overspread  by  this 
forest,  expanding  from  Rouen's  vicinity  to  the 
Epte,  the  furthest  border  of  the  Norman  territory. 
As  a  natural  fortification,  the  importance  be- 


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i 

I 

GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.  127  \ 

I 

longing  to  the  Foresta  de  Leonibus  became  very  aar-wa  J 

apparent  after  the  establishment  of  the  Duchy.  < — ■ —  ! 

Rollo's  descendants  speedily  learned  to  appre-  M8~*84  j 

ciate  the  keen  foresight  of  the  municipal  pa- 
triarchs. If  hostilities  were  threatened  from  ' 
France  or  Flanders,  the  dense  forest  curving 
around  the  Capital,  and  traversable  only  by  a 
narrow  road,  greatly  aided  the  Normans  in  re- 
sisting the  advance  of  an  invading  enemy. 

The  European  forests,  during  this  period,  still 
retained  many  primaeval  features.  The  last  in- 
dividuals of  various  animal  species,  which  have 
since  become  extinct  in  our  geographical  climates! 
lingered  in  their  original  haunts.  The  bear, 
for  example,  was  not  uncommon  in  Normandy. 
Even  in  the  tenth  century,  the  "  Foresta  de  Leo- 
nibus" was  considered  unusually  formidable.  It 
was  not  doubted  but  that  strange  and  monstrous 
creatures,  whose  ferocity  might  be  dreaded  even 
by  the  armed  warrior,  lurked  in  the  umbrageous 
coverts :  whilst  innumerable  beasts  of  chase,  the 
deer  and  the  boar,  constituted  the  huntsman's 
marvel  and  delight. 

A  small  and  tranquil  marshy-margined  lake, 
darkly  gleaming  at  the  bottom  of  a  solitary  valley, 
marked  the  natural  centre  of  the  forest;  and, 
about  a  mile's  distance  from  that  melancholy, 
silent  lake, — the  Morte-mer  as  it  was  called, —  TheBoman 

itstion  in 

the  Romans  had  whilome  founded  an  important «"»  Fore8t* 
station.   Truncated  shafts  and  mutilated  capitals, 


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128  BAOUL  AND  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER. 

W7-W2  basso-relievos,  tesselated  pavements,  and  sculp- 
s — * — >  tured  walls,  the  testimonies  of  departed  splen* 
dour,  have  been  abundantly  disclosed  through 
modern  excavations.  Medals  exhibiting  the  im- 
press of  Nerva  and  of  Trajan  indicate,  in  some 
measure,  the  period  when  temples  and  villas, 
baths  and  hypocausts,  were  cheered  by  a  flourish- 
ing inhabitancy.  But  none  of  the  antient  itine- 
raries or  geographers  make  mention  of  this  Cas- 
trum  or  Municipium, — no  inscription  bears  record 
of  the  name.  This  settlement  seems  to  have  been 
abandoned  under  the  later  Caesars,  though  some 
French  antiquaries  suppose  that  the  complete 
subversion  did  not  ensue  until  the  Barbarian  in- 
vasions,— anyhow  the  whole  locality  had  relapsed 
into  desolate  solitude. 

The  further  history  of  the  Foresta  Leonum, 
were  the  theme  diligently  and  intelligently  ela* 
borated,  would  furnish  a  monograph  equally 
interesting  and  important,  by  exemplifying  the 
agencies  and  proceedings  which  reclaimed  the 
Norman  wastes,  and  conducted  the  Province  to 
its  present  state  of  agricultural  prosperity.  The 
aptness  of  the  site,  judiciously  selected  by  the 
Romans,  perhaps  some  remarkable  ruins,  may 
have  attracted  the  notice  of  Rollo  when  he  ran 
-. .    ,  the  deer.    His  son,  so  ardent  in  the  chase,  cer- 

Origin  of 

JJSedT   *ainly  affected  the  locality.    Here  had  Guillaume 

Foi*t?u  timbered    and    thatched   a  rustic    habitation; 

9  forest-lodge  where  the  Hunt  might  merrily 


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GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.  129 

assemble.  At  a  later  period,  and  by  degrees,  im-wa 
foresters  and  their  families  settled  round  the 
seat  of  Ducal  disport,  and  a  small  bourgade  was 
founded,  which,  adopting  the  old  English  phrase, 
may  be  designated  as  the  "forest -chamber," 
where  the  forest-courts  were  held. 

The  monks  of  Saint-Denis,  who  had  obtained 
some  grants  of  land  in  the  vicinity,,  then  pro- 
Tided  a  Church,  which  they  dedicated  to  their 
patron  Saint. — Subsequently,  the  Ducal  lodge 
was  replaced  by  a  very  stately  castle :  each  of 
the  four  gates  entrusted  to  a  baronial  Warder. 
Versailles  arose  nearly  in  the  same  manner.  All 
the  Norman  dukes  were  fond  of  this  pleasant 
residence,  emphatically  called  Lions-la-for£t ;  and 
here  Henry  Beauclerc  died. 

Further    utilizations    ensued.     Within    the  origin  of 

.         .  the  Abbey 

forest  circuit  and  purlieus  were  many  rough  but  J^JJJJu 
fertile  glades  and  heathlands,  fringed  with  bush 
and  straggling  trees.  These  were  depastured  by 
the  cattle  of  the  terre-tenants,  or  mown  for  hay: 
and  the  exploitations  continued.  Three  hermits 
•seeking  hardship,  toil  and  seclusion,  Tascio,6uiard, 
and  the  noble  Guillaume  de  Fresquiennes,  built 
their  huts  near  the  Morte-mer,  and  tilled  and 
cropped  the  ground.  Through  this  colonization 
originated  the  famous  monastery  of  Mortemer. 
Strenuously  did  the  diligent  monks  of  the  new 
establishment  apply  themselves  to  the  reclama- 
tion of  the  desert.    Woods  were  essarted,  granges 

VOL.  II.  K 


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130  BAOUL  AND  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER. 

W7-W*  built,  and  a  fresh  impulse  given  to  the  clearances; 

, — * — ,  which  have  proceeded  so  steadily  during  seven 

*33"~9a*  centuries,  that,  although  the  "forest  of  Lions" 
still  exists,  the  character  of  the  antient  sylvan 
region  is  quite  obliterated,  and  the  continuity  of 
the  forest  destroyed.  Portions  have  acquired 
distinct  and  individual  names — the  forests  of 
Brai,  Andelys,  Gournay,  Vernon,  Longboel,  and 
others,  are  all  dismemberments  of  the  Forest  of 
Lions:  and  near  or  far  in  the  variegated  land- 
scape the  traveller  now  only  observes  woods  and 
copses,  interspersed  amongst  the  flourishing  farms. 

The  Meet        But  we  must  now  return  to  Guillaume's  leafy 

in  the  J 

forest-  lodge,  as  we  shall  find  it  decked  for  a  noble 
gathering,— the  hard-stamped  earth  strewn  with 
the  sweet-smelling  rush, — silken  tapestries  de* 
pendant  from  the  roof-beams  and  living  flowers 
adorning  the  embowered  recesses,  the  long-bladed 
iris,  the  yellow  glayeul  from  the  marshy  lake,  con- 
tending with  the  flora  of  the  loom. — Congenial 
was  this  gallant  theme  to  the  fathers  of  Norman 
minstrelsy :  many  a  floating  tradition,  melodious 
ballad,  and  family  story,  was  embodied  in  their 
verse,  elucidating  the  text  of  the  solemn  historian : 

En  la  grande  forest  de  Lions 
Od  sea  Princes,  od  ses  Barons, 
Voult  aller  chacer  an  rait. 

*        *        *        « 
Hommes  sous  ciel,  ne  rien  qui  vive, 
Ne  vit  forest  plus  plaintive, 
Qu'ele  est  de  cerfe  et  de  senglers. 


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GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.  131 

Besides  his  own  Chieftains  and  Lieges,  three  were  wr-wa 
the  Princes  of  France  specially  invited  to  the  \ — ^— * 
Meet  by  Guillaume  Longue-§p£e,  and  welcomed  *88-484 
in  the  Forest-chamber. — Hugh-le-Grand,  whom 
the  Northmen  honoured  as  Duke  and  Prince 
of  France,  asserted  an  unchallenged  precedence. 
Many  reasons  had  the  Normans  to  yield  Hugh 
great  respect,  and  some  to  fear  him. — Hugh  was 
accompanied  by  Herbert  of  Vermandois,  so  cor- 
dially claimed  by  Guillaume  as  his  kinsman.  Hugh 
and  Herbert  burnt  with  inward  rivalry,  but  the 
competitors  were   now  transiently  inclined  to 
mutual   forbearance, — a   pause   for    plans    and 
schemes  whereby  each  might  contrive  to  further 
his  own  power. 

Herbert  was  joyous.  Hermengarda,  resting 
from  martial  exploits,  had  returned  with  her 
daughters,  Alicia  and  Liutgarda,  to  Rheims,  and 
the  lingering  engagement  between  the  eldest  and 
the  Flemish  Arnoul  was  concluded  by  their  mar-  Marriage 

.  .   ,  of  Arnoul 

riage.    Alicia  had  been  betrothed  when  she  was  count  of 

~         #  ^        Flanders 

but  a  little  child :  during  the  protracted  wooing  JJy^JJJjJi. 
she  had  grown  up  to  blooming  girlhood,  whilst dofa- 
the  astute  Arnoul  had  attained  a  full  sober  age, 
nearer  sixty  than  fifty.  Moreover,  Count  Arnoul 
was  gouty,  but  in  other  respects  he  was  sound 
and  vigorous.  His  life  and  reign  received  such 
unusual  prolongation,  that  he  is  specially  distin- 
guished in  the  Flemish  fasti  as  Arnovl-le-vieux — 
and,  to  the  end  of  his  days,  old  Arnoul  exhibited 

K  2 


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132     RAOUL  AND  LOUIS  d'oUTBEMEE. 

W7-M2  and  retained  remarkable  clearness  of  judgment, 
r — * — .  cleverness,  and  talent. 

*38~"a34  §  23.  State  policy  had  unquestionably  dic- 
tated and  perfected  the  incongruous,  though  not 
unhappy,  union  between  Arnoul  and  the  Verman- 
dois  Atheliza.  Such  political  alliances  are  of  no 
great  practical  use  in  securing  concord,  but  they 
gave  and  give  plausible  reasons  for  co-operation 
or  interference:  territorial  accessions  were  also 
occasionally  gained  by  them.  Moreover,  amongst 
the  "great  Feudatories"  a  feeling,  analogous  to 
that  which  now  subsists  amongst  royal  families, 
was  receiving  a  marked  development.  A  match 
implies  equality.  The  Counts  and  Dukes  and 
Nobles  of  the  Gauls  would  acknowledge  no  equals 
except  among  themselves:  nobility  began  to  be 
more  sensitive  to  mesalliance :  and  the  acquisition 
of  a  distinguished  bride,  was  the  object  sought  by 
the  third  of  this  noble  party. 
tISST*  This  asPirant  was  the  young  Count  Palatine, 
coui*  of  son  of  EWes  the  Mamzer,  and  the  English  Athe- 
SSdsSto  liza>  Guillaume  TSte-d'etoupe,  who,  upon  his 
uine?¥"  father's  decease,  had  recently  succeeded  to  Poitou. 
His  profusion  of  flaxen  locks  suggested  the 
homely  epithet  which  has  become  his  dynastic 
appellation.  These  queer  and  quaint  designations 
were,  in  a  manner,  the  result  of  necessity:  the 
prevailing  practice  of  distinguishing  homonymous 
sovereigns  by  ordinal  numbers,  is  of  compara- 
tively late  introduction ;  first  employed  with  re* 


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GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.  133 

spect  to  the  Roman  Pontiffs  by  those  who  wrote  927-342 
or  spoke  of  them,  but  never,  even  at  the  present  \ — ^_* 
day,  by  the  Popes  themselves.   The  odd  old  usage  m'-m 
recommends  itself  as  a  help  to  the  imagination  : 
cyphers  are  unsuggestive ;   few  numerals  have 
had  the  good  fortune  to  be  amalgamated  with 
individuality,  as  in  the  examples  of  Charles- 
Quint  and  Louis- Quatorze. 

Merrily  the  Meisnee  enjoyed  the  Chase ;  and 
each  day,  after  their  pleasurable  fatigue,  did  our 
Duke  Guillaume  entertain  his  guests  with  royal 
splendour. — A  fitting  opportunity  was  soon  found  The  count 

__  or  Poitl6TS 

by  the  Count  of  Poitou  to  open  his  mind Loth  solicit*  the 

*  *  hand  of 

to  entrust  any  messenger  with  such  a  secret,  SWjJ 
Guillaume  T§te-d'£toupe  had,  as  he  declared,  dau*bter- 
visited  Duke  Guillaume  with  a  humble  hope  of 
obtaining  the  hand  of  Guillaume's  sister,*— discreet 
and  pious  Gerloc, — Hollo's  daughter.  But,  indeed, 
could  he  do  otherwise  than  proffer  his  request 
in  person  to  so  great  a  Prince  as  Guillaume,  ex- 
alted above  all  the  sovereigns  in  the  world  ? 

The  cap-in-hand  lowliness  of  the  lover  may 
have  provoked  Duke  Guillaume's  humour;  but 
pride  had  nestled  in  Guillaume's  heart.  Cour- 
teous Longue-^p^e  was  thrown  off  his  guard  by 
the  delirium  of  prosperity,  and  he  answered  in 
words  breathing  insolence  and  scorn.  The  flight 
of  the  skulker  Ebles  before  the  Northmen  had 
become  a  popular  jest.  Guillaume  mocked  the 
Poitevins — cowards  and  faint-hearted  even  from 
father  to  son,  fickle  and  untrue :  upon  none  such 


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134    BAOUL  AND  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER. 

937-043  could  his  noble  sister  be  bestowed.  T6te-d'£toupe 
\ — i_^  would  take  no  offence.  Perhaps  the  lover's  anxiety 
*88""w*  restrained  the  indignation  of  the  young  warrior. 
His  countenance  reddened  (as  the  Bomaunt  tells 
us) ;  but  he  said  nothing.  His  tranquillity  sub- 
dued the  scoffing  Norman :  Longue-epee  sobered 
into  his  usual  decency  of  manners,  and  soliciting 
a  brief  and  decorous  delay  until  the  morrow,  for 
consultation  with  his  lieges, — he  then  explained 
his  conduct,  and  solicited  pardon. — It  was  a  silly 
joke,  he  said,  yet  such  as  might  be  excused 
amongst  good  friends,  and  nothing  more. 

If  there  was  much  levity  in  Guillaume's  reply, 
there  was  far  more  arrogance,  and  above  all,  a 
great  deficiency  in  common  sense.  Was  not  his 
own  father  liable  to  the  imputation  cast  upon  the 
Poitevin  ?  Ought  not  any  allusion  to  the  name 
of  Ghartres  have  made  him  blush  also  ?  Had  not 
the  panic  which  turned  back  Rollo  and  the 
Northmen  from  the  PrS  des  RecuUs  disgraced 
the  Jarl's  memory,  as  much  as  the  Count's  con- 
cealment in  the  workshop  of  the  fuller  ?  And  when 
hadyoungGuillaume  T£te-d'£toupe  exhibited  such 
a  collapse  of  courage  as  Guillaume  Longue-£p£e 
himself,  on  the  yesterday  (so  to  speak),  quailing 
before  Biulph  and  the  insurgent  bands? — T6te- 
d'&oupe's  gentle  discretion,  however,  led  all  par- 
ties right.  After  a  consultation  with  Hugh-le- 
Grand  and  Herbert  of  Vermandois,  the  assent  was 
granted.  Gerloc,  well  worth  the  pains  of  seek- 
ing, was  espoused  to  Guillaume  the  son  of  Ebles. 


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GUILLAUME   LONGUE-EPEE, 


135 


Splendid  were  the  nuptial  gifts  bestowed  upon  as:— w* 
her, — the  release  of  the  Danegeld  imposed  upon  ^^^ 
Poitou  was  an  additional  and  more  grateful  &33_&34 
guerdon. 

The  bride  was  escorted  with  great  pomp  to  The  count 
Poitiers;   and  as  she   pursued  her  lengthened munied u> 
journey,  the  accompanying  trains  of  sumpter-  ™b*  «*>=" 
horses  laden  with  bales  of  silken  stuffs  and  ward- of  Ade1*- 
robe  gear,  annouuced  the  Norman  Duke's  munifi- 
cence to  all  beholders.     Gerloc  proved  a  worthy 
and  good  woman,  pious  and  beneficent,  leading 
a  life  so  tranquil,  that  very  few  things  are  re- 
collected concerning  her  except  the  best,  her 
works  and  her  piety,    Gerloc,  after  her  marriage, 
received  the  appellation  of  Adela,  vaguely  em- 
ployed as  an  epithet  or  a  title,  and  which  still 
designated  the  dignity  of  a  royal  Princess,  though 
passing  into  a  proper  tfame.    Adela  is  the  name 
by  which,  to  the  exclusion  of  her  original  bar- 
baric name,  Gerloc  is  styled  in  all  her  husband's 
charters,     T^te-d^toupe  probably  wished  to  ex- 
tinguish the  recollection  of  her  heathen  ancestry. 
Thus  originated  the  first  connexion  between  the 
illustrious  houses  of  Normandy  and  of  Poitou. 
T^te-d^toupe's  son    by  Adela  was  Guillaume  Eleanor  of 
Fierabras,  Count  of  Poitiers  and  Duke  of  A  qui-  descent 
taine,  in  whose  direct  male  lineage  the  Duchy  mwruiff0. 
continued,  till  it  fell  to  the  spindle-side,  when  his 
remote  descendant,  the  wanton  Eleanor,  brought 
the  great  inheritance  to  Henry  Plantagenet. 


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136  RA0TJL  AND  LOUIS  D*OUTREMER. 

927-*43  §  24.  "  So  long  as  thou  doest  good  unto  thy^ 
, — * — >  self,  men  will  speak  well  of  thee."  How  ample 
(^au^e  Hugh*  be  the  exposition  of  this  text, — the  World's 
j£2^e"    invitation  to  go  and  do  likewise, — tenthly, — could 

popnlarity.  ^  exhaust  it#     ^e  WQuld  faiQ  pelt  the  preaCher 

whose  hollow  cheeks  and  thready  voice  testify 
his  practice  of  the  Lenten  self-denial  he  incul- 
cates: whilst  we  parade  with  humble  thanks- 
giving the  smallest  crumblings  of  edification 
dispensed  by  the  sleek  Divine  whose  dignified 
table  displays  three  courses  and  champagne. 

Guillaume  Longue-£p£e  fully  reaped  the  be- 
nefit inseparable  from  such  conformity.  With 
a  smack  of  devotion,  he  threw  himself  thoroughly 
into  all  the  enjoyments  of  life,  pomp  and  mag- 
nificence, luxury  and  splendour;  and  therefore 
the  good  people  of  his  time  descanted  the  more 
earnestly  upon  his  piety. 

Guillaume,  always  considering  himself  first* 
and  postponing  the  rights  and  feelings  of  eveiyv 
body  else  to  his  own,  has  been  lauded  to  the  skies 
for  his  chivalrous  magnanimity.  Without  the 
least  suspicion  of  his  own  motives  he  was  essen- 
tially selfish.  In  all  doubtful  circumstances,  his 
choice  was  decided  by  the  attractions  of  self- 
interest  or  the  impulses  of  self-gratification ;  yet 
his  renown  never  failed  during  his  life-time :  his 
defects  were  excused  by  his  prosperity,  and  his 
reputation  was  sustained  with  encreased  affection 
after  his  death.    He  was  very  bright ;  and  there 


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GUILLAtTME  LONGUE-EPEE.  137 

is  perhaps  no  quality  which  more  generally  en-  W7-$« 
sures  a  pleasant  remembrance  beyond  the  grave. 
Certainly  he  possessed  some  excellent  qualities; 
yet  many  more  than  he  possessed  were  ascribed  to 
him.  Powerful  and  rich,  people  gratified  them- 
selves by  magnifying  his  riches  and  power. 

But  amidst  his  popularity  Guillaume  had  a 
secret  grief.  He  was  Rollo's  son.  Guillaume 
could  not  fail  to  suspect  the  thoughts  nourished 
by  the  Frankish  nobles  in  the  depths  of  their 
hearts.  He  was  not  entirely  one  with  them,  nor 
one  amongst  them.  The  Normans  were  not  yet 
adopted  by  the  national  family  into  which  they 
had  forced  themselves.  Cordial  as  the  French  ap- 
peared, Guillaume  might  guess,  from  some  unfor- 
tunate slip  of  the  Frenchman's  tongue,  that,  though 
invested  with  the  Patrician  robe,  he  was  still 
reckoned  as  a  Buccanier,  by  those  who  prudently 
made  the  best  of  a  bad  bargain.  Guillaume 
doated  on  Espriota,  yet  his  love  could  not  blind 
him  to  the  fact  that  his  home  was  not  honour- 
able, whether  morally  or  politically.  The  humble 
damsel,  the  Christian  woman,  married  to  Guil- 
laume, (if  married  she  were),  according  to  the 
Heathen  fashion,  could  not  be  considered  a  help* 
mate  meet  for  the  Seigneur  of  Rouen,  an  equal 
by  his  side  beneath  the  Ducal  canopy. 

Of  a  surety,  such  sentiments  had  been  discerned, 
perhaps  encouraged,  by  his  kinsman  of  Verman- 
dois — Could  Herbert  otherwise  have  possibly 


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138  BAOUL  AND  LOUIS  D'OUTREHER. 

ot-942  formed  any  expectation,  that  Guillaume  might  be 
,— * — .  induced  to  cast  off  his  ardently  loved  consort  for 
wa~9M  the  purpose  of  espousing  Liutgarda?  Guillaume 
had  always  prided  himself  in  claiming  consan- 
guinity with  this  house.  Had  the  noble  science 
of  blazonry  then  existed,  Guillaume  Longue- 
£p£e's  coat  of  arms,  as  it  hung  over  his  mail, 
would  have  displayed  the  golden  Leopards  of 
Normandy  quartering  Vermandois — "check^e  or 
and  azure,  a  chief  of  the  second,  three  fleurs-de- 
lysof  ihejlrst," — and  no  Pursuivant,  who  valued 
his  ears,  would  have  dared  add  the  defacement 
of  a  brisure,  or  to  challenge  the  bearing.  With- 
out any  delay,  or  misgiving,  did  Guillaume 
Longue-£p£e  either  make  or  accept  the  flattering 
offer.  He  had  an  encouraging,  and  home  ex- 
ample. As  Guillaume's  own  mother  had  been 
dealt  with  by  his  own  father  Rollo,  so  did 
Guillaume  deal  with  the  mother  of  his  own 
child.  Not  a  thought  was  given  by  any  one  to 
Espriota,  the  damsel  of  low  degree,  the  mean 
hustrue,  who  pretended  to  be  wedded  by  a 
Danish  marriage;  no  divorce  was  sought;  no 
difficulties  honoured  by  discussions;  no  con- 
Guiiianme  scientious  scruple  raised,  needing  the  decency  of 
^e-jiis  a  ghostly  adviser  to   remove  it :  none   of  the 

repudiation  .  v 

JJJSJ?*  parties,  principals  or  accessories,  concerned  in 

SS^SS.  negotiating  or  completing  the  forthcoming  grand 

espousals,  considered  it  worth  while  to  take  notice 

of  Espriota's  existence.  Liutgarda  was  conducted 


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GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.  139 

to  the  Palace  of  Rouen,  and  the  marriage  be-  w_wa 
tween  Guillaume  Longue-£p£e  and  his  noble  / — — ^ 
bride,  the  true  daughter  of  Vermandois,  was  cele-  98S~93S 
brated  with  marvellous  magnificence. 

Never  is  Espriota  named  again  during  the 
remainder, — brief  in  time,  yet  lengthened  by  the 
abundantly  succeeding  incidents, — of  Guillaume's 
life  and  reign.  Yet  equally  are  we  destitute  of 
any  information  concerning  that  brilliant  Liut-Lint- 
garda,  of  whom  nothing  further  is  known  until  ESSd'of 

Richard- 
after  Guillaume's  death,  when  she  re-appears  as  ■ms-penr. 

the  hardened  widow,  rushing  into  the  embraces 
of  a  graceless  lover — the  childless  stepmother, 
pursuing  the  son  of  her  deceased  husband  with 
direful  hatred;  and  yet  without  being  able  to 
offer  the  wretched  excuse  which  might  be  fur- 
nished by  jealousy  for  the  promotion  of  her  own 
offspring. 

In  the  hope  that  an  heir  would  be  granted 
to  him,  had  Guillaume  taken  Espriota.  The  hope 
was  fulfilled;  but  the  concubine's  child  could  not 
be  endured  in  the  Palace  when  the  step-mother 
passed  under  the  Portal  That  once-welcomed 
babe  was  now  removed  far  away.  Nor  did  the 
noble  boy  ever  again  gaze  on  the  father's  face 
until  the  shadow  of  death  was  spreading  over 
him. — Nevertheless,  the  silent  march  of  history 
affords  cogent  reasons  for  an  humiliating  sur- 
mise.— Combining  positive  and  negative  evidence; 
filling  up  the  blanks  evidently  occasioned  by  the 


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140  RAOUL  AND  LOUIS  d'OUTREMER. 

«27-W3  suppression  of  facts,  with  the  collateral  circum- 
stances, which,  though  retained,  are  only  imper- 
fectly explained  or  left  without  explanation,  it  is 
scarcely  possible  to  doubt  but  that  Guillaurae, 
seduced  away  from  Espriota  by  the  pride  of  the 
Prince  or  the  policy  of  the  Statesman,  continued 
nevertheless  secretly  to  cohabit  with  her  whom  he 
had  put  to  shame  before  the  world. — We  cannot 
repel  the  conjecture  that  Guillaume's  heartless- 
ness  thus  involved  him  in  complicated  culpa- 
bility:— faithful  in  heart'  to  the  true-love  whom 
he  deserted,  faithless  in  conduct  to  the  princess 
whom  he  had  taken  in  her  stead. 
intentional  The  history  of  Guillaume  Longue-£p£e,  as  it 
of  Dado     has  been  transmitted  to  us,  was  mainly  founded 

de  Saint  #  ^  J 

?°en  the    on  *^e  i^01™***011  given  to  Dudo  de  Saint  Quentin 

Snn^ted  ^y  *kat  child  Richard  when  he  grew  up  to  man's 

Jrtouind  estate,  and  by  Richard's  brother,  another  son  of 

mtgarda.  ggp^Qt^  not  proclaiming  Guillaume  Longue-ep£e 

as  his  father,  but  who  nevertheless  acquired  high 

importance  and  dignity,  the  famous  Raoul  Count 

of  Ivry.    Dudo,  composing  under  such  dictation, 

enjoyed  great  advantages.   The  primary  sources 

of  information  concerning  the  events  were  open 

to  him,  no  one  could  bear  record  more  fully  or 

truly  if  he  chose.    But  the  very  patronage  which 

encouraged  or  rather  urged  him  to  the  task,  would 

inspire  discreet  reserve.    In  all  those  portions  of 

the  narrative  whether  relating  to  Espriota  or 

to  Liutgarda,  the  writer  appears  to  amplify  for 


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GUILLAUME   LONGUE-EPEE- 


141 


the  purpose  of  concealment.   If,  after  expatiating  927—9*2 
upon  the  splendour  of  Liutgarda's  nuptials,  the  *■ — • — , 
Dean   of  Saint  Quentin  felt  inclined  to  speak    33_w^ 
more  clearly  about  her  or  the  deserted  one, — 
Hush ! — was  whispered  in  his  ear. 

§  25-  Daring  these  Norman  transactions  and  osl-qm 
adventures*  the  aspect  of  French  affairs  became  SSJ^ 
increasingly  perplexed  and  dreary,  A  swarm 
of  untowardnesses,  distresses  and  misfortunes; — 
portents,  and  visitations,  serpent-like  streams  of 
fire  darting  across  the  welkin ; — and,  concurrently 
with  these  tokens,  a  devouring  pestilence — the 
symptoms  described,  being  similar  to  those  which 
accompany  the  Plague,  Queen  Emma,  Hugh-le- 
Grand's  sister,    Raoul's    faithful   and   energetic      m 

Death  of 

consort,  died;  and  the  widowed  king,  his  health  Qu<** 
declining,  was  wearing  himself  out-  Aquitaine 
required  Raoul's  presence:  an  inconsiderable 
Burgundian  Castellan  rebelled.  Raoul  was  com- 
pelled to  hasten  thither :  he  no  longer  had  his 
Emma  to  help  him.  The  furious  Magyars  spread 
all  over  Burgundy,  tormenting  the  country  with 
fire  and  sword*  Raoul  marched  against  the 
Tartars,  They  evaded  the  collision — retreating 
rapidly  before  him  as  he  advanced,  and  the 
fugitives,  repeating  their  mischiefs  elsewhere,  com- 
pensated themselves  beyond  the  Alps  by  the 
plunder  of  the  Lombard  plains. 

Raoul's  own    brother  Boso  took  advantage 
of  his  distresses,  and  seized  Dijon ;   but  Raoul 


Emma. 


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142  BAOUL  AND  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER. 

937-449  marched  against  him  and  recovered  the  city. 
^ZHZH  Other  vexations  ensued :  most  doleful  was  the 
W~W6  Paschal  tide  at  Ladn;  a  riot  broke  out  in  the 
King's  very  presence, — a  scuffle   between  his 
soldiers  and  the  cathedral  clergy, — an   affront 
to  the  royal  dignity  as  well  as  a  scandal.    The 
clerks  may  have  been  indiscreet,  but  the  sol- 
diers were  savage,  and  their  blades  cleft  many 
985     a  shaven  crown.     Though  stricken   by  a  sore 
JJSbtoa     disease  which  rendered  locomotion  very  irksome, 
rtiou~     Raoul  could  not  obtain  any  respite :  the  urgencies 
of  the  State  compelled  him  to  convene  a  council  at 
Soissons.  Apprehensions  of  trouble  forced  Raoul 
to  perform  a  painful  journey  for  the  purpose 
of  obtaining  an  interview  with  King  Henry  the 
Fowler,  he  also  dying.    Pagan  Northmen  ravaged 
Bourges.    The  quarter  from  whence  they  came 
is  not  exactly  ascertained.    A  learned  Dane  con- 
jectures that  they  started  from  Armorica;  Ha- 
rold Blaatand  was  cruising,  and  they  may  have 
disembarked  from  his  ships  in  the  Loire.    Raoul 
could  give  no  aid,  and  the  citizens  had  to  help 
themselves,  which  they  did  bravely. 
«fcpt.  Oct.       During  the  autumn  RaouTs  malady  encreased  : 
malady      his  body  was  covered  with  loathsome  sores  and 
ulcers,  swarming  with  vermin.    He  attempted  to 
journey  towards  Sens.    In  the  outskirts  of  that 
city  stood  the  celebrated  Abbey  of  Saint  Columba 
— that  noble  Gaulish  Virgin  who,  as  legends  tell, 
suffered  martyrdom  by  Aurelian's  special  corn- 


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GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.  143 

mand — "Sainte  Colombe-lez-Sens"  founded  by  M7-M* 
King  Dagobert,  a  monastery,  a  palace  and  a  castle. , — * — , 
Richard-le-Justicier  had  caused  the  consecrated  M5-*8* 
precinct  to  be  surrounded  by  walls  and  towers, 
for  the  purpose  of  protection  against  the  Danes. 
The  Sanctuary  was  much  venerated  by  the  f»- 
mily;  and  Richard-le-Justicier  was  buried  there, 
in  the  chapel  of  Saint  Simphorien.  When  Raoul 
had  been  borne  as  far  as  Auxerre,  he  could  not 
be  conveyed  further*  The  childless  King  had  no 
commands  to  give  respecting  the  succession,  no 
bequests  to  make  of  crown  or  sceptre,  or  royal 
robe,  designating  by  the  delivery  of  these  symbols 
the  future  Sovereign, — The  regalia  are  left  un- 
touched in  the  tall  Tower  of  Ladn — there  let 
them  remain  until  an  occupant  is  found  for  the 
Throne,  dying  Raoul  has  no  care  about  them. 
— As  to  this  world's  concerns,  Raoul  thought 
only  of  his  grave,  and  he  directed  that  his  bones 
should  rest  nigh  his  father's.' — Evil-doers  were 
encouraged  by  the  abeyance  of  the  Sovereign 
authority :  a  great  riot,  accompanied  by  incen- 
diarism, ensued  at  Sens,  the  city  was  partly 
burnt;  nor  did  the  fortifications  of  Saint  Columba 
protect  the  monastery  from  the  revolters ;  and  on  jao.  15, 
the  morrow  of  Saint  Hilary,  King  Raoul  died.      Death  of 

During  Raoul's  illness  the  nobles  had  beenBaoui. 
gathering  in  the  vicinity,  and  they  immediately 
came  together  for  his  funeral.    Within  eight  and 
forty  hours  after  King  Raoul's  death  the  corpse 


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144  BAOUL  AND  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER. 

W7-i>42  was  conveyed  from  Auxerre  to  Sens,  probably 
, — « — »  floated  down  the  placid  Yonne,  and  deposited, 
M5""936  according  to  his  wishes,  by  his  father's  side,  in 
the  fire-scathed  sanctuary.    A  plain  stone  table 
inscribed  Bodolphus  Rex,  marked  his  place  of 
sepulture, 
state  of  §  26.    During  the  latter  years  of  Raoul's  life, 

Fngat the"  when  there  was  no  longer  any  probability  of  his 
Raoui's  leaving  a  lineal  heir,  all  parties  prepared  them- 
selves for  action,  as  soon  as  the  throne  should 
become  vacant  by  his  demise.  Raoul's  lingering 
malady  afforded  full  opportunity  for  machination 
or  deliberation :  his  death  brought  on  the  crisis; 
but  not  before  opinions  had  been  deliberately 
matured, 
steady  ad-        About  the  form  of  government  there  was 

berence  to  ° 

a^hkai "  no  doubt  or  question :  the  Gauls  must  be  ruled 
principle,  by  one  Sovereign,  invested  with  imperial  rights, 
a  crowned  and  anointed  Sovereign.  All  were 
immutably  convinced  that  they  were  bound  to 
maintain  the  unity  of  the  State — an  imperial  fede- 
ration, if  you  choose — yet  one  body  politic.  The 
fury  for  division,  which  raged  during  the  revolu- 
tions of  the  Eight  hundred  eighty  and  eight,  had 
subsided — no  more  repartitions  of  the  Gauls.  This 
was  their  unshaken  resolution — they  prostrated 
themselves  before  the  principle  of  Monarchy. 

They  withstood  all  the  temptations  of  oppor- 
tunity. Who  could  have  gainsayed  the  Patrician 
of  Rouen,  a  monarch  in  his  people's  estimation, 


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GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.  145 

had  he  demanded  his  autocracy  ? — Until  Raymond  927-012 
thought  fit  to  become  Raoul's  liegeman,  he 
reigned  in  the  Capitol  of  Toulouse,  without  bow- 
ing before  any  superior :  Raymond  might  altoge- 
ther have  refused  rendering  that  acknowledgment. 
— Hermengaud  at  Rhodez  was  beyond  the  long- 
est stretch  of  Raoul's  sceptre;  it  was  his  own 
choice,  if  he  came  within  that  sceptre's  reach. 
— The  Vascons  would  have  answered  with  en- 
thusiasm to  Lope  Aznar's  summons,  had  he 
required  their  aid  for  the  vindication  of  their  na- 
tionality.— Thirty  or  more  "  Grand  Feudatories," 
as  they  were  afterwards  called,  are  reckoned  at 
this  era,  who,  whether  the  throne  was  deserted,  Adherence 
or  whether  the  throne  was  filled,  might,  had  they  Frank*  to 

the  mo- 

chosen,  have  decreed  the  suppression  of  Royalty  narcwcai 
in  the  Carlovingian  Commonwealth.  But  no  one 
could  move  in  that  direction — no  one  had  the 
will.  Each  acted  as  though  a  yoke  had  been  placed 
upon  his  shoulders  by  an  invisible  hand,  a  yoke 
which  he  would  not  have  shaken  off  even  if  he 
had  the  power.  Surrounding  perils  and  impending 
dangers  may  in  a  certain  degree  have  assisted 
in  supporting  these  feelings. — The  Saracens 
were  on  the  confines:  Deen!  Deen!  Deen! 
the  invocation  shouted  by  faithful  Islam  which 
animates  the  charge  beneath  the  British  banner 
in  Hindostan,  might  resound  amidst  the  vine- 
yards of  Burgundy  :  the  soil  was  yet  reeking 
VOL.  u.  h 


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146         RAOTJL  AND  LOUIS  D'OUTREMEB. 

W7-M2  with  the  blood,  shed  by  the  Mogors: —  hosts 
of  Northmen  were  crossing  the  seas. 

Nevertheless  the  thrice-repeated  Eighty  the 
great  events  which  marked  the  "  Eight  hundred 
and  eighty-eight?  had  effected  a  radical  revolu- 
tion in  the  dynastic  sentiment  of  all  the  States 
composing  the  recently -dissolved  Carlovingian 
Empire.  The  peculiar  ascription  of  royalty  to 
the  Carlovingian  race  was  rejected;  and  the 
nations  throughout  that  Empire,  each  and  every 
of  them,  asserted  in  act  and  deed,  their  liberty 
and  prerogative  of  appointing  their  King,  if  they 
thought  fit,  without  any  reference  to  ancestry. 

§  27.  The  magnificent  Realm  which  at  this 
period  was  encircled  by  the  Channel,  the  Atlantic, 
the  Pyrenees,  the  Mediterranean,  and  the  Rhone, 
had  not,  hitherto,  obtained  any  appropriate  or 
collective  constitutional  or  national  name*  Each 
Late  ap-  Population  or  Province  was  called  by  a  territorial 
the^Sof  or  ethnic  denomination.    "France,"  was  thus  a 

•'France,"  .  . 

as  applied  designation  vaguely  applied  in  the  reign  of  Charles- 
*™»t  le-Simple  to  a  territory,  for  which,  except  where 
the  Seine  or  the  Loire  formed  the  boundary,  we 
cannot  find  any  precise  geographical  demarcation, 
— "La  France  !"—"La  Belle  France!"— -French 
historians,  so  accurate,  so  diligent,  so  expert  in 
other  points  of  enquiry,  have  not  afforded  us 
much  assistance  in  tracing  the  gradual  extension 
of  that  word — the  inspiration  of  their  genius,  their 
patriotism,  and  their  power — to  the  whole  of 


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GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.  147 

their  present  fatherland.  Certainly  it  was  not  927-042 
thus  employed  under  the  Merovingian,  Carlo-  ] 
vingian,  or  early  Capetian  Sovereigns,  though  the 
terms  "  France,*  "French,"  or  "  Frenchman,"  may 
be  occasionally  permitted  to  the  Historian  in 
cases,  when  the  adoption  of  an  anachronism,  con- 
veying an  idea  correct  in  the  main,  is  preferable 
to  circumlocution  or  ambiguity.  The  title  of  Bex 
Francice — Roi  de  France — appears  in  the  Royal 
style  from  the  reign  of  Philippe  Auguste — earlier 
examples  are  exceptional; — nevertheless,  until 
after  the  Lions  of  England  were  chased  away,  it 
is  questionable  whether,  in  the  popular  mind,  the 
idea  of  France  distinctly  included  the  Languedoc, 
and  the  proper  Aquitanian  Provinces.  It  was 
the  victory  gained  over  the  victors  of  Cressy, 
Poitiers,  and  Agincourt,  which  perfected  the 
homogeneous  nationality  of  the  Kingdom. 

Indeed,  as  long  as  the  usages  of  the  remoter 
periods  prevailed,  there  was  absolutely  no  oppor- 
tunity for  the  employment  of  a  general  choro- 
graphic  name  in  any  matters  of  state  or  temporal 
government.  The  King  only  designated  himself 
as  the  ruler  of  his  people,  or  rather  of  the  predo- 
minant race :  and  the  chroniclers  localize  their 
interests  and  their  feelings.  But  the  secular, 
as  well  as  the  spiritual,  Catholicity  of  the  Realm 
was  preserved  by  the  Church,  and  the  Church 
continued  to  speak  in  the  language  of  the  Empire. 
The  Archiepiscopal  Provinces  were  precisely  con- 

L2 


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148  RAOUL  AND  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER. 

927—0*2  terminous  with  the  civil  provinces  as  they  existed 

in  the  age  of  Honorius ;  and  if  the  Clerk  had 

been  asked  to  describe  the  Realm  whose  destinies 

were  now  in  suspense,  he  would  have  repeated 

the  words  of  Caesar, — "  Gallia  est  omnis  divisa 

in  partes  tres,  quarum  unam  incolunt  Bdgce, 

aliam  Aquitani,  tertiam  qui  ipsorum  UnguA 

Celtce,  nostra  GaMi  appeUantur." 

The  trioar-     This  Tripartite  division,  archaic  but  not  obsolete, 

don  of  the  was  practically  accepted  as  the  basis  of  the  Con- 

constitu-    stitution.    The  great  privilege  now  claimed — that 

tionalap-  °  *  °  i  m 

pueation.  the  populations  of  Gaul  were  free  to  elect  their 
King — was  exercised  through  the  suffrages  as- 
signed to  the  three  territories,  designated  accord- 
ing to  the  three  principal  nations  who  presented 
themselves  to  the  Romans,  when  the  Eagle  was 
planted  on  the  Gaulish  soil. 

Founded,  however,  upon  antient  reminis- 
cences, combined  with  the  actual  circumstances 
of  the  country,  now  overspread  by  other  races, 
the  antient  ethnographical  boundaries  were  not 
strictly  retained. 
"Beipio  Gallia  Bdgicay  according  to  the  mediaeval 

cording  to  notions,  which  we  shall  express  however  by  bor- 

the  media-  .  , 

Taiidea.  rowing  more  recent  names,  as  the  clearer  ex- 
ponents of  localities,  comprehended  Champagne 
and  Vermandois,  Picardy  and  the  Artois,  Haynault 
and  Flanders  and  their  appurtenances,  most  of 
Romane  Lorraine,  Alsace  also,  together  with  some 
dismemberments  and  districts  of  Celtic  Gaul, 


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GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.  149 

With  respect  to  Aquitanian  Gaul,  the  desig-  927-942 
nation  is  rather  ambiguously  employed,  some-  ,_JL_^ 
times  restricted  to  the  native  seat  of  the  antient  „  A^?u_ 
people  between  the  Pyrenees  and  the  Garonne,  "ianGaui" 
but  more  generally  extended,  according  to  the 
decree  of  Augustus,  so  as  to  include  the  modern 
Touraine  as  far  as  the  Loire. 

Celtic  Gaul  had  lost  the  Transjurane  regions  q^«c 
which  constituted  the  independent  Kingdom  of 
Burgundy,  whilst  the  Burgundian  Duchy,  which 
remained  to  Gaul,  had  been  erected  upon  the 
states  of  the  noble  iEdui,  the  Lingones,  and  the 
Sequani,  forming  a  transit-region,  connecting  the 
Belgic  Gauls,  through  Alps  and  Rhone,  with  Sep- 
timania  and  Italy.  "  Gallia  Celtica,"  as  above  men- 
tioned, no  longer  included  the  portions  between 
Aquitania  proper  and  the  Loire ;  and  the  north* 
western  boundaries  are  blurred  and  confused. 
Yet  we  may  define  this  Electorate  with  tolerable 
accuracy  as  containing  all  the  Carlovingian  por- 
tions of  Burgundy,  the  Pays  Chartrain,  the  Brio 
Champenoise,  the  Nivernois,  the  Senonois,  the 
Orteanois,  the  Isle  de  France,  and  possibly  the 
Terra  Normannorum  also. 

§  28.  The  electoral  theory  was  only  roughly 
draughted.  Had  the  scheme  been  perfected  by 
the  successive  touches  of  the  jurist's  pen  — 
sharpened,  when  needed,  by  the  soldier's  sword- 
France  might  have  attained  a  constitution,  ela- 
borate and  defective  as  that  of  the  German 
Empire.     The  principle  however  deduced  from 


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150  RAOUL  AND  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER. 

927-wa  the  Tripartite  division  continued  deeply  impressed 

upon  the  national  mind.     After  the  accession  of 

the  Capets,  the  right  of  appointing  the  Sovereign 

was  still  assumed  to  be  vested  in  the  concurrent 

Electorates  of  the  Belgic,  Celtic,  and  Aquitanian 

Gauls.    And  when  the  doctrine  of  Elective  Right 

was  abandoned,  the  theory  that  the  voice  of  the 

kingdom  was  to  be  expressed  by  the  Provinces, 

1484.     classed  as  nations,  was  still  steadily  retained.    In 

g^niiatioT  the  most  memorable  Convention  of  the  States 

EtatseG$-  General  at  Tours,  when  the  Sovereignty  of  the 

nlrauxof  _ 

Tours.  People  was  asserted  with  equal  temperance  and 
boldness,  the  members,  instead  of  voting  by  Orders, 
marshalled  themselves,  not  into  the  Three,  but  as 
the  Six  Nations  of  the  Realm,  namely,  France, 
Burgundy,  Normandy,  Aquitaine,  the  Languedoc, 
and  the  Langue  d'oil — a  reasonable  adaptation  of 
the  antient  principle  to  the  altered  state  of  the 
Realm. 

This  repartition  was  evidently  suggested  by 
the  wish  of  neutralizing  the  numerical  prepon- 
derance of  any  particular  party  or  faction,  and, 
if  made  honestly,  not  ill  calculated  for  the  pro- 
tection of  the  minor  masses,  and  the  frustration 
of  cabal  or  intrigue. 

Nor  must  it  be  omitted  that  the  scheme  of 
grouping  the  individual  electors,  or  others  having 
the  rights  of  suffrage  into  "  Nations,"  acquired  no 
inconsiderable  degree  of  approbation  during  the 
mediaeval  era.  Although  unwarranted  by  the 
traditions  of  the  Church,  this  national  organization 


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GUILLAUME   LONGUE-EPEE.  151 

was  boldly  sanctioned  by  the  innovating  Council  927-4*2 
of  Constance.    It  obtained  in  the  Military  Orders,  ,  -  ^  ■ .  > 
the  Knights  Hospitallers  affording  an  illustrious     83G 
example — "Language"  being  synonymous  with 
"Nation" — From  the  same  model  arose  the 
Quatre  nations  of  Paris  University:  and,  inherited 
from  that  venerable  and  departed  mother,  the 
organization  subsists  in  full  vigour  beyond  the 
Tweed.   When,  in  the  City  of  Saint  Mungo,  the 
Four  Nations  of  the  Academic  Commonwealth, — 
Glottiana,    Transfortkiana,    Laudoniana,   and 
Rothseiana, — assemble  for  the  choice  of  their 
Lord  Rector,  the  Red  gowns  may  find  the  sug- 
gestions for  their  Comitia  in  the  opening  sen- 
tence of  the  Commentaries. 

§  29.    Amongst  the  Three  nations,  the  third  g**» 
and  last  according  to  the  enumeration  of  Caesar,  gjjj^ 
took  the  lead.    Celtic  Gaul  pronounced  immedi-  Grand- 
ately  for  him  whose  dominions  were  spread  so 
wide,  and  his  fame  still  wider — Hugh-le-Grand, 
"Hugo    Dux    Francorum  Gratia  Omnipotentis 
Dei,"  in  his  own  country — "Rex  Francorum'* 
beyond  the  seas.    The  crown  had  been  already 
offered  to  him;  birth,  reputation,  and  power,  again 
designated  Hugh-le-Grand  for  the  throne,  the  son 
of  a  King,  the  brother  of  a  king,  the  nephew  of 
a  king,  who  could  be  more  fitted  to  reign  ? 

The  predilection  shewn  to  Hugh-le-Grand  by  The  Aqui- 
the  Electorate,  of  which  Burgundy  and  the  Duchy t-w  ^ 
of  France  constituted  the  largest  portions,    is 


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152  RAOUL  AND  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER. 

927—042  intelligible  and  explicable:  but  that  Aquitaine 
should  also  join  in  the  postulation,  may  almost 
appear  as  an  unexpected  phenomenon.  We  have 
seen  how  solemnly  the  Aquitanians  had  repudiated 
Raoul,  when  the  Celtic  and  Belgic  Gauls  bestowed 
the  Crown  upon  him.  They  would  not  acknowledge 
his  political  existence;  nevertheless,  if  we  consider 
the  circumstances  of  the  country,  their  present 
adhesion  to  Hugh-le-Grand  will  not  only  receive  a 

Bxpiana-    sufficient  elucidation,  but  be  found  fairly  consist- 

tionofthe  m 

conduct  of  ent  with  their  former  conduct.    The  Aquitanians 

the  Aqui-  * 

had  never  been  thoroughly  cordial  towards  the 
Carlo vingian  interest.  By  the  indulgence  which 
Charlemagne  extended  to  their  nationality,  when 
he  dealt  with  Aquitania  as  a  separate  kingdom, 
he  conciliated  them  for  a  while,  yet  this  policy 
engendered  a  tendency  towards  estrangement. 
The  great  Emperor's  management  had  only  par- 
tially answered  the  purpose  his  wisdom  sought. 
Long  ago,  the  installation  of  Louis-le-Dfebonnaire 
at  Toulouse,  his  adoption  of  the  Aquitanian  garb, 
and  the  devices  whereby  he  sought  to  identify 
himself  with  the  Vascon  race,  had  operated  un- 
favourably against  the  Frankish  crown. 

But  no  severance  of  Aquitaine  could  now 
be  thought  of:  the  Gaulish  Realm  was  not  to  be 
maimed.  The  indignation  of  the  Aquitanians 
against  the  "unfaithful  Franks"  who  had  "dis- 
graced" their  king,  was  not  accompanied  by  any 
ardent  sympathy  for  the  banished  lineage.    Posh 


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GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.  153 

sibly,  the  Aquitanians  considered,  that  they  ought  027-942 
to  have  been  consulted  in  an  act  which  concerned  ^ZZXZC 
them  all ;  and  their  stern  reprobation  of  Charles-  9ae 
le-Simple's  dethronement  maybe  construed, rather 
as  the  manifestation  of  anger  at  the  national 
affront,  than  as  a  demonstration  of  loyalty. 
When  Baoul  had  justified  his  pretensions  to 
the  throne  by  the  victory  of  Limoges,  they  found 
the  King  for  whom  they  had  been  tarrying,  and 
accepted  him,  not  because  he  had  been  crowned 
by  the  Belgic  Gauls  at  Soissons,  but  as  the  king 
of  their  choice.  Therefore  it  was  quite  in  con- 
formity with  their  previous  line  of  action  that 
their  postulation  should  now  be  given  in  favour 
of  Hugh-le-Grand, — Hugh,  Abbot  of  St.  Martin, 
a  great  nobleman  on  the  southern  bank  of  the 
Loire, — Hugh,  Duke  of  France,  the  greatest 
Prince  on  the  North. 

But  throughout  the  Belgic  Gauls,  where  the  J^J^P" 
Carlovingian  monarchs  had  been  most  seen  and  q^1*10 
known,  studded  with  the  cities,  the  palaces,  and 
the  castles,  where  whilome  they  held  their  courts, 
displayed  t*heir  valour,  and  succumbed  under  their 
misfortunes,  the  nobles  and  the  people  were  most 
anxious  to  recal  the  orphan  son  of  Charles,  the 
martyred  king.  The  Prelates  generally  advocated 
his  cause ;  yet  the  most  loyal  dared  not  maintain 
that  the  Crown  belonged  to  the  son  of  Charles 
by  undoubted  hereditary  right.  The  affection  still 
commanded  by  the  antient  lineage  of  Charlemagne, 


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154  RAOUL  AND  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER. 

997-449  the  benefits  to  be  anticipated  from  the  restoration 

'     :       of  Louis,  might  guide  the  discretion  of  the  Elec- 

986     torates;  but  their  liberty  was  not  to  be  seduced  or 

coerced  into  the  admission  of  an  indefeasible  claim. 

Celtic  Gaul  and  Aquitaine  supported  Hugh- 

le-Grand  upon  his  own  merits, — antagonists  of 

Louis,  without  entertaining  personal  enmity;  but 

there  was  a  third  party,  a  non-national  party, 

The  ver-  very  powerful  in  Belgic  Gaul,  strongly  opposed 

l^rtyop-   to  his  restoration,  actuated  by  a  sharper  incentive 

the  reeto-  than  political  principle  or  patriotism — fear.  Those 

Louie.       who  had  concurred  so  actively  in  the  persecution 

and  dethronement  of  the  wretched  Charles,  those 

who  had  brought  him  to  his  miserable  death, 

dreaded  lest  the  son  should  become  his  father's 

avenger.     No  one  could  have  more  cause  for 

apprehension,   should  young  Louis  obtain  the 

sovereign  power,  than  Herbert  of  Vermandois, — 

the  halter  might  be  tightened  round  his  neck 

should  Louis  ascend  the  throne. 

EKfcitaor      §  30.    The  Queen-mother — whom,  to  avoid 

S? roung  confusion  we  must  still  denominate  Ogiva,  though 

der  Athei-  it  would  be  more  agreeable  to  recognize  her  by 

tectum  at   her  right  old  English  name,  since  we  now  rejoin 

her  in  old  England  her  native  home — was  at 

this  juncture  residing  with  her  brother  Athel- 

stane  and  her  son,  in  the  Royal  palace  of  York. 

If  Charles  had  laboured  in  his  happiest  moments 

or    most    anxious  years  to   devise   a  plan  by 

which  his  only  child  could  be  best  schooled  for 


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GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.  155 

the  duties  of  sovereignty,  he  could  not  have  027-942 
contrived  any  course  of  discipline  or  instruction  '  -  \ 
so  well  calculated  to  invigorate  and  enlighten  986 
the  young  Louis  in  body  and  in  mind,  as  that  £*2^,. 
course  provided  for  Louis  by  his  calamities.  His^^Jj. 
education,  unschemed  by  parental  forethought,  protection 
was  far  better  cared  for  than  any  care  could  have  ? 
dictated,  combining  the  advantages  of  adversity 
and  prosperity. 

Hardships  are  apt  to  harden ;  the  young  Louis 
was  exempted  from  this  deterioration;  he  suf- 
fered the  chastisement  of  misfortune  without  its 
bitterness.  An  exile,  a  dependent,  maintained  by 
charity,  he  dwelt  beneath  the  oppressive  shelter 
of  another's  roof,  and  ate  the  acrid  gift-bread 
bestowed  by  another's  hand  ;  yet  his  life  was 
rendered  cheerful,  and  his  moral  and  intellectual 
feelings  kindly  cherished  and  cultivated.  Athel- 
stane  was  the  very  mirror  of  civility.  His  mag- 
nanimity took  out  the  sting  from  the  dependence 
to  which  he  had  reduced  the  Celtic  princes. 
Fierce  King  Harold  Harfager,  the  King  of  Nor- 
way, sought,  as  the  greatest  favour,  that  his  son 
Haco  should  be  trained  under  the  guidance  of 
the  English  King :  and  when  that  Haco  attained 
the  sovereignty,  he  conjoined  the  name  of  his 
benefactor  to  his  own.  —  "Haco,  Athelstane's 
foster-son,"  —  is  the  title  by  which  he  stands 
enrolled  in  the  chronicle  of  Norwegian  kings. 
A  banished  Court  is  usually  the  weary  har- 


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156  RAOUL  AND   LOUIS  d'oUTBEMER. 

927-942  bour  of  hope  deferred:  the  exiles  breathe  an 
enfeebling  atmosphere, — sad  reminiscences  of 
the  past9  sickly  anticipations  of  the  future, — 
expectations  raised  by  a  whisper,  or  destroyed 
by  a  word.  The  young  Louis,  however,  was  not 
exposed  to  these  debilitating  influences.  Though 
always  brought  to  the  most  lively  sense  of  his 
calamities  by  the  presence  of  that  mother  whom 
he  loved  and  honoured,  he  was,  nevertheless, 
placed  in  a  station  which  guarded  him  against 
the  meannesses  and  manoeuvres,  intrigues  and 
untruths,  engendered  by  the  carking  cares  of 
expatriated  royalty. 

His  dignity  was  respected,  and  he  received  the 
instruction  best  calculated  to  render  him  compe- 
tent for  the  exercise  of  that  dignity.  Athelstane 
wisely  and  considerately  trained  his  nephew  to 
the  arts  of  government,  conferring  with  him  as  a 
councillor  and  adviser.  The  Scottish  Reguli  had 
failed  in  their  revolt  against  the  supremacy  of 
the  British  Basileus :  but  Athelstane  well  knew 
that  further  hostilities  were  impending.  He  was 
now  preparing  for  the  campaign  which  was 
terminated  by  the  great  victory  of  Brunnaburgh, 
and  hints  are  given  that  the  young  Louis,  a 
representative,  through  his  mother,  of  Cerdic's 
line,  might  receive  as  an  appanage  some  Danish, 
Celtic,  or  Cymric  Earldom  or  Kingdom.  Yet 
better  would  it  be  that  Louis  should  regain  the 
noble  Realm  which  he  inherited  from  his  fore- 


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GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.  157 

fathers ;  and,  during  the  malady  of  Raoul,  Athel-  927-942 
stane  had  been  opening  negotiations  for  effecting 
the  restoration  of  Louis  to  the  throne. 

§  31.    There  were  three  amongst  the  French  £2$;ne- 
Princes  from  whom  Athelstane  might  expect  use-  j^t^01" 
ful  aid  on  behalf  of  Louis:  three  in  particular,  who  J^l©1^ 
might  recal  him  from  beyond  the  sea.     Adolph,  pri™«£* 
the  brother  of  Arnoul,  and  Count  of  Boulogne,  he  mjhtm 
was  familiar  with  the  Anglo-Saxon  Court  and  pwt°  8np~ 
with  England.    The  shores  of  Albion  were  con- 
stantly in  his  sight.   Caligula's  imperial  tower,  the 
Turris  Ardens,  the  twelve-storied  pyramid,  rising 
in  massy  stateliness  from  the  edge  of  the  com- 
manding but  treacherous  cliff,  still  corresponded 
with  the  Dover  Pharos ;  and  the  ancient  "  Ges-  Bouiope, 
soriacum,"  not  yet  supplanted  by  Witsand,  con-  tr^Siuu! 

import- 

tinued,  as  in  the  Roman  age,  to  be  the  accustomed  ap- 
point of  transit  between  the  Gauls  and  Eng- 
land.— Adolph  held  the  key  of  France  on  that 
side.  Were  he  hostile  to  young  Louis,  he  might 
in  great  measure  frustrate  the  chances  of  restora- 
tion :  if  friendly,  he  might  afford  the  most  im- 
portant facilities. 

The  active  concurrence  of  Hugh-le-Grand  was 
indispensable.  Two-thirds  of  the  realm  had  in- 
vited him  to  ascend  the  throne:  it  was  take, 
and  have.  Yet  Athelstane  was  inclined  to  rely 
upon  the  moderation  which  Hugh-le-Grand  had 
already  evinced,  and  the  sentiments  which  ap- 
peared to  dictate  that  moderation.     Solicited  to 


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158  KAOUL  AND   LOUIS  D'OUTREMER. 

&27-042  assume  the  crown,  and  without  any  doubt  of 
t — * — k  success,  had  he  accepted  the  repeated  offer,  he 
086  never  had  shewn  any  wavering,  any  tendency  to 
depart  from  the  strict  letter  of  his  self-denying 
vow.  Moreover,  the  personal  friendship  subsist- 
ing between  Hugh  and  Athelstane  had  been  con- 
firmed by  the  much-celebrated  intermarriage. 
Hugh  had  sought  the  hand  of  Eadhilda,  the  sister 
of  Athelstane,  the  sister  of  Ogiva — the  onyx  vase, 
the  precious  gems,  the  sword  of  Constantine,  and 
the  lance  of  Charlemagne,  now  the  pride  of 
Athelstane's  treasury,  were  pledges  of  Hugh-le- 
Grand's  amity.  The  Rex  Francorum  called  him- 
self Ogiva's  brother,  uncle  of  the  young  Louis, 
his  natural  protector;  and  though  Eadhilda  had 
died  prematurely  and  childless,  the  connection 
had  survived,  uncancelled  by  her  death.  In  the 
very  cause  of  grief  there  was  this  consolation, 
that  no  cousin  to  the  young  Louis  had  been  born 
to  Hugh,  on  whose  behalf  his  father  might  have 
been  tempted  to  desire  an  hereditary  monarchy. 
If  any  secret  misgiving  might  be  felt  lest  Hugh, 
seduced  by  the  noble  prize,  should  desert  his 
principles,  and  seek  to  thwart  the  desired  acces- 
sion, there  was  a  third  friend,  upon  whom  Athel- 
stane could  rely — as  he  had  full  reason  to  be- 
lieve— without  any  misgiving  or  hesitation.  The 
flourishing  and  prosperous  Duchy  of  Normandy 
had  become  very  important  in  the  balance  of 
power.    A  Peer  of  France,  a  member  of  the 


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GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.  159 

French  Monarchy,  and  yet  more  free  in  action  927—942 
than  any  other  amongst  the  French  Potentates,  ^ZXZ^ 
Guillaume-Longue-^p^e,  the  noble  son  of  a  mag-      m 
nanimous  father,  was  assuredly  most  dependable. 
In  the  hour  of  anguish  and   distress  had  not 
the  Duke  prepared  to  place  her  whom  he  then 
most  dearly  loved  under  the  English  Monarch's 
protection?    Athelstane  doubting  not  but  that 
the  Norman  Duke  would  cordially  reciprocate, 
urged  him  to  work  in  the  cause  of  the  Carlovin- 
gian  heir,  which  he  did,  and  as  the  Norman  his- 
torians inform  us,  efficaciously,  and  successfully, 
when  the  time  arrived  for  settling  the  succession 
to  the  throne. 


$  32.    The  nobles  who,  with  that  high  intent,  ^  m\ 
were  convened  at  Sens,  reverently  followed  King  JJ^JJg^ 
Raoul's  body  to  the  grave.     No  further  delay  j^ggS 
ensued,  nor  was  the  interregnum  factiously  pro-  pJSS^t. 
longed.  All  parties  concerned  acted  discreetly  and 
decorously ;  and,  on  the  morrow  of  the  funeral, 
the  Nations  of  the  Gauls  met  in  solemn  assem- 
bly.   Their  first  proceeding  was  to  elect  Hugh- 
le-Grand  as  their  President,  either  sensible  that 
they  could  not  resist  his  authority,  had  he  chosen 
to   demand    that  station,  or  confiding    in  his 
honour  and  impartiality.    His  determination  con- 
tinued steady:  never  could  Hugh-le-Grand  dis- 
miss from  his  mind  the  terror  inspired  by  the 
avenging  fate  which  had  fallen  on  his  father 
Robert;  nor  is  it  improbable  but,  that  in  the 


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160         BAOUL  AND  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER. 

927-wa  horrible  malady  which  had  afflicted  Raoul  and 
< — * — .  brought  him  to  his  most  painful  death,  Hugh 
086  equally  beheld  a  token  of  wrath.  It  was  a 
current  belief  that  the  German  Arnolph's  breach 
of  the  solemn  oath  he  had  sworn  to  Charles- 
le-Gras  had  thus  been  punished;  for  there  al- 
ways has  been  a  prevalent  popular  opinion  that 
such  an  hideous  disease  is  to  be  viewed  as  the 
peculiar  chastisement  of  some  grievous  sin. 

Hugh-le-Grand  rose,  and  opened  the  discus* 
sions  by  his  speech  from  the  Chair;  managing 
his  argument  ably.  He  expressed  the  strongest 
opinion  in  favour  of  the  Carlovingian  Prince,  but 
he  evaded  pronouncing  any  severe  condemnation 
upon  the  rebellious  transactions  which  had  driven 
that  young  Prince  and  his  Mother  into  exile. 
Unhesitatingly  advocating  the  restoration  of 
Louis  the  son,  he  nevertheless  delicately  insinu- 
ated that  the  deposition  of  Charles  the  parent  had 
been  justly  earned  by  his  misgovernment.  Yet 
the  abstract  justice  of  the  sentence  did  not  justify 
the  agent  by  whom  the  sentence  was  executed. 
Robert,  his  own  father,  had  done  evil  that  good 
might  come :  nor  could  the  suffrages  which  ele- 
vated King  Robert  to  the  throne  absolve  him 
from  culpability. 

Hugh-le-Grand  counselled  them  to  abstain 
from  calling  in  any  strange  race,  any  race  not 
previously  honoured  by  royalty.  Raoul's  ex- 
ample might  be  a  sufficient  warning  against  such 
an   error.     How  had  France  fallen  in  honour 


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GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.  16l 

during  his  reign!  Therefore  Hugh  earnestly  027-0** 
exhorted  them  to  remember  the  antient  royal  ^ZHZX 
family,  and  invite  the  young  Louis  from  be-H  ^ 
yond  the  sea.  Thus  presented,  the  acceptance  JJJSi ^ 
of  Charlemagne's  descendant  did  not  directly  S?£0lj£on 
impugn  the  prerogative  liberty  of  choice  apper- 
taining to  the  nobles  of  the  Gauls. 

The  antient  lineage  afforded,  according  to 
Hugh-le-Grand's  opinion,  a  powerful  recommen- 
dation! yet  without  conveying  an  indefeasible 
right:  if  the  recommendation  was  judged  insuffi- 
cient, the  naked  right  was  not  to  prevail.  Neither 
was  there  any  dogmatic  renunciation  of  the  prin- 
ciples or  motives  actuating  the  parties  implicated 
in  the  preceding  revolutions  :  the  admission  that 
a  moral  liability  was  incurred  by  rising  against 
the  royal  authority,  did  not  contravene  the  con- 
stitutional right  of  giving  the  rough  admonition, 
should  circumstances  vindicate  the  deed. 

The  proposition  for  the  acknowledgment  of 
Louis  alarmed  the  powerful  partisans  who  had 
been  directly  and  actually  concerned  in  procuring 
the  deposition  and  death  of  Charles.  They  dreaded 
the  advent  of  the  young  king.  Charles  had  been 
betrayed,  mocked,  murdered:  would  his  son  be 
truly  his  son,  unless  he  wreaked  a  condign  ven- 
geance ?  Yet  this  third  party,  however  active, 
had  a  difficulty  in  organizing  an  effective  opposi- 
tion. The  extreme  unpopularity  of  Herbert  of 
Vermandois  counteracted  his  power.  We  see  no 
VOL.  11.  m 


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162  BAOUL  AND  LOUIS  D'OUTREMEB. 

927-0*2  reason  to  doubt  the  statement  made  by  the  Nor* 
man  historians,  that  Guiilaume  Longue-£p£e  co- 
operated in  supporting  Louis,  but  the  victory 
gained  in  the  Convention  was  due  to  Hugh-le- 
Grand's  tact,  talent,  and  steady  determination. 
The  question  was  carried,  Nobles  and  Chieftains 
joyfully  proclaimed  their  concurrence ;  and  Hugh* 
le-Grand,  the  temporary  Stadt-holder,  took  the 
needful  measures  for  completing  the  restoration. 
SttT7  $  ^3.  Imperial  Eboracum,  the  birth-place  of 
toTftkjf  Constantine,  though  celebrated  throughout  West- 
tiffowds.  ern  Christendom,  was  separated  from  the  well- 
frequented  and  familiar  southern  regions  of  our 
Island,  by  tracts  so  uncouth  and  savage  in  the 
opinion  of  the  Frenchman,  that  clerks  compared 
the  awful  vastness  of  the  intervening  country  to 
the  dreary  spread  of  the  Riph&an  range.  Hugh- 
le-Grand  therefore,  in  the  execution  of  the  trust 
imposed  upon  him,  appointed  a  solemn  embassy 
which  might  convey  the  offers  to  the  young  Louis 
on  behalf  of  the  assembled  nations:  and  the 
Primate,  William,  Archbishop  of  Sens,  was  the 
chief  of  the  Legation.  At  Boulogne  the  am- 
bassadors embarked.  Count  Adolph  readily 
befriended  them:  they  found  the  trim  vessel 
fitted  out  for  their  voyage,  and,  making  the 
passage  safely,  their  long  journey  terminated  by 
their  reception  in  the  palace  of  Athelstane. 

The  Anglo-Saxon  Basileus  demeaned  himself 
gravely.    If  he  inwardly  rejoiced  at  the  success 


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GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.  163 

of  his  exertions,  all  outward  tokens  of  exultation  997-4*2 
were  suppressed ;  he  demurred  without  refusing.       - 
Athelstane  intimated  that  it  was  a  concession  on  A  *** 
his  part,  if  he  sanctioned  the  acceptance  by  Louis  g&*^_ 
of  the  perilous  Sovereignty.     The  Archbishop  of  d°r* 
Sens  expatiated  on  the  loyalty  of  the  French  : — 
fears  might  have  been  felt,  doubts  entertained; 
but  Hugh-le-Grand  had  tranquillized  the  fears, 
and  removed  all  incertitudes. — They  therefore 
prayed  the  appointment  of  the  time  and  the  place 
where  the  Nobles  might  attend  to  receive  their 
Sovereign. 

Athelstane,  acting  with  cautious  dignity,  now  *££ 
declined  the  further  prosecution  of  the  treaty  SSSbVSSn 
until  the  Archbishop  and  his  colleagues  should,  SSfiJST" 
by  solemn  oath,  pledge  their  fidelity  to  him,  the 
protector  of  Louis,  and  also  to  Ogiva.  They 
complied,  and  moreover,  in  addition  to  this 
compliance,  certain  members  of  the  legation  con- 
sented to  remain  behind  "as  hostages ;  but  in 
return  they  only  obtained  a  qualified  promise 
from  the  Anglo-Saxon  King. — Louis  would  hold 
himself  in  readiness  to  assume  the  Sovereignty, 
if  the  treaty  of  restoration  should  receive  a  satis- 
factory settlement.  Wary  Athelstane  might  well 
require  convincing  evidence,  that  the  proffer  of 
the  Crown  was  made  in  sincerity  and  good  faith, 
not  a  device  concealing  some  traitorous  design, 
whereby  it  was  sought  to  gain  possession  of 
the  young  King's  person,  deluding  him,  like  his 

M2 


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164  RAOUL  AND   LOUIS   D'OUTREMER. 

927-442  unhappy  father,  into  a  prison,  the  porch  of  the 

^Z^     [  sepulchre. 

92a-924        r  g4  Between  England  and  France,  severed  by 

Athelstane     .     *  .  ,  .  -  n    , 

and  Louu  the  Channel,  no  closer  trystmg-places  could  be 
gj^at    indicated  than  Dover  and  Boulogne ;  and  it  was 
agreed  that,  during  the  negotiations  required  to 
satisfy  the  careful  guardian's  anxiety,  the  Heir 
of  France   and   the    Nobles   representing   the 
States  of  France   should  respectively  tarry  at 
these  ports,  on  the  mutually  confronting  shores. 
Amply  escorted  by  Prelates,  Earls,  Thanes 
and  cavalry,  Athelstane,  with  the  young  Louis, 
journeyed  to  the  Kentish  coast :  stern  and  awful 
Odo,  Bishop  of  Sherborne,   afterwards  so  con- 
spicuous as  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  joined  the 
royal  train.    French  and  English  punctually  kept 
their  day.    On  the  morn  when  the  Anglo-Saxon 
Basileus  arrived  at  Dover,  a  column  of  smoke 
ascending  from  the  white  cliffs  of  Boulogne  an- 
nounced to  Athelstane  that  the  Frankish  nobles 
awaited  their  king.    The  column  of  smoke  from 
England's  white  clifls  reciprocated  the  signal 
Yet  Athelstane  paused,  his  vigilance  increasing 
in  proportion  as  he  approximated  to  the  ratifica- 
tion of  the  pending  treaty.    Not  yet  would  he 
surrender  the  Heir  of  Charlemagne.    The  young 
odS°JL    an(*  ^dent  prince  was  still  restrained  by  his 
V2S5££  uncle's  prudence,  nor  yet  permitted  to  cross  the 
pi^^obl  sea*    For  the  guidance  of  his  judgment,  Athel- 
fonna§<mJ  stane  required  further  information ;  Bishop  Odo 


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■  ■■ 


OUILLAUME    LONGUE-EFEE.  365 

therefore  was  sent  over  to  acquire  full  conviction  927—9*3 
that  Louis  commanded  the  fealty  of  the  lieges,  ^l     * 
The  Bishop  must  treat  with  the  Frank  ish  nobles      m 
face  to  face,  search  out  the  truth,  and  make  out 
the  truth, — (if  any  truth  could  ever  be   made 
out  in  that  Luegenfeld) — whether  the  Franks 
really   sought  the  young   Louis  faithfully  and 
loyally :  otherwise  Athelstane  would  provide  for 
his  nephew  in  Albion,  and  not  let  him  encounter 
trouble  in  another  country. 

Charged  with  this  enquiry,  Bishop  Odo  met 
the  Frankish  nobles,  and  ample  declarations  were 
made  of  the   prevailing  desire  for  the  young 
Prince's  recal :  but  an  important  condition  was, 
for  the   first   time,   disclosed.     Hugh-le-Grand, Hoghio- 
speaking  for  himself,  and  on  behalf  of  the  rest,  Jj£tui™ll[s 
promised  allegiance: — they  would  be    all   true J^JJ,"ereo 
men  to  Louis,  provided  Louis  covenanted  never  biiC0Utl»cL 
to  depart  from  the  counsels  of  Hugh-le-Grand, 
A  strangely  pregnant  proposition  was  this,  leav- 
ing  the  widest   field  open   to    Hugh-le-Grand's 
discretion — no  suggestion  as  to  apportionment  of 
power,    no    restriction   as    to    extent,  no   term 
prescribed  for  the  duration  of  an  indefinite  tute- 
lage,  no  boundary   assigned  for  the  guardian's 
authority.      During  the  anterior  course  of  the 
transaction,  Athelstane  had  proceeded  with  aus- 
tere reserve,  even  so  as  to  imply  continued  dis- 
trust, objections  arising  at  every  stage:  but,  to  this 
vast  demand,  he,  on  behalf  of  Louis  and  Ogiva, 


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166    RAOUL  AND  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER. 

937—942  immediately  assented;  not  a  moment's  demur, 
' — t0  and  Louis  embarked  for  Boulogne  as  one  who 

836  fully  trusted  to  the  influence  of  his  star. 
Louis  lands  §  35.  The  weather  favoured  the  joyful  navi- 
logne!1"  gation :  the  gilded  galley  gliding  over  the  crisp 
rippling  sea.  As  Louis  drew  on  towards  the  shore, 
he  beheld  the  sands  crowded  with  Frankish  Chief- 
tains, ready  to  greet  their  Monarch.  Four  are 
foremost  amidst  the  throng :  Adolph,  Count  of 
Boulogne,  is  there,  welcoming  the  Sovereign's 
first  footstep  on  his  land : — Herbert  of  Verman- 
dois  obediently  testifies  his  deference: — bright- 
haired,  bright-hued,  tall,  manly  Guillaume  Longue* 
6p£e,  hails  Athelstane's  nephew,  the  son  of  his 
father's  liege  lord: — but  preeminently  remark- 
able is  Hugh-le-Grand ;  the  mightiest  of  the  as- 
sembly, in  the  humblest  attitude,  holding  by  the 
bridle  the  right  regally  caparisoned  steed.  The 
spirited  animal  was  unruly ;  but  his  master  was 
come.  Into  the  saddle  the  young  Louis  bounded 
without  touching  the  stirrup,  or  help  from  groom : 
- — that  bound  was  worth  a  kingdom !  The  aveng- 
ing sentence  impending  upon  the  race  of  Charle- 
magne appeared  to  be  reversed :  loud  shouts  tes- 
tified the  admiration  of  the  multitude,  who  sought 
to  accept  the  omen ;  and  Hugh-le-Grand,  accom* 
panying  the  King  to  his  hostel,  walked  humbly 
by  his  side,  his  serving  Squire. 

From  Boulogne  Louis  progressed  to  Ladn, 
there  to  be  solemnly  consecrated  as  Sovereign.—* 


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GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.  167 

Previously  to  the  age  of  Honorius,  the  Primacy  927-0*2 
of  Celtic   Gaul  certainly   appertained   to    the , — * — ^ 
Chair  of  Sens.    Lyons  claimed  the  Primacy  of     ** 
all  the  Gauls;   but  the  See   of  Pothinus  and 
Irenseus  had,  subsequently,  by  the  authority  of 
Pope  and  Emperor,  been  deprived  of  that  pre- 
eminence in  favour  of  the  Burgundian  Arch- 
bishop.   Therefore,  whether  as  Primate  of  Celtic 
Gaul,  or  Primate  of  all  the  Gauls,  William  the 
Archbishop  of  Sens,  who  had  so  recently  served 
on  the  embassy,  accompanied  Louis  to  his  capital, 
placed  the  crown  on  the  young  King's  head,  and  Jva^> 
anointed  him  with  the  holy  oil ;  whilst  Artaldus,  Louis 
the  Archbishop  of  Bheims,  enrobed  him.     Cer-  Ladn. 
tun  authorities  also  state,  that  Artaldus,  as  Pri- 
mate of  Belgic  Gaul,  demanded  and  exercised  the 
privilege  of  repeating  the  unction  and  coronation, 
in  his  own  Basilica  of  Saint  Remi ;   though  the 
accounts  are  more  conflicting  than  might  be 
anticipated  with  respect  to  an  act  so  public  and 
patent. 

§  36.  The  claims  and  counter-claims  of  pre- 
lates upon  these  occasions  are  not  to  be  slighted 
as  ecclesiastical  squabbles  or  petty  rivalries ;  for 
they  involved  very  important  constitutional  prin- 
ciples. The  Bishop  represented  his  Church,  the 
Archbishop  all  Churches  within  his  Province,  the 
Primate  all  within  his  Primacy,  and  the  Primacy 
the  Church  and  kingdom.  Like  the  Archbishop 
of  Canterbury  in  England,  or  the  Archbishop  of 


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168         RAOUL  AND   LOUIS  D'OUTREMER. 

927—943  Gnesen  in  Poland,  there  was  usually  some  one 
)— JL_  Prelate,  peculiarly  designated  as  the  high  func- 
886  tionary  empowered  to  admit  the  King,  according 
to  the  antient  usages  of  the  Commonwealth. 
Royal  authority  was  not  perfected  until  the  bene* 
diction  had  been  bestowed :  the  imposition  of  the 
crown  was  required  to  ratify  the  inchoate  right ; 
and  the  act  of  investiture,  performed  by  the  con- 
stitutional prelate,  or  usurped  by  an  unconstitu- 
tional rival,  might  give  colour  to  a  dubious  title, 
or  weaken  the  influence  of  legitimacy* 

When  Louis-le-Gros  was  struggling  for  that 

throne  which  he  ascended,  despite  of  adulterous 

Bertrada's  enmity,  he  was  much  perplexed  by 

the  obstacles  opposed  to  his  obtaining  the  Sucre. 

In   this  difficulty  Louis-le-Gros   consulted   the 

famous  Ivo  Carnotensis.     Rheims  now  insisted 

strenuously  upon  the  prerogative  privilege,  to  the 

exclusion  of  all  other  the  Gaulish  Prelates ;  and 

Theory  of  an  application  to  Rheims  at  that  juncture,  might 

5*"/  *  have  retarded,  perhaps  defeated,  his  inaugura- 

eiectontes  tion. — Ivo   pointed  out  the  course  which  he 

according 

to  ivo       deemed  to  be  safe  and  constitutional;  and  we 

Caroo- 

may  read  the  very  opinion  given  by  the  father 
of  the  Canon  Law.  According  to  the  theory 
propounded  by  Ivo,  the  three  nations  of  the 
Gauls,  the  Celtic,  the  Belgic,  and  the  Aquita- 
nian,  were,  in  the  election  of  the  King  independ- 
ent of  each  other ;  no  one  binding  the  other  by 
her  choice ;  no  one  having  a  superior  right.   Yet, 


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GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE.  169 

as  the  unity  of  the  kingdom  was  the  fundamental  927.949 
principle,  we  arrive  at  the  conclusion,  that,  accord-       : 
ing  to  Ivo's  views,  when  the  monarch  had  been     ** 
crowned  by  one  Electorate,  the  throne  continued 
vacant,  until  the  other  two  Electorates  concur- 
red, either  explicitly  or  tacitly,  in  accepting  him. 
Ivo  searched  out  and  considered  the  several 
analogous  historical  examples,  tracing  them  from 
the  Merovingian  sera ;  but  the  instance  on  which 
he  laid  most  stress  was  this  very  coronation  of 
Louis  d'Outremer,  by  the  Archbishop  of  Sens. 
Following  such  an  apt  precedent,  the  son  of  Philip 
the  First  was  accordingly  crowned  at  Orleans   Aug.  3, 
by  Daimbert,  Archbishop  of  Sens,  in  the  presence  coronation 
of  his  suffragans,  Walo,  Bishop  of  Paris,  Manasses,  Grab?  " 
Bishop  of  Meaux,  John,  Bishop  of  Orleans,  Hugh,  scms,  £-° 
Bishop  of  Nevers,  Humbert,  Bishop  of  Auxerre,  the  pwce- 
and  Ivo,  Bishop  of  Chartres,  who  had  counselled  {jjjjj*^ 
the  ceremony. 


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Chapter  III. 

LOUIS    d'oUTREMBR, GUILLAUME    LONGUE-EPEE,    AND 

RICHARD    SANS    PEUB   HIS    SON. 


936—942. 

FROM  THE  COMMENCEMENT  OF  THE  REIGN  OF  LOUIS  d\>U- 
TREMBR  TO  THE  DEATH  OF  GUILLAUME  LONOUE-BPEB, 
AND  THE  RECOGNITION  OF   HIS  SON  RICHARD  SANS  PEUR. 

W6-W2  §  l.  Nosce  te  ipsum, — excellent  advice, 
whether  due  to  the  Delphic  Oracle,  or  proceed- 
ing from  the  mother-wit  of  sage  Pythagoras  or 
Thales. — No  objection  can  be  made,  save  that  a 
better  wisdom  than  Thales  or  Pythagoras  could 
attain  to,  or  Delphic  Oracle  impart,  would  have 
taught  them  that  the  solemn  precept  enjoins  a 
duty  which,  in  any  strict  sense,  is  impossible. 
How  can  the  Heart,  which  is  deceitful  above  all 
things,  ever  truly  comprehend  the  depth  of  its  own 
wickedness  ?  No  Cimmerian  fog  raised  by  self- 
delusion  is  more  impenetrable  to  the  light  of 
conscience  than  the  obscurity  occasioned  by  the 
sophistry  of  the  synecdoche — a  part  taken/or  the 
whole, — and  reasonings  grounded  thereon  accord- 
ingly.— Such,  for  example,  are  the  compendious 
concentrations  of  popular  theology — one  verse 
taken  for  a  chapter,  one  chapter  for  an  Epistle, 
one  Epistle  for  the  entire  canon  of  Holy  Scrip- 
ture.— Nor  is  the  teaching  of  minor  morals  less 
tricksy ;  a  duty,  or  supposed  duty,  presented  as 


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GUILLAUME   LONGUE-EPEE,   &C.  171 

representing  all  duties.  A  decency,  adopted  as  the  w*-w» 
indispensable  complement  of  all  virtues. — Many  a 
good  man, — a  very  good  man  upon  'change  — 
worthy  and  punctual  to  the  minute,  accepts 
punctuality  as  something  nigh  upon  a  satisfactory 
compromise  for  the  Decalogue. — The  staid  Ma- 
tron, spotless  as  her  own  ermine,  stainless  as  her 
own  starched  cambric,  and  bright  as  her  own 
peach-blossom  sarsnet,  conjoins  "  cleanliness  "  to 
" godliness"  in  her  creed,  by  so  short  a  hyphen, 
that  she  more  than  doubts  whether  the  begrimed 
beggar  could  now  be  lifted  up  from  the  dunghill, 
and  allowed  to  inherit  the  throne  of  glory. 

The  outward  history  of  Hugh-le-Grand  has  Pou««a 
been  transmitted  to  us,  on  the  whole,  with  con- j*  High- 

la-  Grand, 

siderable  amplitude  and  accuracy :  rarely  amidst 
the  troubles  of  the  tenth  century  can  we  avail  our- 
selves of  such  trustworthy  memorials.  With  re- 
spect to  the  substance  of  the  speech  delivered  by 
the  Duke  of  France  in  the  Convention  of  Sens,  we 
have  sufficient  grounds, — considering  the  channel 
through  which  the  report  has  reached  us, — to 
admit  its  substantial  correctness,  our  informant 
being  the  son  of  an  Officer  who  held  a  high  station 
in  Louis  d'Outremer's  court.  Hugh-le-Grand's 
moral  character  can  be  readily  appreciated: — his 
unshaken  refusal  of  the  Crown  was  perfectly 
compatible  with  the  most  grasping  ambition. — We 
all  strain  at  our  own  gnat,  and  swallow  our  own 
camel ; — The  conscientious  scruples  of  Hugh-le- 


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172  LOUIS  D'OUTREMEB,  GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE, 

9ae-942  Grand  were  all  accumulated  upon  one  article  of 
*~*  his  political  creed. — Never  would  he  wear  the  royal 
Crown,  or  assume  the  title  of  King:  but,  Crown 
and  title  forborn,  there  was  no  species  of  oppo- 
sition, contradiction  or  violence  against  the  Sove- 
reign, in  which  Hugh-le-Grand  had  not  indulged, 
or  was  not  ready  to  perpetrate.  Bating  the  accept- 
ance of  the  regal  authority,  eo  nomine,  he  never 
felt  that  there  had  been  the  slightest  restraint 
imposed  upon  him  in  his  relations  towards  King 
Charles  or  KingRaoul.  He  plundered  the  King, 
he  fought  the  King,  he  betrayed  the  King,  he  let 
the  King  rot  to  death  in  the  jail :  but  never 
would  he  be  so  presumptuously  bold  as  to  lay 
his  hand  upon  the  Crown. 
Hugh-ie-  The  condition  inserted  in  the  restoration  treaty 
Protects  gave  Hugh-le-Grand  far  more  authority,  a  much 
tighter  grip  upon  the  young  King,  than  any  Mayor 
of  the  Palace  possessed  in  the  old  time.  For  the 
Mayors  of  the  Palace  stole  by  degrees  into  their 
supremacy ;  so  that  their  ascendancy  was  always 
somewhat  odious,  and  therefore,  in  a  measure, 
infirm — a  Steward  defrauding  his  Master.  But, 
according  to  the  present  arrangement,  the  Master 
formally  gave  up  the  keys  to  the  Steward.  Hugh- 
le-Grand  enjoyed  his  overwhelming  prerogative  by 
deliberate  compact;  by  the  King's  voluntary  grant* 
he  became  potentially  viceroy  over  the  King,  the 
King's  alter  Ego,  without  any  power  of  revocation 
reserved  to  the  grantor,  and  store  of  good  reasons 


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AND  BICHABD  SANS  PEUR.       173 

always  to  be  given  for  the  continuance  of  the  Mts-otf 
salutary  restraint,  so  long  as  the  reign  should 
last. — During  his  minority  the  young  Louis  must 
necessarily  follow  his  Adviser :  —  when  declared 
an  adult,  how  needful  would  it  be  that  Louis 
should  retain  a  wise  counsellor  whose  voice  the 
King  could  not  silence,  and  whose  station  must 
be  honoured  by  all.  Had  Hagano  been  such 
a  counsellor,  how  much  misery  would  have  been 
spared  to  unhappy  Charles  !  And  when  Louis 
should  grow  old,  the  like  support  would  be  still 
more  urgently  required.  —  That  period  Hugh* 
le-Grand  could  not  expect  to  see;  but  should 
Hugh  ever  happen  to  have  a  young,  talented,  and 
sagacious  son,  might  not  he  take  his  father's 
place?  Hugh  had,  as  yet,  no  heir.  Rothaida,  his 
first  wife,  died  childless;  Eadhilda,  his  second  wife, 
died  childless;  therefore  Hugh  was  determined  to 
try  again  a  third  time :  and  ere  long  we  shall 
behold  him  espoused  to  a  damsel  who  ranked 
amongst  the  noblest  princesses  of  Christendom, 
one,  to  whom  it  should  seem,  that  none  but  a 
monarch  could  aspire. 

No  portion  of  Hugh-le-Grand's  character  was 
concealed,  or  could  be  concealed,  from  any  one 
amongst  the  three  parties  who  concurred  in  the 
covenant  whereby  they  rendered  him  the  perpetual 
Tutor  of  the  restored  monarch — nominally  second 
in  rank  to  the  King,  but  really  the  innamovable 
Protector  of  the  monarchy. — There  was  no 
chaffering  on  the  subject,  the  offer  of  conditional 


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174  LOUIS  D'OUTREMEB,  GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE, 

986-^3  allegiance  was  accepted   without    a  moment's 
'     *       farther  consideration — Athelstane,  the   British 
Basileus,  Ogiva,  the  Queen-mother,  and  Louis 
the  young  King,  nothing  staggered  by  the  ampli- 
tude of  the  concession,  all  instantly  struck  the 
Conjee-     bargain.    All  three  respectively  knew  fall  well 
thecal  whom  they  dealt  with  :  all  three  knew  fall  well 
ed  AtheST  what  they  dealt  for.     Athelstane,  hitherto  so 
ogira,  and  punctilious,  and  reticent,   at  the   close  of  the 

Louis,  to     * 

gsent  to  protracted  negotiations,  which  he  had  managed 
<*££^  with  exquisite  diplomatic  caution,  had  now  un- 
*■*•■  hesitatingly  allowed  the  son  of  King  Robert  to 
be  clothed  with  a  prerogative,  virtually  render- 
ing him  more  than  equal  to  the  crowned  and 
anointed  sovereign.  How  great  was  Hugh-le- 
Grand !  All  the  country  between  Seine  and  Loire, 
much  of  the  country  between  Seine  and  Meuse, 
constituted  the  dominion  of  the  most  prosperous 
Duke  of  France,  the  Abbot  of  St.  Denis,  the 
Abbot  of  St.  Germain,  the  Abbot  of  St.  Martin, 
or  was  subjected  to  his  supremacy. — What  fence 
against  such  an  uncle  could  be  found  by  that 
youthful  king  who  had  not  a  city,  fortress,  or 
stronghold  he  could  call  his  own,  except  the 
rock  of  Ladn? 

Equally  inconsistent  with  her  experience  and 
maternal  solicitude,  was  the  course  pursued  by 
Ogiva.  She  had  escaped,  only  by  stratagem,  with 
the  boy,  fearing  for  his  very  life,  when  Charles, 
her  husband,  was,  by  the  co-operation  of  Hugh-le- 
Grand,  lured  into  the  pit-fall:  and  now,  as  far  as 


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AND  RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.       175 

in  her  lay,  she  surrendered  her  precious  child  into  W6_wa 
the  power  of  that  most  unkind  kinsman,  who 
morally  was  to  be  reckoned  amongst  his  father's 
murderers. 

But  most  unaccountable,  if  we  contemplate 
the  proceedings  according  to  their  then  present 
aspect,  was  the  submissive  assent  yielded  by  Louis, 
the  principal  in  the  great  transaction.  According 
to  the  usages  of  the  monarchy,  this  guardianship, 
even  if  it  had  been  created  in  the  most  mitigated 
form,  was  a  grievous  and  unwarranted  usurpation. 
There  was  no  pretence  whatever  for  treating 
Louis  as  a  minor.  At  his  age,  had  not  his  name* 
sake,  the  hero  of  the  Vimeux,  reigned  in  the 
plenitude  of  royal  authority? — Sovereigns  are 
born  to  the  knowledge  of  their  station.  The 
baby  prince  knows  it,  and  graciously  stretches 
out  his  little  hand.  Louis  grew  up  in  the 
fullest  sense  of  the  rights  he  ought  to  possess, 
reverenced  as  an  heir  apparent, — associated 
to  imperial  Athelstane  in  the  affairs  of  govern- 
ment,— the  king, — had  he  chosen  to  accept  the 
boon,— of  a  British  kingdom.  Therefore  we  may 
safely  come  to  the  conclusion  that  all  three 
reckoned  the  cost,  the  gain  or  the  loss,  whether 
present  or  contingent.  Indeed,  they  could  not 
help  themselves :  under  a  show  of  coldness,  they 
were  most  anxious  to  recover  the  succession,  and 
they  adopted  the  only  practicable  line  of  con- 
duct.   Unless  by  Hugh-le-Grand's  permission, 


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176  LOUIS  d'outremer,  guillaume  LONGUE-EPEE, 

$36-942  Louis  could  not  have  entered  the  kingdom :  Hugh- 
'  *  le-Grand  had  procured  the  vote  which  recalled 
Louis  to  the  throne :  Hugh-le-Grand  could  rescind 
the  vote ;  therefore  they  were  at  his  mercy. — It 
is  not  difficult  to  conjecture  their  intentions  and 
feelings.  They  gave  the  promise ;  but  accord* 
ing  to  the  usage  of  the  Gauls,  there  was  no 
reason  why  the  promise  should  be  kept  longer 
than  was  convenient.  They  took  their  chance, 
and  waited  till  the  way  should  open.  Disunion 
amongst  the  nobles  was  the  regular  course  of 
afiairs:  the  whole  realm  was  leavened  with 
untruth,  cabal  and  treachery.  The  inveterate 
dissensions  between  the  two  arch-disturbers  of 
the  Realm,  Hugh-le-Grand  and  Herbert  of  Ver~ 
mandois,  had  been  lulled  for  mutual  profit,  the 
scarcely  dormant  feud  might  be  roused  at  any 
moment ; — then,  let  King  Louis  cast  off  his  bonds. 
He  would  not  lack  support:  midst  the  legion 
of  the  unprincipled,  there  was  one  at  least  who 
might  be  expected  to  be  true ; — the  young  hold 
to  the  young:  surely  gallant  Louis  might  trust 
the  splendid  Guillaume  Longue-£p&. 
m*-w*        &  2.    Before  we  proceed  further,  we  must 

Affairs  of 

Britannj.  here  notice  events  not  directly  concerning  Louis 
d'Outremer,  but  which  are  to  be  considered  as 
the  supplement  of  his  restoration,  very  important 
to  the  immediate  interests  of  Normandy,  and  also 
to  the  future  kingdom  of  France. 

Natural    affection    instigated   magnanimous 


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AND  RICHARD  SANS  PEUK.       177 

Athelstane  to  urge  the  recognition,  by  the  French,  oae-wa 
of  his  royal  sister's  royal  son. — Generosity,  state  \ — i_ 
motives  also  contributing,  induced  him  to  me-  ^T*43 
diate  on  the  part  of  the  Breton  refugee  Alain, —  Jj£jrt.torte 
Alain,  truly  "Alain  Barbe-torte,"— Alain,  whose  JJ^ 
savage  aspect  was  so  fully  in  harmony  with  his  2Xn.pK>" 
pictorial  epithet. — When  Alain  hunted,  he  dis- 
dained to  employ  the  weapons  of  the  soldier,  the 
sword  or  the  spear,  against  the  brute  beasts  un- 
worthy to  be  combated  with  cold  iron ; — and  he 
fought  bear  and  boar,  swinging  and  wielding  the 
uprooted  tree,  fierce  as  the  emblazoned  wild-man 
or  wode-man  of  heraldry. 

Noble-minded  Athelstane  sought  to  become 
the  Protector  of  all  the  Races  inhabiting  the  Bri- 
tish islands. — Towards  the  Cymri,  the  English  vannes 

.         .  restored  to 

Basileus  had  behaved  generously ;  he  maintained  auud,  but 
a  friendly  intercourse  with  their  kindred  Breyzad  «ntap»- 

»  v  manently 

race  in  Armorica :  and,  having  interceded  with  J^ 
Guillaume  Longue-£p£e  on  behalf  of  the  valiant 
exile,  the  representative  of  Alain-le-Grand  was 
pardoned  by  the  Duke,  and  permitted  to  return. 
The  younger  Alain,  however,  was  not  fully  rein- 
stated in  the  honoured  dominion  of  Alain-le- 
Grand — Vannes,  and  the  County  of  Vannes>  the 
Venedotia,  the  Gwynneth  of  Armorica*  was  re- 
stored, and  homage  obediently  rendered  for  the 
same  by  the  Breton  Prince ;  but  all  his  claims 
upon  peninsular  Cornouaille  were  perpetually 
tarred. — The  greater  part  of  that  country  lost 
vol.  n.  N 


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178  LOUIS  tfOUTREMER,  GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE, 

we-$tt  its  antient  name,  and  the  Breton  character  was 

,— ,\  mi\  so  thoroughly   obliterated  by  the   Norman  or 

037-$48  Normanized  populations,  that  these  districts  may 

almost  be  reckoned  as  the  very  Normandy  of 

Normandy : — the  Bruce  came  from  the  C&tentin, 

conduct  of       The  Bretons  of  the  lesser  Britanny  had  begun 

Bwbe"-      to  rally  round  Alain,  ere  he  departed  from  the 

enterprise,  greater  Britain.  The  intercourse  was  encouraged 

by  Athelstane,  who  corresponded  with  the  Breton 

Prelacy.  John,  the  Abbot  of  famous  Landevenech, 

was  amongst  the  number  of  those  who  performed 

homage  to  their  national  Sovereign  on  antient 

British  ground.    A  squadron,  furnished  by  King 

Athelstane,  transported  the  Breton  Prince  and  his 

adherents  across  the  Channel;  but  no  further 

aid  was  given,  and  Alain  was  left  to  assert  his 

claim  by  the  sword,  and  to  re-conquer  his  land. 

The  Northmen,  settled  in  various  parts  of  Armo- 

rica,  were  bold  and  numerous,  principally  on  the 

coasts :  it  is  probable  that,  amongst  them,  were 

many  who  had  freshly  arrived  from  Denmark, 

particularly  the  crews  of  Harold  Blaatand.    The 

pacification  between  Guillaume  Longue-£p£e  and 

Count  Alain  was  ignored  by  these  independent 

Alain  op-  warriors.    They  knew  nothing  of  the  rights  ex- 

tfeNoith.  pressed  or  implied  by  any  acts  which  had  passed 

pyingAr-  between  Alain  and  the  Duke  of  Normandy. — 

monoa.  t  " 

Guillaume-Longue-epee  might  acknowledge  Alain 
Barbe-torte  as  his  vassal ;  but  their  honoured 
Duke  did  not  ask  them  to  resign  their  inherit- 


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AND  RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.       179 

ance,  or  kneel  before  the  paltry  Breton  as  their  ose-wa 
Seigneur :  the  Breton  lands  had  been  won  by  ^XZ^ 
themselves  for  themselves;  the  Northmen  re-  837-W3 
quired  no  help,  they  would  defend  their  own, 
Guillaume  Longue-^pee  had  merely  permitted 
Alain  to  regain  Armorica,  if  he  could ;  and,  dur- 
ing the  contests  which  ensued,  the  Duke  did  not 
interfere  on  behalf  of  either  party. 

Unapprised  of  Barbe-torte's  movements,  the 
Northmen  were  completely  off  their  guard ;  no 
sentinels  posted  at  their  gates,  no  mariners  on  the 
look-out  towards  the  sea.  Had  they  even  known 
that  the  Bretons  were  coming,  they  would  have 
mocked  at  such  an  enemy. — Alain  Barbe-torte's  Alain 
small  fleet  appeared  suddenly  before  D61;  the  torte  de- 
Northmen  were  celebrating  a  grand  bridal,  and  Northmen 
unquestionably  as  a  bride-ale  ought  to  be,  with  g^ 
store  of  strong  liquor.  The  Bretons  landed,  fell 
upon  the  merry-makers,  and  effected  a  good  rid- 
dance; yet  their  main  object  was  to  inspire 
alarm :  therefore  they  did  not  occupy  the  position, 
but  re-embarked,  and  coasted  further  on,  to  Saint- 
Brieux. — Another  surprise,  another  slaughter; 
the  Bretons  began  to  cancel  the  bloody  scores 
incurred  during  many  a  long  year.  The  Breyzad 
populations  now  flocked  in  from  all  parts,  hailing 
Alain  Barbe-torte;  nay,  it  is  said,  that  in  the 
first  moment  of  enthusiasm,  they  proclaimed  him 
as  their  Sovereign. 

The  other  Breton  Counts  would  scarcely  have 

N2 


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180  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER,  GUILLAUME  LQNGUE-EPEE, 

03&-W2  acknowledged  such  a  supremacy:  nevertheless 
^ZZXZZX  the  people  combating  under  Alain's  commands, 
»37— 943  f0Ugijt  sturdily  and  stedfastly.  An  universal  in- 
surrection against  the  Northmen  ensued:  they 
abandoned  their  posts,  and  the  interior  country 
TheNorth-  was  cleared  of  them.    The  Northmen,  retreating 

men  con- 

central*     before  the  wide-spreading  hostility,  concentrated 
NimtM.     *keir  strangth  upon  the  banks  of  the   Loire, 
de^Stedbj principally  about  Nantes.    Here  they  intended 
SnJ?ro"    to  make  head  against  the  Bretons,  trusting  in 
the  reinforcements  which  they  expected  from  the 
North,  from  Ireland,  from  Great  Britain,  from 
Scandinavia.    Nantes  had  been  repeatedly  burnt, 
sacked  and  plundered,  nought  now  remained  of 
the  antient  City  save  ruined  walls  in  a  wilder- 
ness. The  Northmen  fortified  themselves  nigh  the 
site,  and,  notwithstanding  their  recent  reverses, 
they  thoroughly  despised  their  Celtic  antagonists ; 
but  the  Bretons  were  invigorated  by  the  strenu- 
ousness  of  their  Leader,  and  they  encamped  in 
front  of  the  Danish  entrenchments. 

The  Northmen  resenting  the  defiance  given 
by  adversaries,  deemed  so  contemptible,  rushed 
forth  and  attacked  them.  The  Bretons  yielded 
and  fled — rallied — and  turned  against  the  assail- 
ants— the  Danes  were  routed ;  nevertheless  they 
retreated  to  their  vessels  without  much  loss,  and 
sailed  away,  but  much  provoked,  and  with  the 
full — and  ultimately  satisfied — desire,  of  wreak- 
ing condign  vengeance.   Alain's  first  and  rightful 


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AND  KICHARD  SANS  PEUR.       181 

impulse  conducted  him  to  the  Cathedral  of  Saint  936-942 
Felix,  or  rather  to  the  vestiges  of  the  Sanctuary,  ^ZXZ^ 
originally  of  Roman  construction.  So  completely  937"^43 
had  Nantes  been  deserted  in  consequence  of  the 
Danish  ravages,  that  the  sorrowfully  dilapidated 
edifice  was  surrounded  by  a  thicket  of  rank  vege- 
tation, and  the  triumphant  Count  could  not  reach 
the  shattered  portal,  otherwise  than  by  cutting 
his  path  with  his  sword  through  thorns  and  briers. 
Alain  Barbe-torte  was  the  re-founder  of  Nantes.  Nantes  re- 

founded  by 

He  summoned  his  Lieges  to  aid  in  restoring  the  £1^ 
walls,  and  he  also  built  the  huge  Castle,  in*™*** 
which  the  Dukes  afterwards  resided.  The  walls 
which  Alain  raised  constitute  the  core  of  the 
lofty  circuit,  now  coated  by  more  recent  ashlar, 
upon  which  you  may  observe  in  faint  emboss- 
ments the  Cordeliere  devices  of  good  Duchess 
Anne,  weather-crumbled  almost  to  the  level  of 
the  field. — Traders  were  encouraged  to  resort  to 
Nantes  by  Alain's  wise  institutions:  ample  privi- 
leges were  granted  to  the  representatives  of  the 
old  Breyzad  nobility :  the  clergy  reaped  the  fruits 
of  his  liberality.  The  new  colonization  flourished 
rapidly  on  the  shores  of  the  ocean-commanding 
aestuary ;  and  ere  Alain  died,  Nantes  had  regained 
her  pristine  opulence. 

Like  the  Norman  Duke,  the  Breton  Count 
was  drawn  more  and  more  into  connexion  with 
the  French  monarchy.  He  entered  into  amica- 
ble relations  with  Guillaume  T€te-d'£toupe,  and 


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182  LOUIS  D*OUTREMEB,  GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE, 

936-W2  widened  his  own  borders.    South  of  the  Loire, 

'-  -       opposite  to  the  Nantois  coast,  there  is  a  small 

887"?43  but  important  district,  over  which  Bretons  and 

Aiain       Poitevins  asserted  a  confused  domination,  con- 

torte  Jb-    tending  against  each  other,  to  the  great  profit  of 

f^TGte  t^ie^r  common  ©n©my>  the  Pagan  Danes.    Alain 

o/£?tatn   Barbe-torte  settled  these  grudges,  obtaining  ad- 

EJritorii  vantageous  terms.    Mauge,  Tiffauge,  Herbauge, 

LokS.^  ^  and  chivalrously  sounding  Clisson,  being  the  four 

Seigneuries  confirmed  to  him  by  T§te-d'etoupe, 

were  united  to  the  County  of  Nantes,  together 

with  the  adjoining  Poitevin  Marches. 

On  the  side  of  Anjou,  an  extensive  tract 

towards  the  river  Mayenne,  antiently  depending 

upon  Armorica,  was  claimed  by  Count  Alain. 

Aiain'e      Xhe  Angevin  Count,  Foulques-le-Roux,  advanced 

claims  upon  °  '  »  7 

c^SyUs!?"  *n  years>  unwilling  to  admit  the  demand,  and  yet 

ma^SgJf"  not  caring  to  enter  into  a  contest,  proposed 

da^ht^of  that  Alain  should  marry  his  daughter,  the  sage 

E-Boux?"  Roscilla,  and  hold  the  disputed  territory  as  her 

dowry.    The  vigorous  Alain  accepted  the  land 

and  the  faded  Lady. — His  second  wife  was  a 

daughter  of  Blois.     We  shall  hear  more  about 

these  Princesses  hereafter:  we  must  always  be 

observant  of  Britanny, — Britanny,  linked  to  the 

destiny  of  Rollo's  inheritance,  and  the  remote, 

936, 987.  yet  efficient  cause  of  that  inheritance's  loss. 

oSi?dle"         §  3.    Louis  was  called  into  activity  speedily 

I^tfon    after  his  accession. — The  station  held  in  the  Car- 

£undy."      lovingian   Commonwealth    by   the   Burgundian 


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AND  RICHABD  SANS  PEUB.       183 

Dukes  or  Counts  was  very  illustrious :  the  indi-  »36-wa 
vidual  Princes  of  Burgundy  axe  sufficiently  iden-  ,  * 
tified,  but  the  rights  or  tenures  enabling  them  *86-*87 
to  exercise  their  authority  are  ill  defined  and 
obscure.  Nor  do  the  laborious  historical  En* 
quirers  by  whom  the  subject  has  been  discussed, 
— all  at  variance  amongst  themselves,— enable 
their  readers  to  arrive  at  any  satisfactory  conclu- 
sion. In  tracing  the  succession  of  the  early  Bur- 
gundian  Potentates  we  encounter  constant  con* 
flicts  of  opinion.  Du  Cange  asserts  this  Count 
to  be  hereditary,  but  Dom  Plancher  decorously 
denies  any  ancestorial  privilege.  Concerning  an- 
other, there  is  an  argument  whether  he  was 
official  and  removeable,  or  official  and  perma- 
nent; whilst  the  dignity  ascribed  to  a  third,  is 
stigmatized  as  being  suppositious  or  imaginary. 

For  our  present  purpose,  however,  it  is  suffi-  counts  of 
cient  to  accept  the  Dynasts  as  we  find  them,  de*  g^ouri 
facto,  immediately  after  the  death  of  King  Baoul. death - 
Hugh-le-Noir,  son  of  Duke  Richard-le-Justicier, 
and  the  late  King's  brother,  then  claimed  the 
superiority,  not  only  of  his  father's  dominions,  ...their 
but  of  various  districts  and  jurisdictions  which 
had  been  previously  dismembered.    Langres  was  Hnph-ie- 
subjected  to  Hugh-le-Noir,   together  with  the  g>n  of  the 
larger  portion  of  the  Diocese,  so  also  the  City 
of  vintages,  rubicund  Dijon. 

Gilbert,  the  son  of  Count  Manasses,  Duke  Gilbert'* 

portion. 

Richard's  son-in-law,  he  with  whom  Queen  Emma 


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184  LOUIS  d'outremer,  guillaume  longue-epee, 

*36-w2  had  warred,  having  been  reinstated  in  romantic 
.'-  »  ■  ~.[  Avalon,  was  also  called  Duke  of  Burgundy.    His 
m""037  dominions  included  much  of  the  modern  Duchy. 
Chalons-sur-Sa&ne  was  held  by  Gilbert,  Mslcon 
also,  the  boundaries  of  his  dominion  being  the 
rivers  Sadne  and  Tille,  and  that  shallow  Vigenne, 
whilome  choked  by  the  Danish  corpses. 
Hu^hf'  Hugh- le -Grand  asserted  constitutional  pre- 

Grand.  tensions,  of  which  the  foundation  cannot  be  ascer- 
tained, to  the  whole  Duchy,  either  in  supremacy 
or  in  demesne ;  but  he  now  sought  to  prevail  by 
shifting  his  ground.  It  was  affirmed,  that,  upon 
the  death  of  King  Raoul,  the  Duchy  of  Burgundy 
had  escheated  to  the  Crown,  and  was  conse- 
quently in  the  King's  gift. — The  first  employ- 
ment therefore  which  Hugh-le-Grand  made  of  his 
vastly  influential  position  was,  to  render  his  royal 
Pupil  the  instrument  through  whose  agency  he 
could  gain  the  much  envied  possession.  Louis; 
progressing  through  his  kingdom  for  the  purpose 
of  accepting  the  acknowledgments  of  his  subjects, 
advanced  into  Burgundy,  his  Guardian  by  his  side* 
Nobles  and  people,  upon  the  approach  of  the 
Sovereign,  crowded  to  take  the  oath  of  fealty. 
But  there  was  one  inimical  defaulter.  Hugh-le* 
Noir,  who  had  been  summoned  to  appear,  ap* 
peared  not ;  and  when  Louis  and  Hugh-le-Grand 
surrender  came  before  Langres,  the  gates  were  closed, 
to  iSST"  This  was  a  useless  act  of  disobedience :  after 
f^amm?"  a  brief  but  vigorous  defence  made  by  the  garri* 


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AND  KICHARD  SANS  PEUR.       185 

son — for  the  inhabitants  were  loyal, — Hugh-le-  93e-m 
Noir  abandoned  the  Place ;  hostages,  selected  by  ^ZZXZZT 
the  Bishops  and  Nobles  of  Burgundy,  were  sent  986~4>37 
to  Paris :  the  young  King  was  loudly  and  loyally 
welcomed  by  the  citizens ;  Langres  was  his  own. 
— By  the  King's  assent,  however,  Hugh-le-Grand 
received  the  City,  which  he  occupied.  Hencefor- 
ward, the  son  of  King  Robert  must  be  reckoned 
as  a  Duke  of  Burgundy ;  so  that  there  were  now 
three  concurrent  Dukes  or  Counts  of  Burgundy, 
Duke  Hugh-le-Grand,  Duke  Hugh-le-Noir,  and 
Duke  Gilbert,  all  claiming  under  diverse,  rights. 
Hugh-le-Grand  subsequently  concluded  a  treaty 
with  Hugh-le-Noir:  they  agreed  upon  a  partition 
of  territory,  and  the  transaction  was  confirmed 
by  the  King. 

§  4.    Hugh-le-Grand  thus  gained  his  imme-  936-937 
diate  object ;  but  his  success  disclosed  the  weak  thf  young 
points  of  his  political  position.    Had  it  not  been  veramlSt" 
for  the  young  King's  co-operation,  Hugh-le-Grand 
would  have  failed.   Duke  Gilbert  would  have  de- 
fied him  from  mountainous  Avalon,  and  destroyed 
all  his  enjoyment  of  the  garners  and  wine-vats. 
Powerful  as  Hugh-le-Grand  was,  the  fact  became 
evident  to  the  world,  that  he  could  not  have 
won  his  Burgundian  Dukedom   otherwise  than 
through  the  young  King's  aid.    His  installation 
was  the  sequel  of  the  King's  joyeuse  entrSe. 
The  Tutor  was  indebted  to  the  Infant :  the  Guar- 
dian had  to  lean  upon  the  arm  of  his  Ward. 


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186  LOUIS  D'OUTREMEB,  GUILLAUME  LONGUE  EPEE, 

936-943  Notwithstanding  the  length  and  breadth  of 
Hugh-le-Grand's  dominions,  it  seems  that  he  could 
not  raise  forces  adequate  for  the  expedition.  His* 
torical  theory  ascribes  more  potency  to  feudality 
(at  least  at  this  sera)  than  can  be  authentically 
verified  by  existing  evidence.  The  lithographs  of 
the  "  Feudal  Castle,"  with  which  popular  history  is 
interleaved,  exhibit  grander  aspects  than  the  bat- 
tlements would  have  displayed  had  we  approached 
them  on  their  own  ground.  Precise  information 
escapes  us  when  we  endeavour  to  ascertain  the 
actual  .composition  of  such  a  feudal  muster  as 
would  have  been  marshalled  by  Hugh-le-Grand. 
We  cannot  form  any  clear  notions  of  the  power 
possessed  by  the  "Dux  Francorum"  over  his 
lieges  in  the  Duchy  of  France.  Neither  is  it 
easy  to  answer  the  question,  whether  the  Fiddes 
holding  the  lands  of  Saint  Martin  were  bound 
to  follow  their  redoubtable  Abbot  when,  clad  in 
mail,  he  rode  from  the  banks  of  Loire  to  the  foot 
of  the  Jura  hills. 

But,  with  respect  to  the  King,  the  case  is 
otherwise. — The  King's  name  was  a  tower  of 
strength.  The  Crown  imparted  to  Louis  all  the 
prerogatives,  whether  Roman  or  Teutonic,  which 
had  appertained  unto  his  progenitors.  The  King 
was  Imperator :  none  denied  the  King's  right  to 
summon  the  arriere-ban:  none  but  the  King 
influence  could  summon  the  arriere-ban.  In  the  worst  of 
King!       times  the  summons  was  obeyed.    We  have  seen 


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AND  RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.       187 

how  cheerfully  the  Lieges  responded  to  the  call  996-043 
of  Charles-le-Simple,  even  after  his  dethrone- , — < — > 
ment.    The  success  which  attended  the  young  98<M*Jr 
Louis,  when,  in  the  language  of  chivalry,  he  won 
his  first  spurs  at  Langres,  gave  him  confidence 
in  his  own  powers.    His  personal  influence  was 
very  pervading.    In  consequence  of  the  steady 
adherence  to  traditional  jurisprudence,  there  was 
absolutely  no  mode  of  obtaining  a  good  legal 
title  to  a  Benefice  or  a  Fie£  except  through  the 
King,  as  the  channel  of  conveyance.    No  terri- 
torial Honour  was  perfected  without  the  Royal 
confirmation.    Even  in  the  most  disturbed  state 
of  society,  mere  possession  is  not  satisfactory, 
unless  when  accompanied  by  some  shew  of  right. 
A  Charles  or  a  Louis  might  be  affronted,  despised, 
defeated,  degraded ;  yet,  unless  the  King  took  up 
the  pen  and  subscribed  his  elaborate  monogram 
to  the  Charter  or  Precept  of  Saisine,  engrossed  JJJjflJJJ" 
by  the  royal  Notarius,  countersigned  by  the  same  %££££ 
high  Officer,  and  displaying  the  royal  Seal,  the 
Count  was  not  at  ease. 

These  instruments  were  not  issued  as  a  matter 
of  course :  the  King  might  delay,  demur,  nay, 
refuse;  therefore  the  Lieges  throughout  the 
Realm  had  a  direct  interest  in  courting  the  King. 
The  people  at  large  admired  the  fine  young  war- 
rior. All  these  advantages  were  appreciated  by 
Louis.  Deliberately  and  silently,  feeling  his 
aplomb,  knowing  his  own  prerogatives,  he  de- 


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188  LOUIS  d'outremer,  guillaume  longue-epee. 

936-0*2  termined,  or  most  probably  had  determined  from 
'       the  beginning,  to  cast  off  the  incubus  as  soon 
9a7     as  the  opportune  hour  should  arrive. 

The  young  Louis  vaulting  into  the  saddle, 
and  keeping  his  seat  on  the  curvetting  steed, 
typified  by  that  action  the  spirit  which  animated 
him  when  he  received  the  Crown.  Gallant,  ar- 
dent, energetic,  cheerful,  daring,  full  of  resources, 
dreading  nothing,  hoping  for  all ;  but  discreetly, 
adapting  himself  to  circumstances,  not  taking  his 
leap  too  soon — and  therefore  at  the  commence-* 
ment  of  his  reign  fully  conforming  himself  to 
Hugh-le-Grand. 

In  his  public  instruments  Louis  proclaimed 
the  Duke  as  the  acting  Viceroy. — "  Hugo  dilec- 
tissimus  noster  et  Francorum  Dux,  qui  est  in 
omnibus  Regnis  nostris  secundus  a  nobis." — But, 
though  thus  styled  the  second  in  the  government, 
the  treaty  of  Boulogne  by  which  Louis  bound  him- 
self always  to  obey  the  advice  of  Hugh,  virtually 
rendered  the  Duke  of  France  the  Premier  of  the 
Realm:  and  Louis  endured  the  subjection  very 
?37      patiently.     Without  making  any  discernible  pre- 
J3f  fromm"  Parati°n  f°r  the  C0UP  <P&tat>  or  exhibiting  any 
to«todT"  to^en  °f  impatience,  he  waited  till  towards  the 
Grand?*"   cl°se  °f  *^e  ^rst  year  °^  his  reign ;  and  then, 
declaring  the  Protectorate  void,  he  entered  upon 
the  full  exercise  of  his  royal  authority.    Louis 
relied  entirely  upon  his  own  wit  and  means. 
No  Prelate  was  summoned  to  aid  by  his  wisdom*. 


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AND  RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.       189 

He  canvassed  not  for  supporters  amongst  his  aae-wa 
great  Lieges  in  France.    Athelstane's  fleet  would       - 
have  filled  the  channel  at  his  demand ;  but  Louis     987 
sought  no  succour  from  beyond  the  seas.     The  owa  re- 
only  mortal  to  whom  he  turned  was  his  mother,  England. 
Ogiva,  affectionate  and  wise,  who  came  over  from 
England;  and,  until  Louis  was  happily  enabled 
to  win  a  still  nearer  and  more  intimate  confidante, 
continued  his  chief  adviser  and  friend. 

To  be  free  for  action,  it  was  of  the  highest 
importance  that  Ladn  should  be  placed  under  the 
most  trustworthy  keeping,  so  that  the  King's  place 
might  be  supplied  when  he  should  be  absent. 
Ladn  was  the  only  gem  of  the  diadem  which  re- 
mained in  its  socket.  It  was  the  fate  of  Ladn  to 
be  the  theatre  of  female  prowess.  Raoul  could 
confide  the  City  of  the  rock  to  none  but  his  un- 
wearied Emma. — On  behalf  of  wily  Vermandois,  ^JJJ^f 
the  fortress  had  been  boldly  defended  by  Hermen-  £££&£- 
garda.  The  Damoyseau  Louis  found  as  able  ajj^ 
Lieutenants  in  his  English  mother;  and  to  her 
he  gave  the  command  of  that  famous  stronghold, 
whence,  fourteen  years  before,  she  had  escaped, 
■concealing  him  by  that  odd  stratagem,  of  which 
he  loved  to  tell.  Henceforward  we  behold  the 
young  Louis  as  King,  having  to  contend  against 
the  ceaseless  faithlessness,  malice,  and  falsity  of 
those  who  were  bound  to  him  by  allegiance,  duty, 
and  consanguinity.  Defrauded,  troubled,  harassed, 
and  betrayed,  Louis  nobly  vindicated  his  station* 


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190  LOUIS  d'outremer,  guillaume  longue-epee, 

G&6-042  He  seemed  destined  to  renovate  the  decaying  Car- 
, — - — ,  lovingian  lineage,  by  his  resolution,  his  prowess, 
»37-$38  ^js  qUjc^  varied  an(j  versatile  talent. 

§  5.  Hugh-le-Grand  forthwith  proceeded  to 
organise  his  plans  for  recovering  his  vicarial  su- 
premacy. Whatever  title  he  bore,  the  Dux  Fran- 
corum  steadily  pursued  his  intent  of  being  as 
much  of  a  king  as  was  possible,  consistently  with 
the  non-assumption  of  the  Crown ;  and  he  effica- 
ciously, though  cautiously,  began  to  collect  his 
party — a  process  to  be  effected,  folly  as  much 
by  the  conciliation  of  enemies  as  by  acquiring 
friends.  Hostility  against  Louis  was  the  main- 
spring of  this  combination,  not  affection  towards 
Hugh ;  and  we  shall  see  the  confederates  emerg- 
ing, when,  and  as  the  opportunities  arose  for 
annoying  the  King. 
^Jf  The  first  with  whom  Hugh  concluded  an 
pi2Sdfor  alliance  was  Herbert  of  Vermandois.  It  was  a 
S?K?ng.  forcible  evidence  of  the  power  which  still  adhered 
to  the  Crown,  that  these  rivals,  so  cordially  hating 
each  other,  were  compelled  to  coalesce  for  the  pur- 
pose of  making  head  against  the  lad  of  sixteen, 
who  had  but  one  city  he  could  call  his  own  ;— 
a  shame  thus  to  plot  and  intrigue  against  a 
woman  and  a  boy;  but  no  feeling  of  conscience 
or  humanity  ever  enfeebled  their  hearts.  The 
opposition  lately  raised  by  Hugh-le-Grand  during 
the  settlement  of  the  succession,  when  he  had  so 
energetically  promoted  the  King's  cause,  testified 


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AND  RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  191 

his  animosity  against  the  adverse  Count  of  Ver-  ose-wa 
mandois.     He  had  extolled  Louis,  lauded  him,  -  -   ~] 
advocated  the  Restoration  as  the  only  safe  course ;  W7-*88 
his  present  conduct  was  an  emphatic  recantation: 
Hugh-le-Grand,  turning  against  the  King  whom 
he  had  brought  in,  was  performing  the  amende 
honorable  to  his  opponent ;  and  Herbert  could  do 
nothing  better  than  accept  the  compromise. 

During  the  late  reign,  Herbert's  schemes  had  Balance  of 

loss  and 

not,  on  the  whole,  satisfied  his  expectations :  he  g»p  *»  the 
had  profited  scantily  by  all  the  exertions  he  had  gjjjy^ 
made   to  gain  the   Archbishopric   of  Rheims.  ^™an- 
The  archbishopling,  "  Hugo  Parvulus,"  had  been 
ejected  from  the  See :  and  of  all  the  vast  tempo- 
ralities, the  custody  whereof  had  been  granted  to 
Herbert,  he  was  only  able  to  preserve  Coucy,  held 
under  him  by  Bernard  de  Senlis,  the  good  uncle 
of  Guillaume-Longue-£p£e : — a  noble  domain  cer- 
tainly, yet  only  a  morsel  of  what  he  coveted. 

In  like  manner  Herbert  had  failed  to  obtain 
Laon;  but  now,  all  his  thwarted  projects  re- 
vived. Although  Herbert  had  been  kept  out  of  the 
City,  he  contrived  to  retain  possession  of  the 
Chateau-Galliot,  built  on  the  slope  of  the  rock ; 
and  he  had  increased  the  fortifications  of  that 
stronghold,  so  annoying  to  the  Crown.  From  this 
commanding  point  he  could  always  distress,  and 
perhaps  re-acquire  the  great  object  of  contention. 
"Hugo  Parvulus,"  as  he  grew  up,  had  been  going 
on  well :  he  was  now  a  young  tonsured  clerk, 


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192  LOUIS  D'OUTREMEB,  GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE, 

$36-$42  well  disposed;   and  during  his  enforced  retire1 

\ — ^_  ment  from  the  archiepiscopal  dignity,  had  im- 

937-»88  prove(j  by  his  education.    Disgracefully  irregular 

had  been  the  acts  of  those  who  intruded  him, 

yet  Hugo  Fitz  Herbert  was  not  so  incongruous 

a  candidate  as  when  he  commenced  his  prelatical 

career. 

Herbert  of        Whilst  the  many  feathers  to  be  plucked  from 

doisaiiiea  the  young  King,  would  instigate  Herbert  to  co- 

himself  to 

Hngh-ie-  operate  with  the  discarded  Protector ;  yet  there 
gjj^  was,  as  before,  a  still  more  vehement  stimulus 
inciting  the  Count  to  trouble  Louis — to  diminish 
his  authority,  nay,  if  possible,  to  deprive  him 
wholly  of  power,  and  perhaps  not  even  to  stop 
there.  Herbert  could  not  wash  himself  clean 
from  the  blood  of  King  Charles.  The  dread  of 
retribution  had  caused  him  to  obstruct  the  resto- 
ration of  the  young  son ;  and,  by  Ogiva's  recal,  he 
was  exposed  to  the  bitter  vengeance  of  a  widow. 
The  question  might,  to  Herbert,  be  a  matter  of 
life  or  death. 
Herbert  of        R  6.   Herbert  first  raised  the  standard  of  re- 

Verman-  J 

dofecom-  von     His  forces  were  small,  and  he  began  his 

menceg  his  '  © 

operations,  operations,  judiciously,  with  reference  to  the 
future  expansion  of  his  dominions,  and  charac- 
teristically, by  tricking  a  deceiver.  The  Cham- 
paign of  Bheims,  the  "  Campania  JRemen$is"< — 
a  most  appropriate  descriptive  denomination  of 
the  region, — an  extension  of  the  plains  of  Flan- 
ders,— but  not  yet  employed  politically  as  desig- 


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AND  RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.       193 

nating  a  province — was  protected  against  Count  036-942 
Herbert  on  the  Vermandois  border  by  the  Castrum  t — * — » 
Theodcrici — Chateau  Thierry, — now  best  recol-  t \ %^b9 
lected  as  the  birth-place  of  the  inimitable  Fabu-  KE°f' 
list, — which  Louis  had  entrusted  to  his  liege-man,  Thierf7- 
Gualo,  or  Walo.    Herbert's  profuse  promises  in- 
duced the  Commander  to  betray  his  duty.  Gualo 
became  Herbert's  Man;  taking  the  oath,  and 
placing  his  hands  between  Herbert's  hands.  Gualo 
ordered  the  King's  troops  away  from  the  Castle, 
and,  on  Saint  Valentine's  day  he  opened  the  gate 
for  Herbert  and  his  forces.    Gualo  expected  to 
be  well  rewarded,  and  confirmed  in  his  post ;  but, 
as  soon  as  the  Count  of  Vermandois  was  in  pos- 
session, he  spurned  away  the  serviceable  traitor 
with  ferocious  contempt.    Gualo,  fettered  and 
chained,  was  cast  into  the  dungeon;  where,  for 
aught  we  know,  he  continued  during  the  remainder 
of  his  life.    Herbert,  through  this  occupation  of  Herbert 

founds  the 

Chateau  Thierry,  obtained  the  City  of  Troyes  co*ntj  of 
and  all  the  "  Campania  Remensis"  which,  under  mo- 
llis potent  sway,  was  speedily  developed  into  the 
magnificent  County  of  Champagne. 

Herbert  and  his  lineage  held  Champagne 
during  three  generations,  until  some  time  after 
the  accession  of  the  Capets,  when  the  Grand  Fief 
passed  from  the  House  of  Vermandois  to  the 
House  of  Blois ;  and  the  Counts  having  received 
or  assumed  the  Palatine  title,  were  also  elevated 
to  the  high  estate  of  the  Douze-Pairs. 

vol.  11.  o 


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194  LOUIS  d'outremer,  ouillaume  longue-epee, 

936-943        But  the  civil  war  was  suddenly  staid.  The  day 
\    l  r\  when  Herbert's  troops  entered  Chateau  Thierry, 
W7-M8  was  a  marked  Saint  Valentine's  day :  for,  on  the 
night  of  that  day,  ere  faint  daylight  broke,  the 
north-eastern  sky  blazed  resplendent  with  undu- 
lating flames.    A  great  calamity  was  anticipated ; 
and,  very  shortly  afterwards,  the  Magyars,  having 
crossed  the  Rhine  at  Worms*  poured  in  like  a  flood, 
spreading  themselves  all  over  Belgic  Gaul,  and  all 
over  Celtic  Gaul,  all  down  into  Aquitaine.    The 
087     country  was  dreadfully  ravaged :  the  depredations 
c£Sb£    perpetrated  by  these  insatiate  Tartars  were  minor 
m4£m in- ovils  compared  with  their  cruelties;  —  priests 
™too*      stripped  stark  naked  and  shot  at,  as  marks ;— in- 
numerable captives  starved  to  death.    Louis  sus» 
tained  deep  humiliation  from  the  indignities  and 
injuries  thus  inflicted  upon  his  kingdom;   but, 
unaided  and  pestered,  he  could  not  oppose  the 
barbarians.    The  Magyars,  when  they  had  done 
their  worst,  rushed  away  through  Italy,  carrying 
off  multitudes  of  prisoners,  who  merged  in  the 
mixed  population  of  Arpad's  kingdom,  where  they 
settled  peaceably :  the  fierce  Magyars,  so  ferocious 
whilst  pursuing  their  invasions,  were  rudely  hos- 
pitable in  their  own  land. 
987*938        §  7.    As  soon  as  France  was  relieved  from 
deavoim'to  the  presence  of  the  hideous  Ogres,  Louis  con- 

bring  the 

realm  into  centrated  his  energies  with  the  wise  intention  of 

good  order.  ° 

reducing  the  Kingdom  into  good  order.     One 
example  of  his  strenuousness  deserves  particular 


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AND  RICHABD  SANS  PEUR.       195 

notice.    Serlo,  the  Seigneur  of  Montigny  in  the  936-942 
Soissonais,  levied  black  mail  all  around  his  castle ;  ^ZZZZ 
a  circumstance  somewhat  novel.    These  preda-  987-038 
tory  barons,  tearing  open  the  Merchant's  pack  and 
emptying  the  Traveller's  purse — personages  so 
prominent  in  the  Tableaux  du  Moyen  Age — rarely 
present  themselves  in  the  pages  of  our  Benedic- 
tine folios.    Serlo's  example  might,  however,  en- 
courage others  to  perpetrate  the  like  outrages. 
Louis  determined  that  his  subjects  should  be  com- 
pelled to  appreciate  the  protection  imparted  by 
the  Crown.    He  worked  actively  with  the  small 
forces  that  he  could  command.     Montigny  was  serio  de 
stormed  by  the  King,  Serlo,  delivered  over  to  the  the  bri. 
executioner,  and  the  noble  brigand  would  have 
lost  his  head,  had  not  Archbishop  Artaldus  in- 
terceded. Louis  banished  the  robber,  whose  life 
was  spared;  but  he  demolished  the  robber's  nest* 
razing  Montigny  to  the  ground.   It  is  interesting 
to  observe  the  able  stroke  of  policy  carried  out, 
ages  afterwards,  by  Richelieu,  and  so  redolent  of 
absolute  monarchy, — the  humiliation  of  the  no- 
blesse by  the  abatement  of  their  chateaux, — 
taking  its  commencement  under  a  reign  when  the 
resources  of  Royal  authority  were  so  slender. 

Louis  had  next  to  deal  with  a  far  mightier 
wrong-doer.  Count  Herbert  was  burrowing  his 
way  into  the  Archbishop's  territories  of  Rheims. 
He  still  held  Gorbigny.  Louis  attacked  the  Place, 
and  Archbishop  Artaldus  again  enjoyed  the  grati- 

o  2 


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196  LOUIS  D'OUTBEMER,  GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE, 

836-W2  fication  of  interceding  on  behalf  of  his  enemies : 
- — * —  the  Vermandois  garrison  would  have  been  harshly 

987-   938 

treated,  had  they  not  been  permitted,  through 
the  Archbishop's  intercession,  to  depart  in  peace. 
Herbert  continued  his  depredations;  but  Louis 
was  enforced  to  leave  the  neighbourhood,  im- 
portant state-duties  calling  him  elsewhere. 
Defection  Another  and  most  formidable  foe  suddenly  dis- 
lanme       closes  himself — The  Duke  of  Normandy,  that 

Longue* 

epieabo.  Guillaume  Longue-6p6e,  recently  so  zealous  in 
supporting  the  King's  right  to  the  throne,  rises  up 
also  as  a  Leader  amongst  the  insurgents. — Hugh- 
le-Grand  and  Herbert  of  Vermandois  might  quote 
abundance  of  grudges  and  quarrels,  and  recollec- 
tions of  grudges  and  quarrels,  past  and  present, 
ancestorial  and  personal.  Had  these  potentates 
continued  patient  and  self-denying  under  the 
provocations  given  through  the  boldness  of  the 
young  King,  and  the  opportunities  which  his 
conduct  offered,  they  would  have  contradicted  all 
the  precedents  afforded  by  their  respective  poli- 
tical careers. — Had  they  consistently  kept  their 
oaths  and  promises  they  would  have  been  incon- 
sistent ;  truth  to  Louis,  would  have  been  untruth 
to  themselves. 

With  respect  to  Guillaume  Longue-£p£e,  the 
case  was  otherwise.  He  was  not  merely  the 
King's  subject,  but  the  King's  friend — and  that 
he,  the  young,  the  gallant  Duke,  so  renowned  on 
account  of  the  eminent  part  he  had  taken  in  the 


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AND  RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.       197 

restoration,  should  join  the  Capetian  confederacy,  990-943 
is  an  act  of  outrageous  political  profligacy  which  "  -  : 
comes  upon  us  by  surprise.    No  previous  move-  W7"888 
ment  towards  the  insurrectionary  party  is  re- 
corded, no  reason  assigned.   Whether  ignorant  of 
the  cause  or  ashamed  of  the  act,  the  French  and 
the  Norman  historians  maintain,  on  these  points, 
equal  silence.  It  may  be  offered  as  an  hypothesis, 
that  Guillaume  yielded  to  the  influence  exercised 
over  him  by  the  V ermandois  family. — A  father-in- 
law  alone,  Count  Herbert  by  himself  Count  Her- 
bert, could  not  perhaps  have  effected  much  with 
such  a  son-in-law  as  the  Norman.     Herbert's 
daughter,  Guillaume's  consort,  brilliant  Liutgarda, 
might  be  more  persuasive.    But  since  we  must 
needs  resort  to  conjectures,  we  shall  prefer  the  fer5aride 
supposition  that  Guillaume  Longue-£p£e,  when  gjjjj*  <* 
making  this  bold  step  in  the  path  of  treason, 
followed  the  suggestions  of  his  trusty  Verman- 
dois  uncle,  old  Bernard  de  Senlis,  to  whom  he 
had  planned  fleeing  for  assistance,  whilst  scared 
out  of  his  wits  during  the  Riulph  rebellion. 

Bernard  was  now,  through  Count  Herbert's 
grant,  in  possession  of  Couci,  wrenched  from  the 
See  of  Rheims.  Bernard  is  reckoned  as  the  first 
Count  of  Couci.  Learned  Ducange  denies  this 
fact,  which  the  Vermandois  Genealogists  maintain, 
— these  contests  sport  amidst  the  ponderosities  of 
archaeology.  But,  as  we  have  seen,  Archbishop 
Artaldus  was  a  bold  soldier,  not  at  all  willing 


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997-968 


198  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER,  GT71LLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE, 

w*-*42  to  allow  the  spoliation  of  his  temporalities ;  and, 
if  King  Louis  gained  strength,  he  would  assuredly 
aid  the  Prelate  to  recover  the  domain ;  therefore 
Bernard  de  Senlis,  for  the  purpose  of  diverting 
the  assault,  might  be  well  inclined  to  engage 
his  Norman  nephew  on  the  Capetian  side.  As 
for  Guillaume  Longue-£pee's  violation  of  his  en- 
gagements to  King  Louis,  he  was  kept  in  counte- 
nance by  every  noble  with  whom  he  sat  down  at 
meat.  There  was  not  any  one  who  had  not  done 
the  same,  or  was  not  ready  to  do  the  same :  and 
the  Husband  who  had  so  cruelly  broken  the 
pledge  given  to  his  first  love,  the  Woman  of  his 
choice,  the  Mother  of  his  child,  was  scarcely  likely 
to  feel  any  acute  twinge  of  conscience  when  de- 
serting his  Sovereign. 
Arnoni  of  Amongst  the  Princes  of  the  Kingdom,  Arnold 
asks  the  aid  of  Flanders  was,  at  this  juncture,  the  only  lay 
individual  of  note  who  adhered  with  apparent 
earnestness  to  the  Royal  cause — probably  because 
he  required  the  young  Sovereign's  aid:  and  not 
merely  for  the  troops  which  Louis  might  furnish, 
but  valuing  his  advice  as  a  general,  who,  young 
as  he  was,  had,  whilst  in  England,  attained  a 
precocious  military  proficiency :  skilled  in  attack, 
skilled  in  defence,  and,  moreover,  a  clever  con- 
triver of  ordnance  and  artillery. 

Northern  Picardy,  from  Boulogne  eastward, 
was  then  still  a  country  of  the  Vlaemsche  tool. 
In  Calais,  now  so  thoroughly  French,  the  Belgic 


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AND  RICHARD  SANS  PEUB.  199 

tongue  does  not  seem  to  have  been  entirely  wa-wa 
effaced  by  the  Romane,  until  after  the  period  tZZCX 
when  that  Town,  originally  included  in  the  County  W7-*88 
of  Boulogne,  had  passed  to  Philippe  Hurepel,  (the 
son  of  Philippe-Auguste,)  husband  of  the  Coun- 
tess Maud.  Great  privileges  did  the  Countess 
grant  unto  the  Calais  Burghers  and  the  Calais 
Magistracy.  Her  Charter,  and  her  confirmation 
of  their  Keuren,  or  statutes,  may  be  found 
amongst  our  records  in  the  Tower.  At  Calais, 
I  have  often  fancied  the  grave  and  sturdy  Keur- 
mannen  and  Scheppenen,  processioning  into  the 
Hotel  de  Ville,  when  hearing  the  strike-up  of 
the  tinkling  carillon  of  Maud's  merry  chiming 
Beffroy-bells.  To  the  south-west  of  Calais,  the 
sandy  coast  is  now  desolate  and  inhospitable ;  but, 
in  the  tenth  century,  and  indeed,  till  a  much  later 
era*  it  offered  to  the  mariner,  about  nine  miles 
South-West  from  Calais,  a  noble  harbour,  open- 
ing into  the  wide  sea,  a  peculiarly  safe  and  easy 
place  of  landing,  and,  therefore,  even  at  com^ 
paratively  recent  times,  much  favoured  as  a  point 
of  embarkation  between  France  and  England. 

An  antient  encampment,  known  in  the  middle  witsand  or 
ages  as  the  CasteUum  Ccesaris,  crowning  an  adjoin-  the  antient 
ing  mount,  commemorated,  nay,  now  commemo- *«*«*-- 
rates,  the  occupation  of  the  locality  by  the  Romans.  th«  <*»*- 
The  most  critical  amongst  French  topographers 
identifies  this  Harbour  with  the  renowned  Partus 
Iccius.    In  addition  to  other  arguments  in  sup- 


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200  Louis  d'outremer,  guillaume  longue-epee, 

986-*42  port  of  his  opinion,  he  appeals  to  Caesar's  Castle. 
ZIXZ^  The  name  imposed  or  adopted  by  the  conquerors 
»37-»38  of  ^  ^^  wag>  howeverj  disused  by  the  inhar 

bitants ;  and  the  Haven  acquired  in  the  verna- 
cular dialect,  the  very  intelligible  denomination 
of  Witeard,  suggested  by  the  blanched  aspect  of 
the  shores.    But,  since  the  fifteenth  century,  the 
white  sands  have  choked  up  the  sheltering  bay, 
and  rendered  its  pristine  existence  merely  an 
historical  tradition.   Caesar's  camp,  however,  still 
exists,  and  the  hamlet  of  Wissan,  which  indi- 
cates the  position  of  the  obliterated  sea-port, 
stands  idly  inland,  at  the  distance  of  about  four 
miles  from  the  salt  water. 
JSrS  "*"     Very  earnest  was  Arnoul  to  strengthen  this  posi- 
^gSen  tion,  so  inviting  to  the  access  of  any  adventurous 
cations  of"  enemy ;  and  he  invoked  the  talent  of  the  young 
t8an  '    Louis  to  direct  the  erection  of  further  fortifica- 
tions, which  consisted  most  probably  of  stock- 
ades or  other  similar  additions  to  the  Roman 
lines.  Louis  began  the  works,  but  he  was  speedily 
called  off  for  the  relief  of  Archbishop  Artaldus. 
The  Archbishop  had  just  completed  a  Castle  upon 
the  Marne.    Herbert,  expert  in  the  arts  of  cor- 
ruption, obtained  possession  thereof:  and,  there 
entrenched,  disturbed  the  Rhemish  territory. 
2yK£rf      Loufe  determined,  at  once,  to  humble  the  Count. 
SSuTat"    He  must,  if  possible,  relieve  himself  from  that 
thorn  in  his  side,  Count  Herbert's  Castle  on  the 
slope  of  the  rock  of  Laon.     The  fortress  was 


Laon, 


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AND  RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.       201 

fully  manned,  and  very  massy.  Louis  invested  986-049 
the  Tower.  The  attack  was  commenced  by  artil-  \  «  I 
lery ;  bows  and  arrows  made  no  impression :  Louis  W7-*88 
thereupon  adopted  another  and  more  scientific 
mode  of  attack.  He  constructed  a  large  testudo, 
strongly  compacted  of  timber.  From  the  minute 
description  given  of  this  machine,  we  may  collect 
that  such  contrivances  were  objects  of  curiosity, 
new  and  strange  in  France.  Propelled  close  up 
against  the  Castle,  the  well-framed  roof  resisted 
the  stones  cast  down  by  the  besieged.  The  walls 
were  undermined  and  fell.  The  garrison  sur- 
rendered at  discretion,  an  exploit  whereby  Louis 
gained  much  renown.  These  operations,  together 
with  various  skirmishes  and  military  movements, 
so  comminuted  that  it  is  difficult  to  take  note 
of  them,  occupied  more  than  a  year.  The  utmost 
extent  of  territory  traversed  by  the  belligerent 
parties  may  have  been  some  fifty  leagues :  yet, 
it  is  in  appearance  only,  that  these  transactions 
can  be  denominated  petty  or  inconsiderable,  for, 
in  them,  the  whole  continuity  of  French  history 
— Kingdom,  Republic,  or  Empire — is  involved. 
It  is  the  magnitude  of  the  ultimate  stake  which 
we  have  to  consider,  not  the  breadth  of  the  board 
upon  which  the  game  is  played. 

§  8.    French  historians  do  not  afford  any  direct     *** 
explanation  of  the  motives  inducing  Arnoul  to  Fianden. 
labour  so  earnestly  for  the  protection  of  Witsant. 
But  the  fortifications  erected  to  guard  that  conve- 


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202  LOUIS  d'outremer,  guillaumelongue-epee, 

986-W2  nient  Northern  harbour,  imply  the  dread  of  some 
:       maritime  invader.    The  territory  which  included 
»37-$88  witeant,  belonged  nominally  to  the  Abbey  of 
Saint  Bertin:  but  whilst  the  Monks  performed  the 
religious  services  in  consideration  whereof  the 
grant  had  originally  been  made,  the  land  itself 
was  impropriated  by  Count  Arnoul. — The  lay 
Abbot,  however,  did  not  enjoy  his  benefice  quietly, 
being  much  disturbed  in  his  possession  by  the 
Northmen. 
sieffMd  Siegfrid,  the  brother  of  some  Danish  king,  had 

the  fi£t*  overspread  the  country:  the  great  conflagration 
gXh»°  of  Danish  warfare  had  been  renewed  in  England : 
and  Siegfrid  may  have  been,  so  to  speak,  a  brand 
darted  from  the  British  Islands.  The  monks  of 
Saint  Bertin  cared  not  to  bear  record  of  Siegfrid's 
achievements,  and  the  negligence  of  the  cotem- 
porary  Clergy  in  this  respect,  was  lamented  and 
censured  by  their  successors,  who,  three  centuries 
afterwards,  sought  to  recover  the  scattered  remi- 
niscences of  local  history. 

The  Guisnes  annals  commence  with  ugly  inci- 
dents. Siegfrid,  it  is  said,  having  abused  Elstruda, 
a  Princess  of  Flanders,  hanged  himself  to  escape 
her  kinsmen's  vengeance. — A  Danish  warrior,  a 
Viking,  or  a  Berserker,  when  insurmountable 
danger  drove  him  to  despair,  would  surely  have 
fallen  on  his  own  sword,  rather  than  condemn 
himself  to  a  death  so  disreputable. — But  the  main 
facts  relating  to  Siegfrid  are  well  attested.    He 


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AND  RICHABD  SAKS  PEUB.       203 

became  the  first  Count  of  Guisnes :  his  son  Ardolf  wt-ro 
inherited  the  small,  but  distinguished  domain,  _  : 
renowned  for  minstrelsy  and  chivalry.    Ardres     988 
was  included  in  the  County  of  Guisnes:  and  the 
Champ  du  Drap  d!Or  continued  in  Siegfrid's 
lineage  till  the  thirteenth  century,   when  the 
"Grand  Fief9  was  transferred,  by  a  series  of 
transactions,  austere,  if.  not  unjust,  to  the  illus- 
trious house  of  Brienne. 

It  is  possible  that,  during  the  conflicts  which 
preceded,  or  were  occasioned  by  the  establishment 
of  this  dominion,  Arnoul  may  have  fringed  the 
coast  with  his  forces,  seeking  to  prevent  any 
further  immigrations  of  Danes. — The  Count  of  jjjgjyj 
Flanders,  who  held  the  ample  Principality  granted  gjjgjj  °* 
to  his  renowned  grandfather  Baudouin  Bras-de- 
fer, upon  the  express  condition  of  protecting  the 
Carlovingian  Empire  against  the  Pirates,  was 
bound  to  employ  this  vigilance.  The  conquest 
effected  by  Siegfrid  must  have  been  grievous  to 
Arnoul,  equally  a  detriment  and  a  disgrace. 
Friendship,  may  at  one  period,  have  subsisted 
between  Arnoul  and  Siegfrid ;  but  political  amity 
is  in  no  wise  inconsistent  with  much  antece- 
dent as  well  as  subsequent  hostility.  It  is,  how- 
ever, equally  probable,  and  the  general  bearing 
of  events  rather  corroborates  this  hypothesis, 
that  the  fortifications  were  intended  for  the 
defence  of  the  country  against  Guillaume  Longue- 
£p£e.  The  husbands  of  the  two  Vermandois  sis- 
ters were  becoming  bitter  enemies. 


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204  LOUIS  d'outremer,  guillaume  longue-epee, 

936-943  §  9.  Riulph  was  slain,  but  after  the  discom- 
fiture of  the  Norman  insurgents  in  the  Pre  de  la 
Bataille,  Arnoul  had  patronized  his  cause,  not 
only  by  harbouring  Balzo  the  Rebel's  kinsman, 
but  by  advancing  him  to  station  and  honour. 
Had  the  Count  of  Flanders  laboured  to  excite 
the  apprehensions  and  insult  the  feelings  of  his 
brother-in-law,  he  could  not  have  devised  a  more 
stinging  provocation.  This  was  probably  the 
originating  cause  of  the  quarrel,  and  Guillaume 
Longue-£p£e  commenced  hostilities  against  Flan- 
ders with  the  aid  of  Hugh-le-Grand,  the  latter 
having  been  angered  by  Count  Arnold's  adhe- 
sion to  the  king. 
Gofflamne  Guillaume  Longue-£p£e's  first  attempts  were 
tfpfe  at  war  directed  to  the  sea-bord;  and  it  is  this  circum- 

with  Count 

Axnovl-  stance  which  suggests  the  supposition  that  the  for- 
tifications, projected  at  Witsand,  were  intended  to 
prevent  the  landing  of  Rouen  forces  from  Eu  on 
the  Brfile,  or  from  Fecamp  river.  The  Norman 
ravaged  all  around  Boulogne,  Terouenne,  and 
Sithieu,  or  St.  Omer's.  Had  Guillaume  Longue- 
&p£e  still  been  a  Pagan  Dane,  he  could  not  have 
punished  the  country  with  greater  severity.  Her- 
bert, on  his  part,  continued  the  turmoil,  more  par- 
ticularly for  the  purpose  of  annoying  the  King, 
devastating  the  territory  of  Rheims.  Count  Her- 
bert was  anathematized  by  the  Bishops.  Guillaume 
Longue-£p£e  was  involved  in  the  same  censures ; 
but,  whether  because  he  had  committed  his 
outrages  during  some  solemn  season,  so  as  to 


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AND  RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.       205 

occasion  peculiar  scandal,  or  whether,  like  his  086-942 
father-in-law,  he  had  plundered  some  ecclesias- 
tical possessions,  does  not  appear.    Anyhow,  the 
offenders  took  no  heed  of  the  excommunications, 
deriding  bell,  book,  and  candle. 

Louis,  hitherto  supported  only  by  Arnoul, 
had  now  acquired  the  aid  of  Hugh-le-Noir,  the 
coparcener  Duke  of  Burgundy,  whom  he  had 
ejected  from  Langres  in  favour  of  Hugh-le-Grand. 
The  son  of  King  Robert  was  their  common  enemy, 
and  the  peculiar  despite  entertained  by  Hugh-le- 
Noir  against  Hugh-le-Grand,  rendered  him  the 
more  active  in  co-operating  with  Louis.  Conjoining 
their  forces,  they  marched  against  Hugh-le-Grand 
and  Guillaume  Longue-dpee,  and  the  attacks  made 
upon  Arnoul  were  checked.  The  Count  of  Flan- 
ders did  not  immediately  retaliate  upon  the  Duke 
of  Normandy;  but  he  adopted  a  course  by  which, 
whether  designedly  or  not,  the  brothers-in-law 
were  speedily  brought  into  desperate  collision. 

Helgaud,  the  Count  of  Ponthieu, — he  who  had 
been  slain  by  the  Danes,  when  they  broke  out  of 
the  wood  and  stormed  the  camp  of  KingRaouI, — 
was  now  succeeded  by  his  son  Count  Herlouin, 
under  whose  government  Montreuil  became  very 
prosperous.  The  convenience  of  the  sea-port  £*gj* 
attracted  a  considerable  trade ;  and  the  duties  or  ^S^ 

*  son  or 

tolls,  levied  upon  the  vessels  which  entered  the£^d.tHcl~ 
haven  and  the  goods  landed  there,  produced  to 
Herlouin  a  considerable  revenue.  Herlouin  comes 


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Ponthieu. 


206  louis  d'outremer,  guillaumb  longue-epee, 

986-842  into  notice  many  ways.    He  had  a  wife  whom 
\ — ^_,  he  loved  very  dearly ;  but  there  was  some  irre* 
988     gularity,  some  impropriety,  connected  with  their 
union. — Possibly  when  Herlouin  espoused  this 
Lady,  who  is  to  be  noticed  in  our  history,  he  already 
had  another  consort,  undivorced,  and  still  living. 
— Whatever  may  have  been  the  reason,  he  was 
brought  to  open  shame  on  account  of  this  mar- 
riage, and  condemned  to  do  penance  before  the 
Synod  of  Trosley. 
Ambiguous       Herlouin's  political   position   was   dubious. 
SSoSii0f  P011*^611*  ™  some  respects,  appears  as  an  appen- 
dant^ (^aSe  to  Baudouin  Bras-de-fer's  Marquisate — but 
Herlouin  had  commended  himself  to  Hugh-le- 
Grand,  thereby  annexing  the  Honour  to  the  Duchy 
of  France.    The  Northmen,  at  an  earlier  period, 
and  the  Normans  in  later  times,  had  much  con- 
nexion with  Ponthieu :  the  territory,  interposed 
between  Normandy  and  Flanders,  might  be  ren- 
dered advantageous   or  troublesome  to  either 
Sovereign. 

Moreover,  the  profits  arising  from  the  fre- 
quent resort  of  traders  and  merchant-vessels 
were  attractive  to  Arnoul,  who,  in  his  own  proper 
dominions,  was  beginning  to  appreciate  the  ad- 
vantages of  commercial  prosperity.  The  sharp 
ascent  of  the  hill,  the  strength  of  the  Castle,  the 
precipitous  fosses,  the  thick-set  stockades,  ren- 
dered Montreuil  very  defensible,  and  Arnoul 
found  it  more  expedient  to  attempt  a  capture 


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AND  EICHABD  SANS  PEUR.       207 

by  intrigue,  than  by  force  of  arms.    Over  and  086-wa 
above  the  real  advantages  of  avoiding  a  doubtful , — ■ — » 
and  perilous  conflict,  the  fraudulence  was  tempt-     WB 
ing.    The  excitement  of  overreaching  an  enemy 
always  rendered  such  attempts  a  species  of  game. 
One  of  Herlouin's  most  trusted  Captains  was 
threatened  or  bribed  into  compliance.    As  theAmoni 
story  goes,  a  secret  Messenger,  dispatched  by*0^^ 
Arnoul,  made  the  overture  symbolically.     The*°m* 
emissary  displayed  two  rings — a  golden  ring  and 
an  iron  ring — inviting  the  Castle- Warden   to 
choose.     The  torch,  held  high  over  the  battle- 
ments by  the  Confederate,  announced  the  un- 
guarded hour.    The  gate  had  been  opened.    Ar- 
noul's  troops  rushed  in,  and  Montreuil  was  gained : 
Herlouin  escaped ;  but  his  Wife  and  family  fell 
into  the  power  of  the  enemy.    Arnoul  sent  them 
across  the  water  to  England;  and  Athelstane, 
pursuant  to  his  request,  detained  the  lady  and 
the  children  in  captivity.   Strange,  that  our  mag- 
nanimous Basileus  should  consent  to  perform 
the  office  of  Count  Arnold's  jailor !    Yet,  such 
was  his  compliance ;   and  Herlouin  mourned  for 
the  prisoners  as  those  whom  he  should  never 
see  again. 

Herlouin  repeatedy  craved  assistance  from  his 
Seigneur,  the  Duke  of  France.  But  he  obtained 
neither  help,  nor  promise  of  help.  Hugh-le-Grand 
declined  an  interference,  which  might  have  em- 
barrassed him  in  his  further  enterprizes:  thus 


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208  LOUIS  d'outremer,  guillaume  longue-epee, 

toe-«43  rejected  by  his  Liege-lord,  Herlouin  turned  to  the 
"  Norman  Patrician,  earnestly  praying  his  succour. 


G^jil^e  Guillaume  Longue-£p6e,  to  whom  few  gra- 
%%*£  tifications  could  be  more  welcome,  than  any 
MoS^iL  opportunity  of  plaguing  his  brother-in-law,  was 
as  anxious  to  engage  in  the  enterprize  as 
Hugh-le-Grand  had  been  to  avoid  it.  He  ac- 
cepted the  championship  of  the  despoiled  Count. 
Alain  Barbe-torte  sent  his  contingent ;  the  com- 
bined forces  of  Normandy  and  Britanny  invested 
the  town;  the  Cotentin  men  began  the  assault, 
boldly  plucking  up  the  palisades.  Guillaume 
Longue-£p£e  was  foremost  in  the  storming-party. 
Count  Arnold's  garrison  was  overpowered ;  and 
the  prisoners,  thus  taken,  were  so  numerous 
as  to  enable  Guillaume  to  negotiate,  by  their 
exchange,  the  restoration  of  the  beloved  ones 
whom  Herlouin  had  lost.  Arnoul,  however, 
though  deprived  of  Montreuil,  invaded  the  Pon- 
thieu  country,  which  he  ravaged.  But  Herlouin 
defeated  him.  To  Arnoul,  the  loss  of  Mon- 
treuil, mainly  occasioned  by  Guillaume  Longue- 
£p£e's  interference,  was  an  extreme  mortification. 
If  the  small,  but  repeated,  causes  of  vexation, 
for  which  proximity  affords  so  much  opportunity 
amongst  relations,  act  so  mischievously  by  accu- 
mulation, how  much  more  do  serious  injuries? 
Arnoul's  hatred  became  inveterate ;  and,  though 
occasionally  concealed,  the  bitterness  continued 
^creasing  ****  *^e  very  I*8** 


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AND  BICHABD  SANS  PEUR.       209 

§  10.    About  one  month  after  the  inaiigura-  «&6-wa 
tion  of  Louis  at  Ladn,  Otho,  whom  history  honours  , — • — » 
by  the  epithet  of  "the  Great,"  received,  pursuant 
to  his  father's  appointment,  the  German  Crown. 

Of  the  four  sons  left  by  Henry  the  Fowler,  Death  of 
three,  namely,  Thankmar,  Otho,  and  Henry,  were  Fowier: 
competitors  for  the  German  Realm.    The  natural  $$*""*> 

r  Thankmar, 

privilege  of  primogeniture  designated  the  bold  and  °*°'  "^ 
energetic  Thankmar  as  Henry's  successor,  norg^Jj}?8) 
would  he  have  discredited  the  royal  dignity :  but  ^dom?e 
the  heartless  pretences  which  had  enabled  the  de- 
parted Monarch,  availing  himself  of  his  own  wrong, 
to  cast  off  the  tender  and  confiding  Hathburga, 
also  deprived  Thankmar  of  his  position  in  Chris- 
tian society.     Born  under  the  full  sanction  of 
holy  matrimony,  their  Child  was  adjudged  ille- 
gitimate.   The  retrospective  operation  assigned  Hen™  the 
to  the  sentence  which  dissolved  the  marriage  gStJT" 
between  Thankmar's  Mother  and  her  fickle  Hus- 
band, under  any  aspect  a  rigid  construction  of 
the  law,  was  wrested  into  positive  injustice.    Not 
merely  had  Thankmar  lost  his  Father's  Kingdom, 
but,  a  large  private  inheritance,  which  unques* 
tionably  ought  to  have  devolved  upon  him  through 
his  maternal  ancestry,  was  withheld. 

Henry,  the  third  son,  asserted  a  right  para- 
mount to  the  claims  preferred  by  either  of  his 
senior  brethren.  Bold  Thankmar,  as  Henry 
argued,  was  absolutely  out  of  court — he  could 
not  be  heard — a  bastard,  declared  to  be  spurious 

VOL.  II.  p 


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210  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER,  GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE, 

ws-wa  by  the  solemn  decree  of  a  competent  tribunal. 

,'■   *V,'  Otho  was  fully  admitted  by  Henry  to  be  the  eldest 

*86~~088  son  of  Henry i  Duke  qf  Saxony, — let  Otho  there- 
fore have  his  due,  the  Dukedom  of  Saxony  be- 
longed to  him;  but  it  was  equally  undeniable 
that  he,  the  younger  Henry,  was  the  eldest  son 
of  Henry,  King  qf  Germany.  Henry,  the  Porphy- 
rogenitus,  though  a  younger  son  relatively  to 
Otho,  was  the  eldest  son  of  royal  blood,  first 
born  after  the  accession  of  Duke  Henry  to  the 
Throne  of  Charlemagne,  the  first-born  of  Henry 
King  of  Germany;  and  consequently,  to  him,  the 
first-born  son  of  a  crowned  King  and  a  crowned 
Queen,  did  the  royalty  appertain. 
Thankmar       Matilda,  the  Queen  Dowager,  affectionately 

•Togeii-  supported  the  young  Henry  in  his  demands; 
parental  fondness  strengthening  her  sincere  im- 
pression of  their  abstract  justice.  The  doctrine 
of  Porphyrogenitism,  congenial  to  popular  senti- 
ment, and  not  without  some  foundation  in  prin- 
ciple, prevailed  influentially  and  widely  in  many 
countries  and  through  many  ages :  yet,  the  theory 
has  rarely  been  consistently  acknowledged,  so  as 
to  impart  a  definite  and  constitutional  right.  In 
some  few  instances, — and,  amongst  them,  may  we 
not  include  the  Empire  of  the  Czars? — it  has  been 
practically  recognized ;  but,  more  generally,  the 
pretension  has  merely  tended  to  excite  unnatural 
contests  between  brethren.  In  England,  this  opi- 
nion stimulated  Henry  Beauclerc  to  a  constant 


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AND  BICHABD  SANS  FEUB.  211 

antagonism  against  Rufus ;  and  fomented  in  Ger-  936-943 
many — the  example  now  before  us — a  virulent  '_   : 
civil  war.  «86-w° 

Otho,  however,  commenced  his  reign  without  8th  Aug. 
encountering  any  immediate  opposition  or  ob- 
jection.   Aix-la-Chapelle  witnessed  the  inaugu- solemn  in. 
ration,  celebrated  with  unprecedented  solemnity,  of  otho  at 
— Unable,  like  Cologne,  or  Metz,  or  Treves,  to  chajwii* 
trace  her  municipal  ancestry  to  the  Roman  age,— 
not  dignified  by  an  Episcopal  chair, — neither 
remarkable  for  strength,  nor  distinguished  by 
opulence, — Aix-la-Chapelle  was,  nevertheless,  ho- 
noured  as  the  Capital  of  Lotharingia.    Much 
celebrity  was  given  to  the  City  by  the  perennial 
thermal  springs;  and  some  local  pride  resulted 
from  the  legendary  traditions  of  King  Granus ; 
but  Aix-la-Chapelle's  highest  consecration  was 
imparted  by  Charlemagne's  memory. 

Charlemagne's  columned  Hall, — the  Hall  ad- 
joining the  Sanctuary,— conducting  to  the  Cata- 
comb,— exhibited  the  most  affecting  and  solemn 
combination  of  grandeur — holiness — and  death.— 
In  this  Hall,  the  Prelates  and  Nobles  assembled. 
Homage  was  performed  by  the  Lieges,  who  placed 
their  hands  between  the  hands  of  Henry  the 
Fowler's  Son.  Otho  then  proceeded  into  the 
orbicular  Temple,  of  which  the  model  had  been 
sought  in  Byzantine  Ravenna:  the  encircling 
galleries  were  crowded  by  the  Clerisy  and  Laity, 
to  whom  he  was  presented,  and  who,  raising  high 

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212  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER,  GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE, 

fttt-942  their  opened  palms,  declared  their  assent  by  act. 

~, ^_  and  voice,  the  shouts  resounding  beneath  the 

w-*40  shadowy  Dome. 

The  imperial  diadem  of  Charlemagne,  which 
Henry  dared  not  wear,  was  placed  upon  the  brow 
of  Otho  by  Hildebert,  Archbishop  of  Mayence. 
The  two  great  Lotharingian  Prelates,  Robert  of 
Treves,  and  Wicfried  of  Cologne,  contested, — and 
the  last  exercised — the  privilege  of  conferring  the 
Sacramental  unction. — Then  ensued  the  gorgeous 
Coronation-banquet ;  Otho  the  King,  seated  at  the 
table  of  marble-stone,  his  lovely  and  pious  Queen, 
the  English  Editha,  by  his  side.  As  Duke  of  Lotha-* 
ringia  and  fieichs-marschaU,  Gilbert,  the  King's 
brother-in-law,  Gerberga's  husband,  received  the 
Sovereign  in  the  Palace.  Everhard,  Duke  of 
Franconia,  exercised  the  functions  of  Truch$es$, 
or  High  Steward,  afterwards  appertaining  unto 
the  Pfaltzgraff  of  the  Rhine;  Herman,  Duke  of 
Franconia,  acted  in  the  capacity  of  Reichs-schenk, 
or  Chief  Butler;  Arnolph,  Lord  Harbinger.  Gifts 
were  most  liberally  bestowed  on  all  the  guests; 
and  the  reverend  festival  was  concluded  amidst 
exuberant  hilarity. 
»36-04o  §  11 .  Germany  exercised  a  powerful  influence 
tiooB  b£  within  the  sphere  of  France ;  and  the  accession  of 
Gemany  this  Sovereign  was  a  very  important  event  to  Louis* 
and  also  to  the  yet  unborn  son  of  Louis  after  him, 
Editha,  the  Queen  Consort,  was  the  younger,  per-* 
haps  the  youngest,  sister  of  Ogiva,  daughter  of 


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AND  RICHARD  SANS  PEUft.  213 

Edward  the  Elder,  sister  of  glorious  Athelstane.  wc-wa 
The  three  great  royal  families,  of  England,  France  , — « — > 
and  Germany,  were  therefore,  so  far  as  inter-  98*~wo 
marriage  can  tend   to  constitute   affinity,  one 
family.    Otho,  the  compeer  of  Louis  could,  like 
Athelstane,  or  Hugh-le-Grand,  call  himself  the 
Uncle  of  Louis,  and  become  a  troublesome  inr 
termeddler,  or  a  powerful  friend. 

During  the  preceding  reigns,  the  political 
relations  subsisting  between  France  and  Germany 
had  been  frigid,  and  often  hostile.  Gentler  senti- 
timents  now  succeeded.  Louis,  the  legitimate 
sovereign,  and  Otho  the  son  of  Henry  the  Fowler, 
seemed,  until  the  excitement  resulting  from  the 
fresh  enjoyment  of  royalty  subsided,  to  rejoice  in 
mutually  acknowledging  each  other  as  brothers* 
The  Coronation  brought  Otho  to  the  confines  of 
France.  Courtesy  required  that  the  young  and 
kindred  Monarchs  should  exchange  congratula- 
tions; and  the  Court  of  Ladn  reciprocated  with 
Aix-la-Chapelle.  Yet  a  silent,  though  not  the 
less  intelligible  jealousy,  really  alienated  the 
lineal  representative  of  imperial  Charlemagne 
from  the  Saxon  occupant  of  Charlemagne's  im- 
perial throne.  —  Louis,  even  when  his  direct 
dominion  was  restricted  to  the  Bock  of  Ladn, 
even  when  he  lost  the  Bock  of  La6n,  never 
abated  one  jot  of  his  pretensions.  Otho,  on  his  £^L 
part,  aspired  to  all  the  glories  of  the  Great  Em-  Gwfa  and 
peror — Charlemagne's  majestic  form  beckoned  teSted  on" 

p«rty. 


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214  LOUIS  d'outremee,  guillaumelongue-epee, 

996-^43  him  onwards  to  the  distant  Capitol :  the  Eagle 

r—^s  was  soaring  before  him. 

987-088  xhe  apparently  cordial  glow  of  affection,  rapidly 
cooled,  and,  during  the  troubles  which  enveloped 
Louis,  after  he  had  liberated  himself  from  the 
Protectorate  of  Hugh-le-Grand,  Otho  scarcely 
observed  the  decorum  of  neutrality.  Cultivating 
the  acquaintance  of  the  French  nobles  generally, 
Otho  extended  his  graciousness  peculiarly  amongst 
the  discontented,  or  revolting  party.  With  Guil- 
laume  Longue-ep^e,  he  contracted  a  firm  intimacy: 
and  the  Normans,  always  anxious  to  obtain  any 
recognition  of  their  Duke's  pre-eminence,  boasted 
that  there  was  not  a  soul  amongst  the  French 
nobles  who  stood  so  high  in  Otho's  favour  as 
Guillaume. 

Arnoul  of  Flanders  and  Herbert  of  Verman- 
dois  became  the  adherents  of  Otho ;  but  the  most 
emphatic  enunciation  of  Otho's  sentiments  was 
afforded  by  his  conduct  towards  Hugh-le-Grand. 
As  soon  as  Hugh-le-Grand  had  been  ejected  from 
the  Protectorate,  he  immediately  sought  to  coun- 
terbalance such  weight  as  Louis  might  possess 
in  the  councils  of  Otho  by  reason  of  family  con- 
nexion; and,  for  this  purpose,  he  adopted  a 
course  wisely  calculated  to  increase  his  conse- 
quence and  political  stability.  Imperfect  is  the 
ideal  of  power  unless  accompanied  by  the  element 
of  perpetuation.  It  is  not  good,  in  any  sense,  for 
man  to  be  alone, — and  Hugh-le-Grand  was  desti- 


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AND  RICHARD  SANS  PETJB.  215 

tute  of  the  political  support  which  the  child  im-  936-9*2 
parts  to  the  father.    The  Widower  of  two  wives  — * — * 
solicited  the  hand  of  Hadwisa,  or  Hadwina,  King  Hnghie 
Otho's  sister,  the  late  King  Henry's  daughter,  and  £££1 
the  royal  Brother  gladly  assented.    The  fertile  St^iSS 
Beauty  presented  her  Consort  with  the  Heir  he  He^lhe 
needed,  Hugh  Capet  being  the  first-fruit  of  their  °w  *' 
marriage. 

Abstractedly  from  any  project,  more  or  less  2SSh5* 
definitely  entertained  by  Otho,  for  conquering  the  2th0  8  ac~ 
supremacy  of  Gallia  Romana — as  the  Germans 
called  the  Kingdom  ruled  by  Louis, — it  was  a 
felicitous  contingency  that  he  should  be  able  to 
support  himself  towards  the  Rhine,  by  the  French 
nobles,  whose  alliance  he  had  thus  gained.  Otho 
was  sorely  pressed  by  barbarian  hostility,  as  well 
as  by  domestic  dissensions.  Germany  sustained 
a  large  proportion  of  the  stripes  inflicted  by 
the  Magyars,  whilst  Sclaves  and  Wends  shouted 
their  fierce  war-cry. 

These  troubles  were  serious,  yet  external,  and 
very  bearable  when  compared  with  the  compli- 
cated and  annoying  afflictions  and  dangers  arising 
out  of  the  fratricidal  wars  in  which  Otho  was 
engaged.  The  sturdy  Thankmar,  availing  himself 
of  the  discontents  amongst  the  Franconians,  and 
supported  by  the  Duke  Everhard, — he  who  had 
presented  the  golden  beaker  to  King  Otho  at  the 
Coronation-feast, — asserted  his  rights  as  the  Saxon 
Fowler's  first  and  eldest  son.    But  his  Brother's 


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216  louis  d'oittremer,  guillaume  longue-epee, 

tee-M2  royal  power  and  royal  forces  were  overwhelming. 
,—  I  ~»  The  venerated  Teutonic  Ehresburg,  into  which 
937-^38  xhankmar    had    retreated,    surrendered;    and 
Thankmar  sought   refuge   within  the   Minster, 
dedicated  to  the  Prince  of  the  Apostles,  in  Charle- 
magne's days,  by  Pope  Leo,  himself  a  fugitive. 
Thank-  Thankmar,  in  the  agony  of  terror  and  despair, 

r^urfnl  ^'eraNy  embraced  the  Altar.  His  pursuers  dared 
brotil£.hli  not  enter  *^e  Sanctuary,  though  their  scruples 
failed  to  deter  them  from  shooting  their  arrows 
at  the  miserable  supplicant,  and  darting  their 
spears.  The  missile  of  Maginzo,  a  soldier  whose 
name  has  obtained  this  evil  reputation,  transfixed 
the  Victim.  When  the  news  was  brought  to  Otho, 
the  King  gravely  lauded  the  deceased  Thankmar's 
prowess;  deplored  his  own  brother's  fate;  and 
sternly  condemned  the  perpetrators  of  the  deed 
to  the  gibbet.  Thus  delivered  from  a  dangerous 
enemy,  whilst  he  evaded  the  opprobrium  of  par- 
ticipation, Otho  reaped  all  the  benefit  of  the 
crime. 

The  institutions  of  the  newly-constructed 
German  Realm  were,  as  yet,  so  rudimentary  and 
imperfect,  that  the  prosperity,  nay,  possibly  the 
existence  of  the  State,  depended  upon  the  Ruler's 
personal  character.  Proud,  persevering,  impelled 
by  high  aspirations,  and  systematizing  his  future 
otho't  Empire,  Otho  had  proceeded  steadily,  dangers 
and  cour-  pullulating  after  dangers.  The  Magyars  had  uw 
flicted  poignant  sufferings  upon  Otho's  own  father* 


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AND  BICHARD  SANS  PEUB.       217 

land.  Nevertheless  Otho  was  able,  singlehanded,  to  M-943 
defeat  them ;  and  the  chastisements  they  received  _  : 
from  the  German  King,  seem  ultimately  to  have  o*7-*88 
stayed  their  aggressive  invasions.  The  Bohemian 
disturbances  had,  at  their  commencement,  dis- 
tracted the  Sovereign's  attention,  and  exhausted 
his  means.  The  Sclavonians  could  not  be  coerced 
otherwise  than  through  sharp  and  strenuous  war- 
fare: defeats  did  not  daunt  them,  they  valiantly 
endeavoured,  again  and  again,  to  recover  their 
independence.  But,  like  the  Celts,  they  were  self- 
vanquished,  internal  feuds  impeding  that  unity 
of  action,  which  could  alone  have  ensured  suc- 
cess* The  opportunities  of  rising  against  their 
arrogant  oppressors  were  neglected  or  ill-chosen, 
and  the  obstinate  conflicts  they  maintained,  were 
terminated  by  the  confirmation  of  Teutonic  as- 
cendancy. 

At  the  onset,  Thankmar's  revolt  threatened 
very  serious  perils,  but  the  storm  subsided  as  sud- 
denly as  it  had  burst  forth.  All  these  untoward- 
nesses  and  conflicts,  trying  the  young  Monarch's 
strength,  had  evinced  his  power,  or  testified  his 
good  fortune.  Now,  however,  ensued  the  insur- 
rection of  the  Porphyrogenitus,  accompanied  by 
concussions  which  shook  the  very  basis  of  Otho's 
throne.  Otho,  stern  and  dignified,  commanded 
the  obedience  and  respect  of  the  German  Nations, 
Henry,  cheerful  and  adventurous,  won  their  love.  Jj£2^" 
The  personal  affection  existing  in  favour  of  Henry,  g|^f  hy 


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218  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER,  GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE, 

fcsft-wa  — the  extended  recognition  of  his  rights, — the 
]_JL_^  advocacy  given  by  his  pious  and  conscientious 
©87-088  j^Qthg* — aii  rendered  him  a  formidable  rival  to 

Ploteofthe  *  ,.11.  i 

discontent.  his  Brother,  and  peculiarly  at  the  juncture  when 
that  Brother  was  menaced  with  the  loss  of  the 
proudest  portion  of  his  Realm. 

§  12.  The  solemn  Assembly  of  the  Nobles 
in  Charlemagne's  Hall  at  the  recent  Coronation, 
had  enabled  the  many  discontented  Chieftains  of 
the  subjugated  nations  and  vassal  kingdoms,  to 
arrange  their  plots  and  plans  against  the  Sove- 
reign. In  his  very  presence,  they  concocted  their 
treasons. — Whilst  they  were  taking  the  oaths  of 
fealty  to  Otho  they  were  preparing  to  violate 
those  very  oaths  so  soon  as  they  could  assail  him. 
Such  indeed  was  signally  the  conduct  pursued 
by  Everhard  of  Franconia,  who,  with  the  honors 
of  the  banquet  fresh  upon  him,  had  so  strenu- 
ously abetted  the  unfortunate  Thankmar  in  his 
unhappy  enterprise.  But,  pending  that  conflict, 
another  great  Officer — he  who  had  held  the 
highest  room  at  the  festival,  possessing  far  more 
command,  far  more  ability,  far  more  means  of 
mischief  than  Everhard,  had  determined  to  sup- 
port the  Porphyrogenitus  and  establish  him  upon 
the  throne. 
LothS-**  Amongst  the  nobles  of  Lotharingia — a  region 
ingia.  which,  since  the  "  eight  hundred  and  eighty-eight," 
extended  from  modern  Holland  on  the  North, 
to  modern  Alsace  on  the  South — the  sons  and 


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m._ l .,  ■  .'„  ^.^i    j^.  ■_■■»  ■■■■  i„p,  ,,'w'  _^^_^jg^^— i^i 


AND  EICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  219 

family  of  Rainier  au  Long-col  still  continued  pre-  m-m 
eminent.    Gilbert,  the  eldest  son,  "Duke  of  Lo-  *~? 
tharingia"  by  the  appointment  of  the  late  King  987-"a 
Charles, — Gilbert  the  bold  swimmer,  the  success- 
ful lover,  had  fully  regained  his  authority,  but, 
though  highly  qualified  for  the  acquisition  of 
power,  he  was,  through  his  desperate  rashness 
and  versatility,  equally  unqualified  to  retain  it. 

Rainier,  the  second  son  of  the  Founder  of  the  p*-emi- 
family,  had  succeeded  to  the  County  of  Hainault.  t^n/ot  * 
The  epithet  "Long-col"  had  become  a  surname ;  LoMpa 
this  second  Rainier,  also  bore  the  name  of  "Long-  *»hj- 
c6F\  a  third  Rainier,  his  son,  the  like.    The 
chronology  of  these  nascent  States  is  very  ob- 
scure, and  the  three  long-necked  Rainiers  are  not 
always  distinguishable  from  each  other.  Frederic 
or  Fritheric,  a  third  son  of  the  first  Rainier,  a 
monk  of  Fulda — brother  therefore  of  Duke  Gil- 
bert— had,  through  his  influence  obtained  the 
Archbishopric  of  Mayence.    Vast  importance  ap- 
pertained to  the  priraatial  See  of  Saint  Boniface, 
though,  as  yet,  uninvested  with  the  gorgeous 
attributes  of  an  Imperial  Principality. — Berenger, 
Count  of  Namur,  was  brought  into  the  circle  of 
this  aspiring  lineage  by  his  marriage  with  Sym- 
phorienne,  the  first  Rainier  Long-col's  daughter. 

The  other  Chief  Estates  of  Lotharingia*  though  other 
not  so  closely  connected  with  the  Ducalfamily,  were  pwiacy  of 
very  formidable. — A  large  portion  of  the  antient  **■•. 
Friesland  had  then  been  recently  overwhelmed  by 


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220  LOUIS  D'OUTBEMER,  GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE, 

98ft-wa  the  waves :  but  Thierry,  the  Count  of  West  Fries- 
\ — ^_,  land,  or  Westergo, — nearly  identical  with  modern 
D87-888  jj0jian(j — might  threaten  Saxony.  Not  less  in- 
fluential, were  Thierry's  compeers.  Otho,  Count 
of  Verdun — a  man  commemorated  for  the  stern 
justice  he  had  exercised  upon  his  beautiful  wife, 
whom  he  beheaded  when  he  discovered  her  to  be 
an  adulteress — stood  as  a  stake-holder  between 
Germany  and  France. — Isaac,  Count  of  Cambrai, 
commanded  the  French  border — Extensive  do- 
minions, and  high  prerogatives  and  privileges, 
were  possessed  by  the  Lotharingian  Sees. — Metz, 
Toul,  and  Verdun,  emphatically  known  as  the 
"Trois  EvSches," — and  Strasburg,  afterwards  so 
bitterly  aristocratic, — and  Mayence,  and  Cologne 
and  Utrecht,  whose  Prelates  were  all  verging 
towards  the  successful  achievement  of  temporal 
power. 

A  peculiar  curse  of  enmity  clung  to  Lotha- 
ringia.  From  the  first  erection  of  the  Kingdom, 
pursuant  to  the  treaty  of  Verdun,  Lotharingia 
became  the  incessant  source  of  dissension  amongst 
the  children  and  children's  children  of  the  unna- 
tural and  unhappy  Son  who  gave  his  name  to  the 
Sovereignty.  As  time  advanced,  a  very  remark- 
able sentiment  of  individuality  became  developed 
in  the  mixed  population  of  the  Country : — their 
desire  was  to  preserve  their  autonomy  without 
striving  for  independence.  We  have  seen  how 
resolutely  the  Lotharingians  had  refused  to  con- 


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AND  RICHARD  SANS  PEUR       221 

cur  in  the  election  of  Conrad  the  Franconian,  oso-m* 
adhering   conscientiously    to    the    Carlovingian  ] — I — I 
Line,  even  at  the  period  when,  in  the  person  of 
Charles-le-Simple,  the  antient  lineage  had  no  other 
claim  for  support,  except  that  claim  which  was  be- 
stowed by  a  generous  and  uncalculating  loyalty. 

Subsequent  events  had  partially  restored  the 
German  ascendancy.  Duke  Gilbert  could  not  re- 
fuse to  acknowledge  his  kind  Father-in-law's  pro- 
tecting sovereignty,  and  Lotharingia  was  treated  by 
King  Henry  as  an  integral  member  of  his  Realm.  . 
But  a  very  general  disclosure  of  public  opinion 
now  ensued  throughout  the  Lotharingian  King-S 


dom,  to  the  effect  that  Otho's  pretensions,  deduced  thiSS^ 
through  his  father,  were  tortious.  They  distin-  cLio^n- 
guished  between  Otho's  German  title  and  Otho's 
Lotharingian  title — the  first  was  lawful,  the  last 
unlawful.  Henry  the  Fowler  had  been  made 
King  in  Germany,  for  the  purpose  of  defending 
that  country  against  the  Sclave  and  the  Magyar; 
but  Lotharingia  belonged  not  to  him.  His  do- 
minion there,  was  an  unjustifiable  aggression.  He 
h&d  usurped  the  antient  Kingdom,  when  the  law- 
ful King  was  wailing  in  the  cradle. 

The  happy  restoration  of  the  consecrated  The  l©- 

tharingians 

Dynasty  gave  new  vigour  to  those  congenial  sen-  —i*eirioY« 
timents  which,  never  wholly  dormant,  have  been 
so  remarkably  revived  in  our  own  times.    With 
•comparatively  few  exceptions,  the  Lotharingian 
Prelates  and  Princes,  as  well  as  the  People,  were, 


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222  LOUIS  d'otjtremer,  guillaume  longue-epee, 

986-9a  more  than  ever  before,  under  the  fascination  of 

- 

r — *— •*  France — earnestly  turning  their  desires  towards 

938—940 

the  young  Louis,  ardent  to  accept  him  as  their 
Sovereign,  the  foretaste  of  that  feeling  which, 
upon  the  death  of  the  amiable  Stanislaus,  re-in- 
corporated the  Duchy  of  Lorraine  with  the  French 
monarchy,  far  more  soundly  than  could  have  been 
effected  by  diplomacy. 
similar  Even  amongst  the  present  and  living  gene- 

AhaScLTd  rations  of  the  Germans,  still  inhabiting  the  wide 
Preuuen."  extent  of  Rhenane  Lotharingia,  the  same  affec- 
tions have  deadened  the  sympathies  of  their 
Teutonic  race.  They  have  repudiated  their  kin* 
dred  and  have  delighted  in  their  severance  from 
their  Fatherland.  No  Citizen  of  the  Republic, 
"one  and  indivisible,"  has  defended  that  unity 
and  indivisibility  more  enthusiastically  than  the 
Alsatian  peasant,  who  still  speaks  of  going  to 
*'  Frankreich "  when  he  crosses  the  antient  fron- 
tier.— Fair  France! — how  earnestly  do  all  the 
other  weary  Provinces  of  the  great  boundary- 
stream  yearn  for  their  reunion  with  thee,  from 
whom  they  have  been  separated  by  power,  but 
not  divorced  in  heart ! 
gj*j  on-  §  13.  Though  the  Lotharingians  were  anx- 
SSni£  iously  seeking  the  means  of  casting  off  Otho's 
supremacy,  they  were  not  concordant  in  their 
ultimate  views.  Gilbert  reverted  to  his  pristine 
schemes — the  Duke  of  Lorraine,  who  had  re- 
volted against  his  benefactor  Charles-le-SimpIe, 


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AND  BICHABD  SANS  PEUE.       223 

was  not  by  any  means  inclined  to  submit  to  Louis.  930-9*2 
Pre-eminent  amongst  the  Lotharingian  nobility,  XIXZX 
Gilbert  wrought  for  the  purpose  of  diverting  w*~wo 
their  energies  for  his  own  advantage.     His  alli- 
ance with  Henry  was  based  upon  the  expectation 
of  mutual  profit.    Gilbert  would  assist  the  Por-  gJJJJ* 
phyrogenitus  in  the  vindication  of  his  hereditary  p53^£ 
rights  over  Germany,  provided  the  Porphyrogeni-  K£g3? 
tus,  on  his  part,  would  be  content  to  surrender  the  ben* 
Lotharingian  superiority,  and  consent  that  Gilbert 
should  rule  his  Duchy  as  an  independent  Mo- 
narchy.   Gerberga  was  the  sister  of  the  Porphy* 
rogenitus  as  well  as  of  Otho,  and,  between  his  two 
brothers-in-law,  Gilbert  might  surely  urge  that  he 
was  fully  justified  in  supporting  that  Son  whom 
the  common  mother  of  the  competitors  deemed 
to  possess  the  more  righteous  claim. 

The  majority  of  the  Lotharingians,  however,  in-  939, 940 
clined  simply  and  solely  to  bestow  the  crown  upon  th^inguuw 
Louis  from  beyond  the  sea;  every  circumstance  Louis  to 

.  accept  th* 

combined  to  induce  them  to  release  themselves  crown. 
from  Otho's  unpleasing  and  ungracious  domina- 
tion :  and  they  despatched  a  deputation  inviting 
Louis  to  reassert  his  father's  claims,  and  regain 
his  own  inheritance.  Louis  hesitated ;  entertain- 
ing, as  it  is  surmized,  some  scruples  of  conscience, 
some  punctilios  of  honour.  But  the  Lotharin- 
gians trusted  that  the  ambition  of  the  Monarch 
would  overcome  the  ingenuousness  of  youth;  and 
a  second  Legation  appeared  before  Louis  at  La6n, 


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224  LOUIS  d'outremer,  guillaume  LONGUE-EPEE, 

m-jm  repeating  the  offer.    He  had,  as  the  Lotharin- 

\ ^_,  gians  intimated,  acted  too  hastily — let  him  recon- 

*39~4HO  sider  the  proposal:  if  he  adopted  their  advice, 
how  greatly  would  he  not  advance  his  glory. — 
Louis  complied :  No  declaration  of  hostilities  was 
made;  no  Herald  defied  the  enemy;  and  Otho, 
utterly  unprepared  for  such  an  attack,  was  sur- 
prized by  the  sudden  invasion.  Louis  went  forth, 
boldly  as  was  his  wont.  A  fleet,  fitted  out  by 
Athelstane  for  the  purpose  of  aiding  his  nephew, 
cruised  in  the  channel,  ready  to  support  the 
French  land-forces  —  the  first  example  of  our 
naval  interference  in  continental  affairs.  But 
this  co-operation  was  not  required:  Otho's  troops 
had  withdrawn  from  the  country :  and  Louis  was 
hailed  throughout  Lotharingia  as  the  Liberator 
of  the  Kingdom. 
Hwiiythe  During  the  threatening  period,  when  Otho's 
gStoT0"  Realm  seemed  to  be  breaking  away  on  the  West* 
roj«i  au-  Henry  assembled  his  partizans  at  Saalfield  in 
Thuringia.  A  splendid  festival  was  followed  by 
the  proclamation  that  King  Henry's  eldest  sou 
had  assumed  his  rightful  royal  authority.  His 
adherents  were  numerous  and  enthusiastic ;  and, 
with  their  approbation,  he  directed  his  march 
towards  Alsace.  Gilbert  joined  him  with  some 
Lotharingian  troops.  Otho  was  stationed  near 
the  Rhine,  at  Xanthen,  to  oppose  their  passage. 
A  happy  accident,  improved  by  Otho's  talent 
find  the  valour  of  his  soldiers,  enabled  him  to. 


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AND  RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.       225 

resist  the  assailants:    and,   crossing  the   river,  936-44 
he  entered  Lotharingia,  laid  siege  to  Gilbert's  ZZXZ^ 
strong  fortress  of  Chevremont,  and  devastated  *a9-W0 
the  country  with  fire  and  sword.  Yet  Otho's  suc- 
cess was  imperfect.     He  was  compelled  to  re- Advance  of 
treat;  and  a  truce  of  thirty  days,  equally  wel-chwSd 
come  to  both  belligerent  parties,  afforded  them  <&bert°" 
respectively  the  means  of  developing  their  schemes.  h»  own 
One   unexpected  result  was  obtained — Gilbert  jJJJJ^J* 
abandoned    his   projects   of  independence,  and^^^y. 
coalesced  with  the  Vermandois  Confederates. 

§  14.     The  four  principal  Lotharingian  Mag-     mo 
nates  performed  homage  to  Louis  on  behalf  of  the  u^n^an 
rest:  that  is  to  say,— Gilbert,  compelled  sorely  jwfdSJT 
against  his  will  to  forget  his  pretensions ; — Isaac,  LouST 
Count  of  Cambray ; — Otho,  Count  of  Verdun;— 
and  Thierry,  Count  of  Holland.  Gladly,  would  the 
Lotharingian  Prelates  have  concurred,  but  they 
were  so  coerced  by  Otho — either  in  consequence  of 
the  position  of  his  army,  or  because  they  had  given 
some  security  or  pledge  to  him — that  they  were 
compelled  to  restrain  their  loyalty.  Great  advan- 
tages indeed  did  this  accession  of  territory  pro- 
mise to  the  young  King  Louis.     He  was  "reinte- 
grating" the  inheritance  of  his  forefathers,  spread- 
ing his  realm  onwards  into  Charlemagne's  antient 
Empire.    Might  he  not  expel  the  intruding  Saxon, 
and  perhaps  acquire  the  whole  Cisalpine  Realm  ? 
But  Otho  was  as  bold  as  Louis,  no  less  fertile  in 
expedients,  superior  in  state-craft,  wider  in  aim. 
VOL.  II.  Q 


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226  LOUIS  tfOUTREMER,  GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE, 

9dft-*42  The  designs  of  restoring  the  Empire,  which  we 

\ — ^ — '  may  fancy  in  Louis,  were  ultimately  executed  by 

w*~wo  Otho ;  and  whilst  Louis  was  establishing  himself 

in  Lotharingia,  a  new  combination  ensued,  haying 

for  its  object  the  reannexation  of  Neustria  to  the 

German  Realm. 

otho  oom.       The  good  fortune  attending  the  efforts  of  Louis, 

the  die.     the  extent  of  his  influence,  the  liberal  support  he 

contented  rr 

*w»w«h  obtained,  elicited  a  corresponding  energy  amongst 
the  Capetian  Revolters,  with  whom  Arnoul  of 
Flanders,  notwithstanding  his  grudges  against 
Guillaume,  had  now  joined.  Otho,  diligently  ob- 
servant of  their  dispathies  and  their  sympathies, 
immediately  sought  to  neutralize  the  advantages 
which  Louis  had  gained,  availing  himself  astutely 
of  the  apprehensions  excited  amongst  the  Con- 
federates  by  the  king's  prosperity ;  and  a.  very 
threatening  and  unprecedented  alliance  between 
Germany  and  discontented  France,  was  formed. 
Hitherto,  however  disobedient  or  detrimental  to 
Louis  the  conduct  of  the  Confederates  had  been, 
they  were  only  Revolters  from  the  King,  now 
they  became  Rebels  against  him.  Otho  crossed 
the  Rhine:  a  conference  ensued.  Duke  Hugh, 
940  Count  Herbert,  Count  Arnoul,  and  Count  Guil- 
Gnnd  'and  laume,  came  before  the  son  of  Henry  the  Fowler, 
transfer7    took  the  oath   of  fealty,  and  transferred  their 

their  alle-  #  . 

f&n^oth   a^ePance  *°  *he  German  Sovereign. 

This  defection  cannot  be  construed  otherwise 
than  as  separating  the  territories  of  these  Princes 


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AND  RICHABD  SANS  PEUR.       227 

from  the  Crown  of  France  and  annexing  them  to  we-wa 
the  Crown  of  Germany. — If  Otho  could  keep  - — * — » 
Lotharingia,  then  his  Suzerainty  over  Hugh-le* 
Grand's  Duchy  of  France,  Herbert's  County  of 
Yermandois,  Arnoul's  County  or  Marquisate  of 
Flanders,  Guillaume  Longue-£p£e's  County  or 
Duchy  of  Normandy,  together  with  the  appendant 
Britanny,  would  widen  his  imperial  dominion 
from  the  Rhine  to  the  Atlantic  ocean. 

Nothing  deterred  however  was  Louis.  He 
marched  to  Verdun,  where  the  Prelates,  who  had 
liberated  themselves  from  Otho's  duresse,  per- 
formed homage.  His  presence,  he  might  boast, 
inspired  obedience. — How  great  was  the  progress 
which  Louis  had  seemed  to  be  making,  towards 
the  revival  o$  the  antient  Carlovingian  glories ! 
Yet,  if  Louis  expected  any  permanent  tranquil* 
lity,  he  was  hoping  against  hope.  The  soil  was 
saturated  with  treachery.  Whilst  Louis  was 
away,  his  own  Bishop,  Raoul,  Bishop  of  Laon, 
was  negotiating  for  the  surrender  of  that  City 
to  Herbert  of  Vermandois.    Louis  marched  fromLo,lJ»w- 

treatsfrom 

Alsace,  and  expelled  the  dishonest  Prelate.  But  Lor»ine- 
Fortune-tide  was  turning.  Otho  resumed  opera- 
tions, observantly  and  steadily,  contending  equally 
against  force  and  against  treachery;  his  stout 
heart  sustained  him.  Otho  recruited  his  army, 
and  reentered  Lotharingia.  Louis  retreated. 
Gilbert  and  Prince  Henry  united  their  forces, 
fiercely  prosecuting  the  war  against  Otho.     But 

Q2 


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228  LOUIS  D't)UTBEMER,  GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE, 

936-m  they  mismanaged  their  enterprises;  and  untoward 

t — * — >  events  disconcerted  their  schemes.  Gilbert,  leav- 

wa-wo  jQg  Gerberga,  his  lion-hearted  lady,  in  the  strong 

castle   of  Chevremont,  advanced   towards    the 

Rhine,  with  the  intent  of  joining  Everhard  of 

Franconia,  who  had  actually  renewed  the  rebellion. 

Taking  their  station  at  Andernach,  they  were 

pver-powered  by  Otho's  troops.     Everhard  was 

Gilbert's    cut  down.  As  for  Duke  Gilbert,  never  afterwards 

mysterious 

death.  wars  \^e  seen  or  beard  of.  The  bold  Swimmer, 
according  to  a  generally  credited  report,  had 
been  tempted  by  his  ardent  rashness  to  destruc- 
tion : — he  and  his  horse  tried  to  swim  the  Rhine ; 
but  they  perished  in  the  rapid  stream. 

Another  version  of  the  event,  to  the  follow- 
ing effect,  was,  however,  equally  prevalent,  and 
many  people  believed  that  it  was  confirmed  by 
positive  evidence — Gilbert,  with  many  other  fugi- 
tives, swamped  the  little  boat  into  which  they 
crowded.  His  corpse,  cast  upon  the  shore,  wag 
found,  (as  it  was  said),  by  certain  fishermen,  who 
stripped  off  his  valuables,  burying  the  body  for 
the  purpose  of  concealing  the  robbery.  The  re- 
mains however  were  discovered,  and  the  noble 
nuns  of  R£miremont  asserted,  even  until  the  supr 
pression  of  their  opulent  Convent,  that  an  obit, 
sung  in  their  Church,  pursuant  to  an  endowment 
supposed  to  have  been  made  by  Gerberga,  soon 
after  Gilbert's  death,  indicated  his  ultimate  place 
of  sepulture. 


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AND  KICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  229 

During  these  transactions,  Otho  continued  to  ©s«--943 
besiege  Breisach ;  not  "Nouveau-Breisacb,"  Louis- ,—  \  ] 
Quatorze's  dull  pentagon  ;  but  the  original  Brei-r  W9-W0 
sach,  now  designated  as  "Alt-Breisach,"  Old  Bret 
saeh, — then  situated  upon  an  island,  which,  by  the 
shifting  of  the  channel,  has  been  since  conjoined 
to  the  right  bank  of  the  Rhine.  Otho's  position 
was  perilous.  Henry's  forces  were  assembling  in 
his  rear.  But  Duke  Gilbert's  death  decided  the 
contest :  Henry  was  discomfited.  Gerberga  would 
not  harbour  the  insurgent  Prince,  and  exhorted 
their  father's  younger  son  to  submit  to  the  Elder. 
Otho  returned  to  Lotharingia:  and  completely 
reduced  the  country. — Some  time  afterwards,  the 
Porphyrogenitus  obtained  a  grant  of  the  Duchy: 
the  brethren  were  reconciled,  and  the  unnatural 
contest  ended. 

Not  long  did  Gerberga  linger  in  her  weeds.  939 
Whilst  Otho  was  re-advancing  towards  Lotha-  loS?^0 
ringia,  Louis  prevented  him,  and  hastened  to 
Chevremont  for  the  pious  purpose  of  offering 
his  condolences  to  the  Widow.  Gilbert's  strange 
and  untimely  death,  as  the  gallant  and  sympa- 
thizing Louis  professed,  had  grieved  him  deeply; 
and  he  repaired  to  the  Relict's  Castle,  in  order 
that  he  might  comfort  her  under  her  affliction- 
He  did  so  very  effectually; — before  the  calendar 
year  had  closed,  the  merry  young  king  returned 
with  full-blown  Gerberga  as  his  Wife ;  and,  ere 
long,  the  Queen  Consort  was  crowned  at  Laon< 


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230  LOUIS  d'outremer,  guillaume  longue-epee, 

936-W2  We  shall  hear  much  more  concerning  Gerberga, 
<- — * — >  in  connexion  with  Normandy  and  Norman  affairs. 
839""wo  She  had  already  one  son  and  one  daughter  by 
her  first  husband,  and  was  almost  old  enough  to 
be  the  mother  of  her  second.  A  wise  and  ener- 
getic matron,  Gerberga  became  in  all  respects  a 
judicious  and  faithful  helpmate  to  Louis;  no  prime 
minister  could  have  served  him  better.  After  his 
death,  she  proved  the  vigilant  and  affectionate 
guardian  of  their  children:  not,  perhaps,  overscru- 
pulous in  state-policy ;  yet  the  errors,  into  which 
the  best  principled  were  seduced,  during  these 
perilous  times,  should  receive  a  lenient  judgment. 
Guiiiaume  §  15.  The  interest  arising  from  the  drama- 
tfpie?*"  tically  diversified  incidents  characterizing  the 
truth.  declining  Carlovingian  era,  is,  in  a  manner,  dimi- 
nished by  the  monotony  of  political  treachery. 
We  are  compelled  to  harp  upon  it. — Hugh-le- 
Grand  and  Herbert  of  Vermandois  were  invete- 
rately  tainted ;  Arnoul  of  Flanders  belonged  to  a 
disobedient  and  wayward  lineage;  all  had  abund- 
ance of  hostile  and  grudging  recollections,  affronts 
and  injuries,  past  and  present,  ancestorial  or  per- 
sonal. Their  adhesion,  therefore,  to  the  King  of 
Germany,  and  their  consequent  renunciation  of 
their  own  Sovereign,  resulted  from  a  uniform 
course  of  conduct ;  but  with  respect  to  Guillaume 
Longue-^pfee  the  case  was  otherwise. — No  com- 
plaint against  Louis  had  Guillaume  to  prefer,  no 
grievance  real  or  pretended  to  allege;  his  friend- 


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AND  KICHARD  SANS  PEUB.       231 

ship  for  Louis  was  uncoerced :  he  had  bestowed  wa-w 
the  greatest  help  in  his  power  to  Louis,  who  had  \ — i_J 
cordially  reciprocated.     Yet,  as  we  have  seen,  98*""wo 
Guillaume  in  the  very  gaiety  of  his  heart,  joined 
the  armed  opposition  headed  by  Hugh-le-Grand; 
and  his  defection  to  Otho  closed  the  way  which 
was  opening  for  the  prosperous  maturation  of 
the  young  King's  fortunes. 

If  our  imagination  be  taxed  to  discover  or 
to  invent  an  excuse  for  Guillaume  Longue-£p&'s 
breach  of  faith,  we  can  find  none,  except  that  argu- 
ments sufficiently  plausible  to  deaden  the  moral 
sense  of  the  man  by  satisfying  the  conscience  of 
the  politician,  may  have  been  grounded  upon  the 
assumption  that  Louis  had,  in  the  first  instance, 
when  he  discarded  Hugh-le-Grand,  violated  his 
compact  with  the  realm.  Under  this  view,  the 
revolt  became  a  constitutional  attempt  to  bring  an 
erring  monarch  to  reason :  and,  the  admonition 
failing,  he  had  vacated  the  throne. — Whether 
such  a  mode  of  dealing  with  the  Sovereign  was 
justifiable  or  not,  Guillaume  Longue-£p£e  had 
become  King  Otho's  Man,  and  had  voluntarily 
bound  himself  to  be  so. — Whether  the  deed  was 
righteous  or  not,  still  the  deed  was  done.  But, 
with  Guillaume  Longue-ep^e,  and  indeed  with  all 
his  contemporaries,  there  was  an  enduring  mental 
reservation,  that  neither  oath  nor  promise  held 
any  longer  than  pleased  the  party  who  took 
the  oath  or  gave  the  promise.  Guillaume  Longue- 


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232  LOUIS  d'outremer,  guillaume  longue-epee, 

990-942  epee  extended  this  convenient  doctrine  to  alt 
duties  and  relations ;  and,  within  a  very  short  time 
afterwards,  when  Louis  had  conducted  his  ex- 
perienced Bride  to  her  Palatial  home,  Guillaume 
Longue-epee  determined  to  desert  his  party, 
abandon  the  oath  he  had  sworn  to  Otho,  detach 
himself  from  the  Confederacy,  and  reconnect  him* 
self  with  the  French  Monarchy, 

For  Guillaume's  sudden  evolution,  performed 
by  him  with  such  amazing  rapidity,  no  reason  is 
assigned  by  the  historians,  none  can  be  discerned 
upon  the  surface.  Fickle  in  love  and  fickle  in  reli- 
gion, fickle  in  friendship  and  fickle  in  enmity, 
fickle  in  peace  and  fickle  in  war,  we  might  content 
ourselves  by  ascribing  this  most  unexpected  mu-> 
tation  to  mere  instability:  and  yet,  however  nicely 
the  weathercock  may  be  poised,  however  smoothly 
the  vane  may  whirl  upon  its  axis,  some  breeze 
must  breathe,  however  gently,  to  make  the 
girouette  spin  round.  We  suspect  that  Guil- 
laume was  driven  back  to  Louis  by  an  anxiety 
which  had  been  secretly  disquieting  him  till  he 
could  no  longer  bear  the  gnawing.  Although 
Guillaume  Longue-epee  was  fully  in  possession 
of  the  Terra  Normannorum,  together  with  all 
the  rights,  members  and  appurtenances  of  the 
said  Terra  Normannorum,  that  is  to  say,  Mari- 
time Britanny,  and  the  supremacy  of  Armorica, 
even  unto  the  sea,  yet  that  possession  was  not  fully 
confirmed.     The  grant,  made  by  the  Burgundian 


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AND  RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.        233 

Raoul,  had  not  been  re-issued  by  the  Carlovingian  we-w* 
Louis  in  proper  form,  a  process  purposely  delayed, , — « — * 
may  be,  in  the  first  instance,  or  neglected;  and 
now,  so  long  as  Guillaume  continued  his  hostility, 
unattainable.    The  Sovereign  often  found  that  it  raeof 
was  expedient  to  excuse  the  laches  of  a  powerful  Jjgfg*^ 
Prince  who  had  omitted  to  apply  for  a  "  renova-  ^Jj^ 
turn*  of  his  "  dignity ."  On  their  part,  the  French  {SESffi? 
Potentates  frequently  dispensed  with  the  ratifi- bj  ^^ 
cation  conferred  by  the  King,  yet,  as  we  have 
already  observed,  they  were  not  satisfied  without 
it.   The  King,  in  theory,  was  always  the  centre 
of  the  system. 

A  complete  legalization  of  beneficiary  posses* 
sion  could  not  be  obtained  otherwise  than  through 
the  King's  direct  sanction— and  Normandy,  during 
the  earlier  eras  of  her  political  existence,  approx- 
imated more  closely  to  the  normal  type  of  a  "Fief," 
—before  such  type  was  artistically  developed  by 
the  Jurists, — than  any  other  domain  of  the  like 
nature,  save  and  except  the  Marquisate  of  Flan- 
ders.— No  fears  are  more  distressing  to  the  con- 
stitutionally timid  than  when  any  apprehensions  of 
evil,  having  the  smallest  foundation  in  reason,  are 
conjoined  to  the  highest  degree  of  improbability. 
How  painfully  does  the  fear  of  poverty  flicker  over 
the  millionaire's  troubled  brain,  and  we  may  be- 
lieve that  Guillaume  Longue-^p£e  quailed  before 
the  phantoms  which  the  contemplation  of  his 
own  falsehood  had  raised.    Upon  legal  princi- 


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234  LOUIS  d'outbemer,  guillaume  longue-epee, 

086-^42  pies,  Guillaume  Longue-epee's  title  to  his  domi- 
, — * — k  nions  was  very  questionable.  Being  in  the  king's 
940  allegiance,  he  had  renounced  that  allegiance,  and 
why  should  not  Louis,  availing  himself  of  the 
prerogatives  of  the  Crown,  rarely  exercised  yet 
never  renounced,  declare  him  a  Felon,  proclaim 
him  under  the  ban  of  the  Empire,  depose  the  rebel 
Duke,  and  then  condemn  the  denuded  "Com- 
mander of  the  Pirates"  to  death? — The  motives 
urging  Guillaume  to  seek  the  Sovereign  are  dis- 
closed, as  fully  as  unspoken  sentiments  can  ever 
be  disclosed,  by  the  conduct  which  he  pursued. 

Guillaume  despatched  a  respectful  legation 
to  Louis,  transmitting  assurances  of  unshaken 
fidelity  —  an  undaunted  assertion,  which  must 
have  required  a  marvellous  power  of  face  in  the 
grave  ambassadors  by  whom  the  same  was  pro- 
pounded.— The  young  King  was  at  Laon,  happy 
with  his  bride,  at  once  new  and  mature,  buxom 
Gerberga;   and  welcome  indeed  was  this  mes- 
sage to  him.    Amiens  was  appointed  as  the  place 
940      of  meeting;  and  thither  Guillaume  Longue-£p£e 
Longue-     repaired.   Kneeling  before  the  King,  and  receiving 
turns  to  his  from  the  King  a  re-grant  of  the  "  Province"— 
fo™ho    **"s  is  the  term  employed  by  those  who  recorded 
™5i£!t     the  transaction — "which  the  late  King  Charles 
Amiens.     ^ad  granted  to  the  late  Patrician  of  the  Normans, 
Guillaume  Longue-epee's  father,  Rollo,"  and  com- 
mending himself  to  the  King,  placing  his  hands 
between  the  hands  of  the  King,  Guillaume  be- 


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AND  RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.       235 

came  the  Man  of  Louis  in  the  most  solemn  and  930-949 
authentic  form. 

Yet,  even  the  act  of  homage  sufficed  not  to 
satisfy  Guillaume's  zeal  and  humility;  the  dry 
legal  formula  did  not  adequately  express  the 
intensity  of  his  feelings. — He  declared  he  would 
sacrifice  his  life,  were  such  a  sacrifice  needed, 
could  he  thereby  replace  his  Sovereign  in  the 
plenitude  of  imperial  power.  He  would  do  all 
that  King  Louis  pleased :  he  would  live  or  die 
for  the  sake  of  King  Louis. 

§  10.  Under  any  or  all  circumstances,  the 
French  hated  and  scorned  the  "  Dux  Piratarum." 
Must  not  their  contemptuous  sentiments  have 
been  immeasurably  enhaunced  by  the  conduct 
and  bearing  of  the  self-stigmatized  recreant? — 
When  Guillaume  Longue-ep£e  presented  himself 
as  a  true  homager  before  Louis  at  Amiens,  he 
branded  the  Guillaume  Longue-dp^e  who  had  knelt 
before  Otho  in  Lotharingia,  as  a  traitor.  He  had 
wantonly  abandoned  his  lawful  King,  to  him  trebly 
lawful: — lawful  by  inheritance, — lawful  by  the 
nation's  assent, — lawful  by  his  own  voluntary  and 
uncoerced  adherence.  No  censures  passed  upon 
Guillaume  Longue-£p£e  for  his  previous  desertion 
of  the  King,  could  have  been  so  bitter  as  those 
which  he  inflicted  upon  himself  by  his  present 
professions  of  good  service,  and  his  outbursts  of 
exuberant  loyalty.  The  inveterate  Luegenfeld 
perverseness  of  the  age   bestowed    a  popular 


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236  LOUIS  d'outbemeb,  guillaume  longue-epee, 

ftse-943  condonation  upon  such  delinquencies  as  disgraced 
j_  :  the  Norman  Duke.  Yet  some  conventional  apo-i 
940  logy,  some  shew  of  repentance,  would  have  been 
decent. — The  French  annals  present  us  with 
curious  examples  of  the  outward  contrition  exhi- 
bited by  Offenders  not  so  bad  as  Guillaume. — Had 
the  forsworn  Duke,  bareheaded,  clad  in  a  thin 
poor  garment,  tarried  by  the  high-road  side,  and 
then  craved  permission  to  embrace  the  King's 
knees,  and,  kneeling  on  the  stones,  and  confessing 
his  disobedience  and  his  untruth,  humbly  solicited 
forgiveness,  he  would  only  have  repeated  the  self- 
imposed  discipline  of  Guillaume  of  Poitou  before 
King  Raoul. 

But  Guillaume  Longue-epee,  though  making 
ample  professions  as  to  the  future,  did  not  own  to 
any  guilt  in  the  past.  No  sorrowful  regret  was 
expressed,  no  pardon  asked.  He  proffered  his 
submission  to  Louis  boldly,  like  a  man  who  did 
not  anticipate  any  rebuff,  and  who  had  nothing 
to  be  ashamed  of.  Louis  very  much  needed  Guil- 
laume's  help ;  and  he  therefore  welcomed  the  re- 
turn of  the  disobedient  Duke  as  readily  as  it  had 
been  tendered.  If  any  of  the  Pirate's  indignant 
enemies  scoffed  at  his  renovated  loyalty,  the  ad- 
mirers of  the  pleasant  and  prosperous  young  Duke 
might  have  pleaded  the  exigences  of  the  times  as 
the  excuse  for  his  tergiversations,  and  paraded 
his  speedy  return  to  his  allegiance  as  a  full  com- 
pensation for  his  political  faux  pas. — Guillaume 


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AND  KICHARD  SANS  PEUR.       237 

Longue-ep£e  did  not,  however,  allow  any  breath-  m-w* 

ing  time  for  the  expression  of  sentiment.    Whilst  ^ — - > 

his  hands  were  yet,  so  to   speak,  feeling  theJJ^jj^ 
warmth  and  pressure  of  the  hands  of  King  Louis  jfifjJJJ. 
his  Seigneur  and  Sovereign,  Guillaume  super- gJJ^J0 
added  a  further  act  of  treachery  to  his  previously  dd68a8ail1* 
repeated  acts  of  treachery,  and  unsheathed  his 
sword  against  that  Seigneur  and  Sovereign,  seek- 
ing to  cut  at  him,  where  the  wound  would  occa- 
sion the  keenest  smart. — 

The  opportunity  of  which  Guillaume  availed  Position  of 

rr  J  Herbert  of 

himself  was  furnished  by  the  ever-restless  Her-  verman- 

J  dois. 

bert  of  Vermandois — Count  Herbert  had  been 
baffled:  his  power,  his  craft,  his  influence  had 
not  prevailed  against  the  young  King;  his  cravings 
continued  unsatisfied.  In  the  Vermandois  terri- 
tory, between  Laon  and  Rheims,  a  remarkable 
hill  arises;  which  was  then  known  by  the  name 
of  the  Montfendu.  Herbert  of  Vermandois  as- 
cending that  hill,  and  gazing  on  the  prospect 
commanded  by  the  summit,  must  have  been  sadly 
teazed  and  tantalized  by  the  reminiscences  which 
the  view  recalled*  If  Herbert  looked  to  the  West, 
he  beheld  in  the  verge  of  the  horizon  the  uncon- 
quered  Rock  of  Laon ;  and,  if  he  turned  his  face 
to  the  East,  he  saw,  in  the  extreme  perspective, 
the  towers  of  Rheims,  whence  his  son  had  been 
expelled. 

The  worrying  warfare  which  Herbert  prose-  Herbert's 

#  chance  of 

cuted  against  Archbishop  Artaldus,  had,  however,  recovering 


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238  louis  d'outremee,  guillaume  longue-epee, 

986-943  been  so  far  profitable  to  Herbert,  that  it  enabled 
,-  I  I  him  to  gain  time  for  the  organization  of  his 
wo~*tt  plans.  The  fruit  was  beginning  to  ripen,  the 
chances  of  replacing  the  lad  Hugh  in  the  See 
were  encouraging.  Hugoline  was  favoured  by  a 
strong  party  amongst  the  citizens.  Gould  Herbert 
regain  Rheims,  he  would  accept  the  prize  as  a 
full  equivalent  for  Laon.  If  the  young  Deacon 
could  be  reinstated  in  the  Archiepiscopal  throne, 
the  vast  temporalities  of  the  See  would  pass,  as 
a  matter  of  course,  to  Herbert  the  father,  and, 
conjoined  to  the  sovereignty  of  the  Vermandois, 
render  the  Ruler  even  greater  than  Hugh-le- 
Grand.  Therefore,  if  there  was  any  one  contin- 
gency which  Louis,  having  due  regard  for  the 
maintenance  of  his  influence,  the  stability  of  the 
throne,  and,  perhaps,  the  security  of  his  life,  had 
most  to  fear,  it  was  the  accomplishment  of  this 
scheme. 

Louis,  fully  appreciating  the  imminent  danger, 

worked  in  every  way  for  the  preservation  of 

Herbert  of  Rheims,  and  Archbishop  Artaldus,  though  ap- 

do»  renews  pointed  by  King  Raoul,  adhered  faithfully  to  King 

f^?0J°;f  Louis.    He  was  a  wise  statesman,  and  a  doughty 

ftheima.     soldier ;  and  Louis  granted  important  honours  and 

privileges  to  the  Prelate,  which  rendered  him 

more  useful  as  an  ally — the  dignity  of  "  Gount  of 

Rheims," — and  the  royal  prerogative  of  coining 

money.    Some  ineffectual,  or  rather  deceptive, 

overtures  were  made  by  Herbert  to  the  Arch- 


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AND  BICHABD  SANS  PEUR.  239 

bishop,  for  the  purpose  of  negotiating  a  truce.  986-942 
The  King,  being  on  his  road  to  Burgundy,  Artal-  -  : 
dus  exerted  himself  to  make  a  diversion  in  favour  94°-°41 
of  the  royal  cause,  mustered  his  troops  and  in- 
vested Causoste  on  the  Oise,  which  place  he  cap- 
tured after  five  days'  blockade.    Rejoicing  in  the 
opportunity  of  shewing  mercy,  Artaldus  allowed 
the  garrison  to  go  free.  But  the  Castle,  he  razed 
to  the  ground.     The  Royal  party  acted  upon 
the  doctrine  that  such  strongholds  were  public 
nuisances,  and  put  them  down  accordingly. 

Herbert  was  much  provoked  by  this  achieve- 
ment. In  a  confined  field  of  action,  small  successes 
assume  a  portentous  magnitude — and,  stimulated 
by  this  mishap,  Herbert  applied  to  Hugh-le-Grand 
for  aid.  They  determined  to  attack  Rheims.   But  Hugh  and 

,  .  Herbert  of 

the  large  and  strong  City,  girt  by  her  broad  verman- 
Roman  walls,  might  offer  a  protracted  resistance ;  JgJ  * 
it  was  extremely  important  that  they  should  win 
the  post  before  Louis  could  come  up  to  relieve 
the  besieged.  For  this  purpose  additional  force 
was  required;  and  the  required  support  was 
immediately  found.  Guillaume  Longue-£p£e,  the 
humble  Liegeman  of  Louis,  vanishes;  and,  in 
the  twinkling  of  an  eye,  Guillaume  Longue-£p£e 
re-appears  on  the  stage  in  the  part  which  he  acts 
so  perfectly,  the  character  of  a  rebel. 

Without    demur    or    hesitation    Guillaume  Gnflianme 

Longue- 

Longue-epee  again  joined  the  implacable  sne-g^™£ 
mies  of  that  Sovereign  to  whom   he  had  justdeniteB- 


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240  LOUIS  D'OUTBEMER,  GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE, 

936-W2  pledged  his  solemn  oath,  swearing  to  die  in  hid 
XZXIZ^  defence.     Concurring  with  all  his  power  in  the 
94o-94i  prosecution  of  the  complot  for  effecting  the  trans- 
fer of  the  Crown  to  the  German  King;  Guillaume 
reunited  himself  to  the  Capetian  confederates. 
Treason  without  the  walls  of  Rheims  was  com- 
bined with  treachery  within :  the  Citizens  and  a 
portion  of  the  soldiery  conspired  in  favour  of  the 
Herbertines.     The  anger  of  the  loyal  or  Cathe- 
dral party  was  exalted  to  desperation  :  "  Dogs," 
"Rascals,"  "Tyrants,"  were  the  names  they  be- 
stowed upon  the  three  hostile  Commanders,  Her- 
bert, Hugh-le-Grand,  and  Guillaume  Longue-£p£e. 
Such  scolding  disclosed  their  weakness.    At 
the  expiration   of  six  days*   the  City,  divided 
against  itself,  surrendered.    Archbishop  Artaldus 
fled  into  the  Sanctuary  of  Saint  Remi;    the 
"  Dogs,"  the  "Rascals,"  the  "Tyrants,"  carried  all 
before  them.    Archbishop  Artaldus  was  urged  to 
surrender  his  Crook;  but  though  he  might  not 
care  for  the  flock,  he  adhered  to  the  pasture,  and 
demurred.     Nobles,  Knights,  Citizens,  nay,  his 
suffragan  Bishops,  all  united  in  the  same  irksome 
request;  at  length  Artaldus  was  bullied  into  a 
Archu-     compromise.    These  were  not  times  when  the 
dwPex-    "Clergy  could  very  safely  resist  such  demands. 
EuKhW.   Had  he  continued  obstinate,  his  enemies  would 

stored  to 

the  see.  scarcely  have  scrupled  to  pluck  out  his  eyes. 
Two  good  Abbeys  were  offered  as  a  compensation 
for  the  Archbishoprick,  Artaldus  gladly  took  what 


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AND  RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  241 

he  could  get ;  and,  to  the  great  satisfaction  of  930-942 
"the  Dogs,"    agreed  to  resign;    yet,  after  he  ^ZZH 
made  the  promise  he  would  neither  execute  the  9*(U^41 
deed  nor  quit  Rheims,  until  "  the  Dogs"  hunted 
him  away.     Artaldus  retired  to  the  Abbey  of 
Saint  Baseule ;  not  however  with  the  intention  of 
seeking  retirement  in  the  Cloister,  but  in  order 
that  he  might  prepare  for  making  reprisals.     He 
had  granted  the  lands  of  the  See  to  his  kinsmen, 
as  military  tenants.     These  grants  were  annul- 
led by  the  victorious  Vermandois  party,  and  the 
ousted  Knights  were  burning  for  vengeance. 

This  second  ejection  of  Artaldus  did  not  ter- 
minate the  miserable  contest,  which  was  prolonged 
during  twenty  years  more.  The  fact  is,  that 
neither  of  the  competitors  could  establish  a 
clear  and  satisfactory  right  to  the  archiepiscopal 
throne.  If  Hugh  had  a  blot  on  his  canonical  title, 
so  had  Artaldus, — of  a  different  tint  may  be,-—* 
but  just  as  dark.  However,  the  Citizens,  the 
clergy  ultimately  assenting,  claimed  Hugh— who 
had  now  outgrown  the  epithet  of  parvulus, — 
as  the  Archbishop  of  their  choice.  A  Provincial 
Council  was  held;  and  Artaldus  having  been 
solemnly  deposed  by  the  Synod,  the  Vermandois 
Primate  was  installed  in  the  dignity,  but  only  to 
await  a  reiteration  of  his  expulsion. 

§  17.    Thus  was  Rheims  lost  to  the  King,  gjgj^ 
and  the  heavy  loss  mainly  inflicted  through  Guil-  ££££  * 
laume  Longue-£p£e's  instrumentality.    Louis  was  %£%£*  to 

Laon. 
VOL.  II.  R 


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242  LOUIS  d'outremer,  guillaume  longue-epee, 

936-342  then  warring  in  Burgundy,  where  the  Loyalists 
s — - — >  gave  him  considerable  support.  Hugh-le-Noir 
W0~W1  gladly  maintained  the  Royal  cause  against  Hugh- 
le-Grand ;  nevertheless  the  Confederates  were 
improving  their  successes.  Laon  was  unpro- 
tected: thereupon  angry  Hugh-le-Grand,  wily 
Herbert,  and  flourishing  Guillaume  Longue-fepee, 
encouraged  by  the  advantages  they  had  obtained 
at  Rheims,  marched  against  the  City  of  the  rock, 
expecting  to  succeed  by  surprize  or  collusion. 
But  Laon  could  offer  stout  resistance  from  with- 
in. A  massive  tower  had  been  recently  erected 
by  Louis,  intended,  according  to  usage,  both  for 
splendour  and  protection, — a  palace  and  a  castle. 
Gerberga's  Gerberga  was  left  there  by  Louis  as  his  Lieute- 
Lfton-  nante.  When,  Duchess  of  Lorraine,  the  newly 
married  Queen  had  defended  Chevremont,  she 
acquired  good  experience  in  the  affairs  of  war. 
Emma  and  Hermengarda  and  Ogiva  had  all  sig- 
nalized their  courage  and  fidelity  at  Laon:  a 
fourth  heroine  was  now  added  to  their  number. 
The  garrison  was  ample  and  trustworthy ;  and, 
during  seven  vain  weeks,  the  Confederates  invest- 
ed and  battered  rock  and  tower. 

Had  fortune  favoured  their  enterprize,  Louis 
would  not  have  retained  any  means  of  exercising 
his  royal  authority,  otherwise  than  as  a  skir- 
misher in  the  open  field.  Like  his  father  under 
analogous  circumstances,  he  would  have  been 
virtually  dethroned.     But  the  Confederates  did 


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AND  BICHABD  SANS  PEUB.       243 

not  intend  that  his  station  should  continue  pro-  936-943 
blematical.    They  were  fully  determined  that  he  iHXZ^ 
should  lose,  not  only  the  substance,  but   even  wa~wi 
the    shadow    of   royalty ;    and  Otho,    now  at 
Pierrepont  on  the  Aisne,  near  Laon,  had  been 
inarching  up  from  Lotharingia,  for  the  purpose  otho  ad- 
of  co-operating  with  the  besiegers.  **  weof 

Louis  equally  alert,  and  fully  apprized  of  his 
danger,  was  advancing  from  Burgundy.  Arch- 
bishop Artaldus  had  joined  him,  accompanied 
by  his  host  of  hungry  kinsmen,  the  dis-beneficed 
Knights  of  Bheims.  The  numerical  strength  of 
the  forces  under  Louis  was  small ;  but  the  Con- 
federates, probably  discouraged  by  the  length  of 
the  siege,  dared  not  meet  the  brave  young  King 
and  his  eager  adherents.  Hugh  and  Herbert 
therefore  having  abandoned  their  position  before 
Laon — (let  it  be  remarked  that  nothing  is  said 
concerning  Guillaume  Longue-^pee) — marched 
in  the  dead  of  the  night  to  Pierrepont,  from 
whence  they  solemnly  escorted  the  German 
King  to  time-honoured  Attigny.  Affinity  did 
not  inspire  any  compunction  to  the  great  Otho. 
He  had  warred  implacably  against  his  brother- 
in-law,  Gilbert,  Gerberga's  first  husband;  and 
he  was  equally  ready  to  adopt  the  same  course 
with  his  brother-in-law,  Louis,  Gerberga's  second 
husband: — she  might  have  become  a  widow, 
again,  for  any  thing  that  Otho  cared.  Installed 
in  the  ancient  Palace  where  Merovingians  and 
Carlovingians  had  held  their  royal  state,  Otho 


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244  LOUIS  d'outremee,  guillaume  longue-epee, 

036-843  appeared  as  the  ruling  Monarch,  and  there,  Hugh- 
^ZIXZX  le-Grand,  Herbert  of  Vermandois,  and  Roger,  the 
940-841  displaced  Count  of  Laon,   but  now   Count  of 
Douay,   Guillaume  Longue-£p£e's  intimate,  per- 
940     formed  homage  to  the  Saxon,  again  implying  that 
J^STpS-  they  acknowledged  him  to  be  their  King.    Otho, 
otS>  at     to  whom  so  much  magnanimity  is  ascribed  by  the 
the'SSich7  traditions  of  German  history,  ought,  as  a  Sove- 
reign, to  have  been  deeply  interested  in  fostering 
the  sentiments  of  loyalty ;  but,  under  any  stress 
of  political  temptation,  Princes  and  Parliaments 
always  find  the  means  of  granting  plenary  abso- 
lution for  the  violation  of  the  very  principles 
upon  which  their  existence  depends. 
Gofflanme        §  18.  But,  where  is  Guillaume  Longue-^pee  ? 

Longue- 

*p*jde-    — We  meet  him  not  at  Attigny. — The  rotten 

fetches  him-  °    * 

the  ££fe-  net  °^  treac^ery  was  always  breaking.  When  his 
derates,  allies,  Hugh-le-Grand  and  Herbert,  and  his  con- 
fidential friend  Count  Roger,  marched  in  the  dead 
of  the  night  to  Pierrepont,  he  remained  behind, 
or  stole  away.  Had  Guillaume  become  jealous  of 
Hugh-le-Grand  ?  Hugh-le-Grand  was  a  thorough- 
blood  genuine  Frenchman ;  and  Guillaume 
Longue-£p£e  knew  that  a  Frenchman  could  not 
help  regarding  him  with  an  aversion  which  nothing 
short  of  a  moral  miracle  could  overcome. — Guil- 
laume was  always  rubbing  against  the  collar. 
.  His  constant  restlessness  under  any  promise,  oath, 
or  engagement  of  any  kind, — his  nervousness, — 
the  panic  fears  which  haunted  him, — approxi- 
mate to  symptoms  of  mental  infirmity.    Never- 


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AND  RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.       245 

theless  his  aberrations  were  systematic — always  836-34* 
circling  round  his  own  dear  self — self-preser-  ^ — ^_^ 
ration,  self-gratification,  or  self-aggrandisement ;  94°L~W1 
and  his  varied  devices  were  astutely,  if  not  wisely, 
consistently  calculated  to  answer  these  ends. 

The  Attigny  proceedings  were  very  threaten- 
ing to  Louis ;  but  his  elasticity  increased  under 
pressure.  In  the  North  of  France,  Guillaume's 
influence  was  failing;  yet  compensations  were 
obtainable  in  Burgundy;  and  Louis  well  knew 
how  to  profit  by  the  chances  of  war,  and  the  far 
more  fertile  sources  of  advantage  offered  by  the 
accommodating  consciences  of  his  adversaries. 
Count  Roger  of  Douay,  now  the  subject  of  King 
Otho,  had  stationed  himself  upon  the  Marne,  for 
the  purpose  of  intercepting  the  march  of  the 
King  whom  he  had  discarded.  Louis  defeated 
the  noble  Count  Roger  by  a  vigorous  assault :  the 
recreant  was  taken  prisoner,  and  Louis  would  have 
been  fully  justified,  had  he  thought  fit  to  gibbet 
his  captive.  But,  instead  of  displaying  severity, 
Louis  placidly  treated  Count  Roger  as  though 
he  had  made  a  mistake,  behaved  courteously  to- 
wards him,  and  received  him  into  favour;  having, 
without  doubt,  due  consideration  for  the  inti- 
macy subsisting  between  Count  Roger  and  Gull- 
laume  Lbngue-£p£e,  and  possibly  also  suspecting 
that  the  latter  was  not  unlikely  to  wheel  about, 
and  replace  himself  beneath  the  royal  standard. 

Again  the  war  was  concentrated  into  a  con- 


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246  LOUIS  d'outremer,  guillaume  longue-epee, 

m-m  test  for  the  City  of  the  Rock.  Hugh-le-Grand 
\ — * — \  and  Count  Herbert,  albeit  deprived  of  Guillaume 
940-wi  Longua^p^p'g  assistance,  summoned  their  forces 
and  advanced  towards  Laon,  doubting  whether 
they  would  be  able  to  reduce  the  Stronghold  by 
force,  yet  still  reckoning  upon  their  friends  within 
the  City.  Distinguished  partizans  were  these 
friends,  Arnoul,  Count  of  St.  Quentin  in  the  Ver- 
mandois,  and  Landric,  his  brother.  But  the 
sharpsighted  Louis  gained  information  of  the 
plot,  and  expelled  the  colluders.  The  vigilant  and 
active  King  collected  a  considerable  body  of 
troops,  and  advanced  to  the  "  Pays  Porcien."— 
Hugh-le-Grand  and  Count  Herbert  were  not  less 
vigilant  and  active.  Quitting  the  siege  of  Laon,  by 
a  sudden  movement  they  came  up  to  Louis,  sur- 
prised him,  and  dispersed  his  army.  The  King 
was  obliged  to  fly  for  his  life : — had  they  caught 
him,  we  should  now  be  writing  the  concluding 
paragraph  of  his  history.  Nevertheless,  the  Con- 
federates had  received  a  check;  and  Louis, 
having  found  a  temporary  refuge  in  the  castle 
of  Hautmond,  returned  to  Laon  and  to  Gerberga, 
nothing  daunted.  The  defeat  he  sustained  in  the 
Pays  Porcien  became  the  commencement  of  a 
more  prosperous  sera  in  his  reign. 
phSJix."  §  19-  The  potency  of  the  veneration  com- 
in?erferes2)  manded  by  St.  Peter's  Chair,  subsisting  undimi- 
EAngl  be-  nished,  despite  of  the  Supreme  Pontiff's  vices  or 
misfortunes,  is  a  secular  phenomenon  recurring 


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AND  RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.        247 

in  every  successive  aera  of  Ecclesiastical  history.  ©36-S4* 
A  memorable  example  of  this  inherent  energy  is  ^ZXZ^ 
afforded  by  Stephen,  sometimes  reckoned  as  the  W1-a** 
Eighth,  though  more  correctly  as  the  Ninth,  who 
now  filled  the  Papal  throne.  A  German  by  birth, 
an  obscure  and  mean  man,  of  whom,  previously 
to  his  Pontificate,  we  know  nothing,  though  such 
was  his  character  that  the  unanimous  suffrages  of 
the  Roman  people  elevated  him  to  the  Primacy 
of  Christendom. 

Stephen  became  very  obnoxious  to  Count 
Alberic,  and  the  other  tyrannical  Lords  of  Rome. 
They  dared  not  deprive  Stephen  of  life ;  but  the 
course  whereby  they  satisfied  their  malignity  was 
scarcely,  if  at  all,  less  atrocious  than  murder. 
Stephen  was  assaulted  by  the  congenial  retainers 
of  the  Nobles,  who  hacked  and  slashed  his  face 
most  cruelly,  his  countenance  being  rendered 
so  ghastly,  that  he  never  afterwards  appeared  in 
public,  lest  the  hideous  spectacle  should  distress 
the  beholders.  Yet,  notwithstanding  his  seclusion 
from  the  general  converse  of  mankind,  Stephen 
resolutely  exerted  all  the  functions  appertaining 
to  his  exalted  mission.  The  oppressions  he  sus- 
tained, had  in  no  wise  diminished  his  earnest- 
ness for  the  protection  of  others.  Acting  ac- 
cording to  the  principles  of  the  Church,  as  she 
enounced  in  antient  Councils,  Stephen  solemnly 
admonished  the  Princes  of  France  to  obey  their 
lawful  King,  and  sheath  the  sword.     In  France, 


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248  LOUIS  d'outremer,  quillaume  longue-epee, 

086-^49  the  sentence  was  duly  promulgated  by  the  Papal 
^ZZXZX  Legate,  certainly  encreasing  the  moral  strength 
W1~~wa  of  the  royal  cause :  falterers  were  confirmed  in 
their  allegiance ;  and  the  open  declaration  of  a 
right  principle  never  fails  to  produce  some  good, 
however  faintly  and  tardily  evolved, 
contbna-        §  20.    Hubert  was  bent  upon  continuing  his 
insSiSL?16  rough  wooing  of  Laon :  but  Guillaume  Longue- 
wT^na-^p6e's  absence  seems  to  have  perplexed  him, 
LoSpie-    therefore  he  and  Duke  Hugh  again  beleaguered 
<£*  uTS?  the  City,  probably  retaining  the  lingering  hope 
that  some  secret  well-wisher  would  turn  the  key 
from  within.    Queen  Gerberga  continued  at  Laon, 
as  the  only  place  where  she  could  be  protected. 
Expectations  were  entertained  that  she  would 
become  a  mother.     Hugh  and  Herbert  suddenly 
raised  the  siege.     Gerberga  may  possibly  have 
thanked  them  in  her  heart,  supposing  that  com- 
miseration for  a   poor  burthened  woman  had 
induced  the  compassionate  warriors  to  desist ; — 
but  no  such  chivalry :  they  repaired  to  Guillaume 
Longue-£p£e,   and    then   returned  and  recom- 
menced hostilities. 

Louis,  adapting  himself  to  circumstances, 
shifted  his  ground,  and  encountered  his  adver- 
saries with  their  own  weapons,  exploding  their 
mine  by  a  countermine.  Guillaume  Longue- 
^pde  could  not  be  trusted  by  any  party,  and  yet 
no  party  could  venture  to  neglect  Guillaume- 
Longue-epee.   Twice  within  the  brief  period  since 


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AND  RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.       249 

the  accession  of  Louis,  had  the  Duke  of  Normandy  936-942 

betrayed  his   lawful  Sovereign,  and  twice  the  \ — l -, 

Capetians,  and  now,  for  the  third  time,  making  94l-94a 
the  fifth  in  this  class  of  defections,  did  the  pitiable 
son  of  Hollo  prepare  again  to  desert  his  confede-r 
rates.  A  series  of  transactions  ensued,  of  which 
the  results  are  very  patent,  though  the  course  of 
events  is  involved  in  extreme  obscurity.  Nego-  intngu* 
tiations  and  intrigues  ensued  which  never  were  !*um* 

°  Longue- 

revealed: — kept  so  close  that  not  a  syllable  of^e- 
them  is  recorded ; — and  their  purport  can  only  be 
surmised  from  the  actions  of  the  principal  per- 
sonages. These,  imperfectly  observed,  inaccu- 
rately related  from  memory,  or  casually  and  mea- 
grely noted  down  on  the  tablets  of  contempora- 
ries who  participated  in  the  troubles,  defy  all 
attempts  to  reduce  them  into  a  consistent  narra- 
tive. I  am  not  aware  of  any  portion  of  mediaeval 
history  which,  being  fairly  within  ken,  offers  equal 
perplexities;  and  the  difficulty  of  treating  the 
subject  is  increased  by  the  absence  of  any  intel- 
ligible principle;  except  so  far,  that,  setting  aside 
every  other  consideration,  each  consulted  his  own 
interest :  and  Guillaume  Longue-epee,  quietly  and 
slily  drawing  away  from  his  own  friends,  became 
a  recognized  adherent  of  the  King. 

§  21.    The  Capetians  finally  abandoned  their      941 
attempts  upon  Laon,  and  Gerberga  being  happily  ^hah-e, 
left  in  tranquillity,  a  male  child  was  born  to  her  K£2Sg 
as  the  wife  of  Louis,  the  event  most  desirable  for  G0rber»a- 


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250  LOUIS  d'outremer,  guillaumelongue-epee, 

936-943  sustaining  the  moral  influence  of  the  Crown. 
^ZXZX  When  Louis  returned  from  beyond  the  sea  he  was 
941-942  ^  oniy  recognized  representative  of  the  Carlo- 
vingian  line.  In  his  person,  had  he  died  without 
issue,  the  lineage  of  Louis-le-debonnaire  would 
have  become  extinct.  Nor  would  there  have  been 
any  individual  who  could  assert  any  claim  to  the 
throne  by  right  of  Carlovingian  blood,  unless  the 
Vermandois  family,  the  representatives  of  Pepin 
King  of  Lombardy,  had  been  rehabilitated  in  the 
national  opinion  as  the  descendants  of  the  great 
Emperor.  It  is  not  improbable  but  that  Herbert 
calculated  upon  the  chances  which  the  demise  of 
Louis  without  an  heir  might  afford.  Nay,  even 
more.  What  if  Hugh-le-Grand,  the  representative 
of  King  Robert,  were,  in  such  a  contingency,  to 
assert  that  the  reasonings  which,  erewhile,  re- 
strained him  from  accepting  the  Crown  upon  the 
demise  of  RaouL,  were  no  longer  applicable  to 
the  exigences  of  the  State,  and  that  he  was  free 
to  ascend  the  throne  ? 

The  boundary  deduced  from  the  principle  of 
political  necessity  is  of  indefinite  vastness;  and 
Hugh-le-Grand  might  have  argued  with  convinc- 
ing plausibility,  that  the  claim  of  blinded  Ber- 
nard's lineage,  the  Lombard  line,  had  been  abso- 
lutely foreclosed,  and  that  the  Kingdom  was 
therefore  thrown  open  to  any  new  man  or  new 
family.  Thus,  without  contradicting  the  spirit 
of  his  former  professions,  he  might  accept  the  oftr 


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AND  BICHABD  SANS  PEUB.       251 

proffered  diadem ;  but  all  speculations  grounded  986-942 
upon  the  repudiation  or  extinction  of  the  "  throne-  ,— + — > 
'worthy"  Carlovingian  race,  were,  by  the  Queen's  W1~942 
fruitfiilness,   postponed   indefinitely.      Gerberga 
was  now  happily  delivered  of  a  son,  her  first 
child  by  her  second  marriage:  two  others  fol- 
lowed duly  and  regularly ;  and,  as  far  as  human 
prescience  could  extend,  there  was  good  reason 
to  expect  the  perpetuation  of  the  Carlovingian 
dynasty. 

Louis,  however,  was  labouring  under  heavy  Guiiianme 

Longne- 

perplexities.  Enemies  were  continually  pressing  *p<fe  *sked 
upon  him:  his  best  chance  of  raising  up  any gjjjjjjj^ 
efficient  opposition  to  Hugh-le-Grand  and  crafty 
Herbert  was  through  Guillaume  Longue-£pe£. 
It  was  now  understood  that  the  Duke  of  Nor- 
mandy was  well  disposed  to  re-invest  himself 
with  the  Courtier's  garb,  and  re-enter  the  royal 
presence-chamber ;  and  Louis,  postponing  affront 
and  indignation,  was  no  less  willing  to  receive 
him.  Taking  advantage  of  the  late  joyful  oc- 
currence, he  entreated  Guillaume  Longue-ep6e  to 
become  the  sponsor  of  the  royal  infant.  The  offer 
was  exceedingly  gratifying  to  Guillaume's  vanity : 
he  accepted  the  honour,  and  repaired  forthwith 
to  Laon. 

Much  renown  did  gentle  Guillaume  Longue- 

£p£e  earn  by  his  courtesy  towards  the  Lady  Queen. 

As  Godfather,  he  presented  the  child  at  the  font. 

The  name  of  "Lothaire,"  a  reminiscence  of  the  old 


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252  LOUIS  d'outbemeb,  guillaume  longue-epee, 

936-842  time,  was  revived  in  that  infant,  the  last  but  one  of 
IZHZ^  the  Carlovingian  dynasty.  More  pointedly  import- 
W1"W2  ant  than  Guillaume's  pleasant  demeanour,  were 
the  unsolicited  promises  which,  upon  this  occasion, 
he  made  to  the  King.  He  declared,  with  earnest 
humility,  that  he  submitted  to  Louis  as  a  Monarch 
possessing  the  throne  by  hereditary,  and  there* 
fore  indefeasible  right,  wearing  the  crown  which 
had  descended  from  generation  to  generation. 
Guillaume  Longue-£p£e  would  humbly  obey  his 
anointed  Suzerain  in  all  things,  aid  him  against 
every  rebel,  defend  every  one  whom  Louis  be- 
friended, and  be  the  foe  of  every  one  whom  Louis 
would  mark  out  as  an  enemy. 

These  outpourings  could  not  pass  unnoticed  by 
his  insurgent  associates  of  yesterday.    How  could 
Hugh-le-Grand  and  Herbert  of  Vermandois  relish 
such  a  manifestation  ?  Would  he  go  against  them 
in  right  earnest,  or  how? — The  marauding  "Cap- 
tain of  the  Pirates  "  was  distrusted  and  scorned 
by  the  French,  this  apostate  loyalty  would  render 
him  more  contemptible  than  before.    But  though 
Guillaume  might  suspect  these  feelings,  he  did 
941     not  heed  them.     His  return  from  Laon  to  Rouen 
Loi^e™6  was  a  continued  triumph :  the  Normans  rejoiced 
fcSum*Phant  enthusiastically  in  the  station  which  their  Duke 
SoSn.11*0  had  attained :  women  and  children  crowded  the 
battlements  as  he  advanced  towards  the  Porte 
Beauvoisine :   the  Clergy  came  forth  with  psalm 
and  song. 


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AND  RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.       253 

§  22.    Louis  made  a  prudent  selection  when  986-8*2 
he  appointed  Roger,  Count  of  Douay,  now  Count  v~^ 
of  Laon9  as  his  representative  at  the  Norman  9ti-^*a 
Court;  nor  did  the  unexpected  death  of  the 
Envoy  interrupt  the  progress  of  the  new  alli- 
ance, through  which  the  Carlovingian  Monarch 
sought  to  check  the  developement  of  the  Cape* 
tian  Dynasty. 

Could  Louis  secure  the  Duchy  of  Normandy, 
the  Duchy  of  France  would  be  fully  counterpoised 
in  the  balance  of  power.  Hitherto,  the  Terra 
Normannorum  had  been  only  imperfectly  con- 
nected with  the  French  Monarchy.  The  idea 
of  the  Duchy  was  not  distinctly  conceived.  Louis 
was  strange  to  the  populations  beyond  the  Epte; 
they  hardly  knew  him  as  their  King;  and  he 
therefore  discreetly  practised  upon  Guillaume's 
hospitality  for  the  purpose  of  familiarizing  them 
with  his  presence,  and  making  them  realize  his 
Royal  supremacy — seeing  is  believing. — Since  the 
occupation  of  ancient  Rothomagus  by  the  Danes, 
no  King  of  France,  whether  Carlovingian,  or  Bur- 
gundian,  or  Capetian,  neither  a  Charles-le-Simple, 
nor  a  Raoul,  nor  a  Robert,  had  dared  to  present 
himself  before  her  towers  as  an  enemy,  or  to 

dwell  within  her  walls  as  a  friend.   Either  course,  „   943 

Low  en- 
hazardous:  a  hostile  King  might  be  sorely  dis-*™£™«n» 

comfited,  a  confiding  King,  betrayed.    But  Louis  nZfhZ* 

would  not  display  fear;  and,  accepting  Guillaume 1 

Longue-epee's  invitation,  he  made,  as  Sovereign, 

his  joy euse  entrSe.    Louis  was  cordially  and  ho- 


k  noun. 


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254  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER,  GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE, 

986-942  nourably  received — If  it  encreased  his  influence 
:       that  the  Northmen  should  learn  to  recognize  the 

wi-942  individuality  of  the  Sovereign,  equally  calculated 
to  advance  his  interests  was  the  instruction  he 
acquired  by  becoming  personally  acquainted  with 
Rouen  and  the  defences  of  Rouen,  the  breadth 
of  her  portals,  the  height  of  her  ramparts,  the 
ways  within  and  the  accesses  without,  the  streets 
and  the  roads,  the  meads  where  troops  might 
encamp,  the  surrounding  hamlets  where  they 
might  be  covered,  or  the  defiles  through  which 
they  must  pass. — But  far  more  than  the  de- 
fences,— the  Defenders  of  Rouen* — Here  Louis 
for  the  first  time  sttw  the  countenances  of  the 
antient  warriors — the  last  connecting  links  be- 
tween the  age  of  the  pagan  Rollo  and  his  own,— 
Oslac  and  courteous  Botho,  and  Bernard  the  Dane. 
A  wary  general,  Louis  in  Normandy  might  also 
glean  information  concerning  the  military  strength 
of  Guillaume's  proud  dominion,  whilst  Louis  the 
statesman,  mixing  freely  and  condescendingly  with 
Guillaume's  Counsellors  and  Vassals,  and  not  dis- 
daining the  converse  of  the  Burgher,  or  even 
the  Villain,  would  obtain  some  insight  into  the 
factions  and  parties  whose  discontents  and  an- 
tagonisms cankered  Guillaume's  power. 

Guillaume  was  striving  to  vindicate  the  cha- 
racter of  his  refashioned  loyalty,  working  stre- 
nuously for  the  purpose  of  restoring  the  King's 
authority  amongst  the  neighbouring  Princes. 
Here  through  Guillaume's  exertions  was  Louis 


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AND  RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.       255 

greeted  by  his  brother-in-law  the  vigorous  and  936-942 
prosperous  Guillaume  T6te-d'£toupe,  and  Alain  ZZXZ^ 
Barbetorte  the  Breton,  the  descendant  of  the,?*1""*43 

Barbetorte 

antient  Kings,  both  of  whom,  yielding  to  Guil-  *?* T6te- 
laume's  influence,  proffered  their  military  service,  gjjj?^1" 
It  should  seem  that  TSte-detoupe  had  refused  J£V° 
to  acknowledge  Louis:   his  present  recognition 
ri vetted  Aquitaine  to  the  Monarchy :  whilst  the 
promises  made  by  Barbetorte,  and  in  which  Juhel 
Berenger  and  the  other  Breton  Chieftains  joined, 
would,  without  releasing  the  immediate  depen- 
dence of  Britanny  upon  Normandy,  render  them 
more  cordial  in  co-operating  for  Louis  under 
Guillaume  Longue-£p£e,  should  occasion  arise. 

As  by  these  transactions  Guillaume  Longue- 
£p£e  had  determinately  proclaimed  himself  the 
prime  adherent  of  King  Louis,  so  were  Hugh- 
le-Grand  and  Herbert  of  Vermandois  driven 
closer  to  Otho ;  supporting  his  cause  with  rival 
energy :  and  with  them  he  retreated  into  Lotha- 
ringia.  Further  motions  were  made  by  Louis 
for  a  pacification :  and  in  the  course  of  these 
proceedings  we  have  an  account — so  blurred 
however  by  the  narrator  that  we  cannot  attempt 
to  bring  it  into  shape, — exhibiting  Guillaume 
Longue-£p&  as  having  repaired  to  Lorraine  when 
seeking  an  interview  with  the  German  King.  The 
affection  between  Gerberga  and  her  brother 
revived  —  Otho  had  enriched  his  nephew  and 
namesake,  her  son  by  Gilbert,  with  Gilbert's 


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256  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER,  GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE, 

936-942  Duchy,  acknowledging  him  as  his  father's  heir. 
, — - — »  Louis  on  his  part  was  well  disposed  to  be  recon- 
941-942  cjje(j  w^  Yii8  brother-in-law;  but,  towards  Hugh- 
le-Grand  and  Herbert  of  Vermandois  he  con- 
ducted himself  austerely:    he  neither  courted 
them  nor  evinced  any  dread  of  their  power :  yet 
was  willing  to  make  peace. 
September,     At  length,  through  the  intervention  of  GuiUaume 
Negotii-    Longue-£p£e,  a  conference  ensued  on  the  banks 
tween       0f  the  Oise.    Louis  and  Guillaume  Longue-£p£e 

Louis  and  °  * 

otho.  marched  thither,  supported  by  the  Poitevins  and 
the  Bretons:  encamping  upon  the  Southern  bank: 
Herbert,  Hugh,  and  young  Otho,  the  new  Duke 
of  Lotharingia,  took  their  station  on  the  opposite 
shore.  They  arrived  first,  for  such  were  the  mu- 
tual suspicions  entertained  by  these  kinsmen,  that 
Ring  Otho  and  the  Confederates  had  advanced 
by  forced  marches  for  the  purpose  of  taking 
precautions  against  surprize :  they  broke  down 
all  the  bridges,  and  cleared  away  the  craft  from 
the  river,  leaving  only  two  small  boats,  in  which 
the  parties  crossed  during  the  negotiations.  A 
truce  having  been  concluded,  Louis  frankly  and 
heartily  proceeded  to  King  Otho  in  Lorraine, 
a  brother-in-law  seeking  a  brother-in-law's  love 
and  friendship.  Otho  laboured  hard  to  effect 
a  reconciliation  between  Louis  and  his  other 
brother-in-law  the  stubborn  Hugh-le-Grand,  and 
succeeded ;  Herbert  of  Vermandois  was  included 
in  the  pacification.      He  and  his  son  Herbert 


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AND  RICHARD  SANS  PEUB.       257 

(afterwards  Count  of  Troyes)  became  the  King's  m-wa 
homagers,  and  the  affairs  of  the  Archbishoprick  <- — * — > 
of  Rheims,  having,  for  the  present,  been  com-  941~042 
promised,  Louis  returned  to  Gerberga  at  Laon. 

§  23.  Supreme  Judge,  sole  Legislator,  Guil-  G*ni«ime 
laume  Longue-epee  was  born  to  absolute  Sove-  JsJi^lo?* 
reignty.  His  was  the  Law,  His  was  the  State,  552mfc. 
His  was  the  Church,  the  field  of  despotism  en- 
tirely open  before  him.  No  oral  law  placed  him 
in  subjection  to  the  Shades  of  his  ancestors.  No 
Code,  no  Doom-book  existed,  whose  precepts 
bridled  his  caprice  or  regulated  his  discretion. 
"Antient  customs/'  "paternal  customs,"  are 
vaguely  noticed  in  the  earliest  chapters  of  Nor- 
man history,  but  the  Danes  in  Neustria  never 
endured  under  Danish  Chieftainship  as  a  settled 
and  unmixed  population,  sufficiently  compact  and 
sufficiently  permanent  to  maintain  their  national 
jurisprudence,  which  therefore  universally  melted 
away.  No  form  of  procedure,  no  technical  term 
bearing  any  tangible  stamp  of  Scandinavian  origin, 
can  be  discovered  in  any  of  the  extant  or  sub- 
sisting muniments.  A  few  traditional  usages  may 
have  lingered  during  the  first  three  generations, 
— though  none  are  recollected — and  if,  by  possi- 
bility, any  of  the  antient  Scandinavian  popular 
Courts  or  tribunals  were  introduced,  a  fact  of  which 
however  we  have  not  the  slightest  evidence, — 
it  is  certain  that  none  survived.  The  Patrician, 
the  Duke,  the  Sovereign,  sat  in  isolated  dignity. 

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258  LOUIS  d'outremer,  guillaume  longue-epee, 

98&-W2  jfo  Baronage   surrounded  his  curule  chair,  no 
4 — ■ — >  Clerk  sat  at  his  feet.     He   spake  the  law,  he 
gave  the  law,  he  made  the  law,  he  executed  the 
law. — The  decree  was  the  Deemster's  "Breast- 
law/'  the  outspeech  of  his  mind, 
subjoin-         From  any  ecclesiastical  restraint  the  Duke 
church*?  was  entirely  exempted.    The  Church  had  lost  all 
authority."  control,  maimed,  stricken,  and  dumb.    Between 
the  establishment    of  Rollo's   domination   and 
William  the  Bastard's  accession,  no  ecclesiastical 
Council  was  summoned,  no  Synod  was  convened. 
The  Duke  appointed  the  Bishops  by  his  unchal- 
lenged and  independent  authority :  they  were  his 
creatures  in  the  strictest  sense  of  the  odious 
term.    Those  whom  he  chose  those  he  made,  the 
Papal  supremacy,  the  Canon-laws,  the  qualifica- 
tions of  the  parties  all  equally  disregarded.    In 
the  Crown  of  the  "Holy  Roman  Empire"  the  mitre 
is  seen  implanted  in  the  Diadem.    But  the  Duke 
of  Normandy  fused  mitre  and  helmet  into  one. 

In  the  Secular  State,  the  Duke's  regaline  pre- 
rogative was  equally  surpassing.  He  could  not 
be  extravagant,  for  he  knew  no  bounds. — Years 
ago,  did  I  commence  these  enquiries,  entertaining 
the  firm  belief  that  the  germs  of  our  English 
constitution  could  assuredly  be  recovered  in 
antient  Normandy — the  Normandy  which  de- 
scended to  the  Conqueror  —  the  Normandy  of 
Robert  le  Magnifique,  the  Normandy  of  Richard 
le  Bon,  the  Normandy  of  Richard  Sans-peur,  the 


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AND  RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.       259 

.Normandy  of  Guillaume  Longue-^p£e,  the  Terra  936-9*2 

Normannorum  of  Rollo.    There  were  grave  au*-  \ ^—^ 

thorities  dictating  this  opinion  to  me,  and  I  w-94* 
searched  the  historians  and  the  scanty  memorials 
of  Norman  policy  and  jurisprudence  for  proofs  in 
favour  of  an  opinion  which  I  could  not  reject 
without  reluctance,  but  I  have  found  none.    At  no 
period  after  the  first  developement  of  the  Duchy, 
until  it  had  been  reunited  to  the  Crown  of 
France,  can  we  discern  any  Courts  or  Conven- 
tions of  prelates  and  nobles,  equivalent  to  the 
great  Councils,  States  general,  or  Parliaments 
of  subsequent  times.     Nor  do  we  behold  any  of 
those  institutions,  which,  encreasing  the  Sove- 
reign's dignity,  participated  in  the  exercise  of 
political  power. 

Nevertheless,  the  wise,  firm,  and  equitable 
administration  of  remedial  justice,  resulting  from 
Guillaume  Longue-£p£e's  personal  vigilance  and 
talent,  constitutes  the  crowning  honour  of  his 
reign.  In  the  exercise  of  the  exorbitant  power 
which  he  possessed,  he  was  exposed  to  grievous 
temptations,  but  he  escaped  them.  —  The  due 
administration  of  the  Law  depended  upon  his 
vigour  and  integrity.  He  redeemed  the  responsi- 
bility cast  upon  him.  He  fully  performed  this 
duty,  nor,  towards  his  subjects — save  and  except 
under  the  exigencies  of  the  Riulph  rebellion — can 
any  injustice,  wrong,  or  oppression,  be  surmised. 

So  far  well— but  Guillaume's  judicial  rectitude 

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260  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER,  GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE, 

«36_942  was  not  the  result  and  reward  of  righteousness ; 
]  !  \  he  simply  followed  the  natural  impulse  of  his 
941-*43  mind.     He  did  not  dwell  in  the  Habitation  of 

Guilhiume 

Longue-    Justice.  Certainly,  he  observed  Justice,  but  neither 

e*pe"e,  hii  -     * 

defiaency  in  wor<l  n0r  in  deed,  neither  by  example  nor 

of  religious  »  * 

principle,  precept,  did  he  keep  the  way  of  life.  When  it 
pleased  his  phantasy,  Guillaume  Longue-epee 
adorned  himself  with  godliness  as  a  garland, 
though  he  scorned  submission  to  righteousness 
as  a  girdle  for  his  loins.  Whether  his  union  with 
Espriota  be  honoured  as  lawful  wedlock  or  stig- 
matised as  concubinage,  his  conduct  in  taking 
her,  or  his  conduct  in  casting  her  off,  testified, 
but  too  notoriously,  how  stubbornly  he  disre- 
garded the  voice  of  conscience,  and  spurned  the 
dictates  of  Christianity,  whenever  conscience  or 
Christianity  opposed  any  obstacles  to  the  indul- 
gence of  his  passions  or  the  promotion  of  his  in- 
terests.— He  loved  the  false  oath,  the  thing  hated 
of  the  Lord :  untruth  was  his  sport :  he  brought 
disgrace  upon  Religion  by  shamelessly  manifest- 
ing, that  no  binding  force  was  imparted  by  her 
precepts  to  his  covenants  with  man. 
Mddem-  Bounteous  before  the  world,  profusely  splendid 
th?No£  *n  *^e  delights  of  peace  and  the  glories  of  war, 
church,  showering  gifts  and  guerdons  upon  courtiers, 
soldiers,  friends,  Guillaume's  munificence  had  been 
wholly  withheld  from  the  Church.  Establishments, 
buildings,  decency,  discipline,  were  all  dilapidated, 
neglected,   and  despised.     Roughness  and  pro- 


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AND  RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.       261 

fligacy  prevailed  universally  amongst  clerks  and  9m-jh* 

laity : — the  clergy,  the  very  dregs  of  their  order,  \ L-^ 

— and  Guillaume  encouraged  them  in  their  evil  941-942 
courses,  by  the  favour  he  manifested  to  the  cri- 
minals.   Hugh,  the  Monk  of  St.  Denis,  a  man  of 
illustrious  descent,  upon  whom  he  bestowed  the 
Primatial  dignity  of  Rouen — possibly  at  the  in- 
stance of  the  illustrious  Count- Abbot,  Hugh-le- 
Grand — was  a  prodigy  of  incontinence  and  rapa- 
city. All  the  schools  of  piety,  of  discipline,  and  of 
learning,  had  been  deleted  from  the  face  of  the . 
country.    When  Jarl  Oskar  first  sailed  up  thenestnic- 
brimful  Seme,  more  than  sixty  antient  monas-  n«tic  «*ta- 

blishments, 

teries  and  other  religious  foundations  still  con-g^JJMjji 
tinued  to  flourish  in  the  Province.    All  were  de-  Jj^jg^. 
stroyed,  not  one  survived  the  landing   of  the  *f£  ££ 
Northmen  upon  the  Neustrian  shores,  nor  were regtowd- 
any  of  the  Merovingian  or  Carlovingian  foun- 
dations ever  resuscitated,  save  and  except  the 
following: — first,  Saint  Ouen,  nigh  Rouen;  second, 
Saint  Vandrille,   or  Fontenelle  by  the  Seine; 
third,   Saint  Vigor  or  Cerisy  in    the    Bessin; 
fourth,   Saint  Taurin  at   Evreux;    fifth,   Saint 
Martin  of  Se&z ;  sixth,  Saint  Michael  in  peri- 
culo  Maris;  seventh,  Fecamp,  no  thanks  how- 
ever due  for  this  to  Guillaume;  —  and,  eighth 
and  last,  renowned  Jumi&ges, — all  these  eight, 
when  Guillaume  Longue-£p£e  succeeded  to  his 
Sire's  authority  were  wrecks  and  ruins.   Deserted 
and  forgotten,  except  perhaps  by  a  few  obscure 


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262  LOUIS  d'outeemer,  guillaume  longue-epee, 

086-M9  good  men  who  endeavoured  to  preserve  some  faint 
^L_  memorial  of  pristine  devotion,  a  recluse  whis- 
941-042  pering  lus  solitary  mass  within  the  half-roofed 
chapel,  or  a  meagre,  ghost-like  priest,  flitting 
around  the  shattered  walls.    Nor  were  any  of 
these  foundations,  Jumi&ges  alone  excepted,  re- 
newed or  revived  until  better  times. 
Absolute         Liberality,    extended  towards  the    Church, 

need  of  * 

estriftb  cannot  in  any  wise  be  implicitly  accepted  as  an 
<tarin*g  the  indubitable  test  of  holy  zeal,  sincere  contrition 
j£™  or  heart-felt  piety,  nevertheless  we  may  be 
assured,  that,  during  the  mediaeval  period,  no 
one  who,  having  the  worldly  means,  neglected 
the  support  of  monastic  establishments  could  be 
truly  and  sagaciously  zealous,  contrite  or  pious. 
The  Cloister  contained  the  most  efficient  organi- 
zation through  which  man  could  display  good- 
will towards  men.  Monasteries  were  not  excres- 
cences implanted  on  the  ecclesiastical  system,  but 
vital  organs,  the  needs  of  man's  body  and  soul 
required  them.  A  Community  could  alone  keep 
up  the  perennial  strain  of  prayer  and  praise, 
instruct  the  ignorant,  indoctrinate  the  Teachers 
of  the  truth  and  the  Preachers  of  the  Gospel. 
It  was  only  by  employing  the  Monastery  that  you 
could  ensure — so  far  as  human  prescience  can 
affect  the  future — the  steady  and  permanent  dis- 
pensation of  eleemosynary  charity.  No  house  was 
there  save  the  House  of  religion,  where  the  way- 
farer would  be  sure  to  find  a  welcome,  where  the 


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AND  RICHABD  SANS  PEUB.       263 

couch  was  always  spread  for  the  sick,  the  meat  and  we-w* 
drink  ready  for  the  poor.  Not  merely  did  practical  ^ — i— -, 
faith  dictate  these  foundations,  hut  they  were  also  9iXw^i2 
popular  in  the  hest  sense,  the  lawful  means  of 
winning  golden  opinions  of  society.  Examples 
of  beneficence  towards  the  Church  abounded 
in  the  Christian  Community.  Peculiarly  excel- 
ling in  this  noble  quality  was  Guillaume's  friend, 
the  glorious  Athelstane.  Civil  and  temporal  legis- 
lation co-operated  with  the  generally  prevailing 
sentiments  of  the  age  in  encouraging  all  men  to 
give  plenteously;  nor  had  the  miserable  period 
arrived,  when,  as  we  may  now  deplore  in  a  Realm 
where  Christianity  is  ostentatiously  proclaimed  to 
be  the  law  of  the  land,  every  obstacle  is  imposed 
which  the  perverse  ingenuity  of  a  jealous  Senate 
can  cogitate,  in  order  to  deny  to  him  who  is  rich, 
the  privilege  of  laying  up  for  himself  a  store 
against  the  time  to  come,  by  bestowing  that  wealth 
so  emphatically  denominated  "real,"  in  promoting 
the  honour  and  glory  of  God ;  allowing  the  Sinner 
at  the  same  time  the  fullest  license  to  bequeath 
his  lands  and  possessions  to  the  World,  the  Flesh, 
and  the  Devil. 

The  stintedness  of  Guillaume  Longue-^p^e 
was  therefore  completely  inexcusable.  Precept, 
policy,  example,  concurred  in  condemning  him. — 
The  ample  substance  which  had  been  granted  to 
him,  was  absorbed  by  his  pomps  and  his  pleasures; 
and  the  mean,  little,  paltry,  hovel  church  which, 


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Desolation 
of  Jumi 


264  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER,  GU1LLAUME  L6NGUE-EPEE, 

936-942  at  Fecamp,  he  had  erected  with  the  spare  rub- 
. — « — >  bish  cast  aside  by  the  builders,  was  the  visible 
941—9*2  gynjjjoj  0f  tjje  course  he  pursued. 

Roiio's  do-       §  24.    The  donations  made  by  Rollo,  when  he 

nations  to  J  ^  7 

O^mT*1  wore  *^e  ne°phyte's  white  chrismal  vestment,  are 

want7f for  elaborately  specified  by  his  biographers.  Rollo 
unquestionably  intended  to  give,  but  verbal  do- 
nations, were  merely  words,  unless  accompanied  by 
actual  seizin;  nor  does  it  appear  that  Hollo's  do- 
nations received  this  indispensable  complement, 
for  Junii&ges,  though  particularly  pointed  out 
as  an  object  of  Rollo's  liberality,  had  ceased, 
when  Guillaume  Longue-epee  ruled,  to  exist  as 
Br  Community.    The  pleasant  country,  so  dili- 

hgWt  gently  cultivated  by  the  Monk*  previously  to 
the  Danish  devastations,  was  now  a  forest :  here 
and  there,  on  the  borders,  you  might  glance  at 
a  patch  of  arable  tilled  by  the  remaining  allodial 
rustics,  but  elsewhere,  desert.  Saint  Himeltruda, 
however,  was  recollected  in  her  native  Flanders ; 
the  devout  could  tell  you  where  her  neglected 
relics  rested  undisturbed,  and  two  Anchorites 
from  the  Cambresis,  Baldwin  and  Gondouin,  re- 
paired to  the  Oratory  which  contained  her  Shrine. 

ra*nses°of  They  delved  and  dug,  and  hacked  and  hewed ; 

who,  iT    trees  fell,  and  turves  were  raised;  they  worked 

Himekrn-  most  sturdily;  beginning  their  clearances  on  some 

there.       small  spots  of  ground. 

Guillaume  Longue-&p£e  hunted  in  all  direc- 
tions, far  and  wide;  but  Jumi&ges'  forest  he 


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AND  RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.       265 

had  not  yet  explored.  Coursing  through  and  over  9se-942 
hush  and  glade,  he  ran  upon  the  two  old  labourers.  ^IXZC 
Whence  came  they?  and  what  were  they  busied  m~m 
about?  Guillaume  Longue-£p£e,  so  benignly  gen-  GnQianme 
tie  in  the  Lady's  bower,  was  in  a  vexed  mood:  *&$*** 

rudeness  to 

the  sight  of  the  monks  made  him  angry :  their  *»  »<»*•• 
poverty  did  not  excite  any  commiseration ;  nay,  a 
better-minded  Sportsman  than  he,  could  scarcely 
have  failed  to  be  rather  provoked  by  the  progress 
the  trespassers  had  made,  in  disturbing  the  co- 
verts of  the  game.  Baldwin  and  Gondouin  bowed 
to  the  Duke,  meekly  saluting  him,  and  humbly 
inviting  him  to  partake  of  their  fare,  all  they 
had  they  offered  him,  coarse  barley  bread  and 
water.  He  refused  the  monks  rudely,  spurning 
them  away. — The  Huntsman's  ardent  passion 
quenched  the  Huntsman's  languishing  devotion : 
Rider,  dogs,  and  horse,  started  and  darted  off,  giving 
chase  to  a  magnificent  wild  boar.  The  unfortunate 
animal  turned  fiercely  against  his  brute  persecu- 
tors, quadruped  and  biped,  dogs,  horse,  and  Rider : 
Guillaume  Longue-£p£e's  javelin  broke  short;  and 
the  boar,  rushing  upon  his  chief  enemies,  steed 

and  Cavalier,  threw  them  to  the  ground. Grim 

personages  did  the  faint  Guillaume  Longue-ep4e  Kindness 
behold  by  the  side  of  his  pallet-bed,  when  he  when  in 

*  .  danger  of 

recovered  from  his  swoon  and  opened  his  eyes.  **&- 
The  tending  Recluses  had  stanched  the  blood, 
bandaged  the  bruises,  perhaps  saved  his  life. 
Their  humane  assiduity,  and  the  recollectioi} 


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266  LOUIS  d'outbemer>  guillaume  longue-epee, 

mo-ms  of  his  danger,  excited  contrition:  he  repented 

\ l_  him  of  his  great  harshness  and  vehement  anger,  a 

t*0-*41  thank-offering  was  due,  and  he  determined  to 
restore  the  Monastery,  of  which  some  walls  were 
standing, — white  stone  fragments,  as  they  now 
Guniaume  are  seen — brilliant  amongst  the  green  groves: 
f^ndTju-  *^e  ^hoir  was  ro°fed  anew,  and  the  requisite 
"n^fSau*  claustKd  buildings,  refectory,  dormitory  and  cells, 
icale-        erected,  repaired,  or  rendered  habitable  in  a  small 
way.   But  the  empty  structure  was  lifeless :  fitting 
inmates  must  be  found.    The  traditions  of  Saint 
Benedict  were  wholly  extinguished  in  Normandy ; 
and  Guillaume  Longue-£p£e  had  no  means  of  re- 
viving Saint  Philibert's  Sanctuary,  otherwise  than 
by  introducing  a  Colony  from  some  more  favoured 
region.    The  Diocese  of  Poitou  had  been  compa- 
ratively spared:  religion  flourished  at  Poitiers; 
and  Guillaume  turned  to  Adela,  that  pious  sister. 
Saint  Cyprian's  monastery  was  celebrated  for 
sound  discipline;  and  the  Adela  persuaded  the 
Superior  of  that  House,  the  venerable  Martin, 
to  undertake  the  duty  her  Brother  required. 
Martin  of  Twelve  Monks,  Martin  at  their  head,  went  forth 

Poitiers  the  , 

first  Abbot,  from  Poitiers  to  Jumidges.  Martin,  well-spoken 
and  wise,  became  the  first  Abbot  of  the  new 
series  of  Prelates ;  and  Guillaume  Longue~£p£e 
purchased,  at  a  cheap  rate,  the  honour  of  being 
commemorated  as  the  Founder. 

A  good  scholar  was  Martin;  knowing  somewhat 
of  Greek,  he  had  studied  Dionysius  the  Areo- 


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AND  RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.       267 

pagite,  and  the  worthy  man  evidently  prided  aae-wa 
himself  upon  his  accomplishments.     Moreover  ^~^ 
the  Abbot  was  a  deep  and  erudite  Theologian,  940-®tt 
delighting  in  mystic  contemplation  ;    and  yet 
therewithal  clear-headed  and  practical,  a  sage 
counsellor  in  the  ways  of  the  world.    Guillaume 
Longue-ep£e  took  pleasure  in  his  conversation, 
and,  not  unfrequently,  resorted  to  Jumi&ges  for 
the  purpose  of  enjoying  the  Abbot's  company,— 
possibly  also,  as  it  was  supposed,  to  seek  refresh- 
ment in  retirement,  or  even  in  prayer. 

6  25.     Verily,  he  needed    comfort. — As  aGnfliaume 

J  i  Longae- 

monarch,  Guillaume  was  splendidly  prosperous :  ^p^> 
widely  extending  his  borders,  he  had  reduced ofmind- 
rebellious  subjects  and  obstinate  vassals  to  obe- 
dience : — and,  such  were  the  honours  he  now  re- 
ceived from  the  King,  that  he  stood  pre-eminent 
amongst  the  Nobles  of  the  Realm. — But  the 
heart  knows  its  own  bitterness.  Guillaume's 
successes  were  poisoned  by  mental  misery. 

Errors  as  well  as  sins  are  sure  to  come  home. 
Variety  of  purpose,  with  a  purpose,  is  consum- 
mate wisdom :— a  time  to  kill,  and  a  time  to  heal ; 
a  time  to  cast  away  stones,  and  a  time  to  gather 
stones  together ;  a  time  to  embrace,  and  a  time  to 
refrain  from  embracing;  a  time  to  love,  and  a 
time  to  hate ;  a  time  of  war,  and  a  time  of  peace : 
— but,  to  be  constantly  wavering  between  right 
and  wrong,  between  good  and  evil,  may,  on  the 
whole,  be  more  enfeebling  to  the  moral  sentiment, 


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268  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER,  GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE, 

036-wa  and  certainly  is  much  more  detrimental  to  worldly 
, — - — .  esteem  and  influence,  than  the  steady  prosecu- 
»40-94i  tjon — £or  any  wori<j-applauded  object — of  wrong 
and  evil.  Such  a  character  was  Guillaume  Longue- 
6p6e :  his  changes  of  opinion,  his  political  tergi- 
versations, his  violations  of  engagements,  brought 
him   in   incessant  collision   with    himself — the 
Guillaume  of  to-day  contradicting  the  Guillaume 
of  yesterday,  and  preparing  to  run  athwart  the 
Guillaume  of  to-morrow. 
Failure  of        Rightly  had  Guillaume  seen  and  foreseen  that 

Guillaume  °        * 

YkPthuu  *^e  S0C^  no  *ess  *^an  *^e  political  stability  of 
5f^"U"  Normandy,  depended  on  her  incorporation,  as  a 
a^at*    Christian  State,  into  the  French  commonwealth ; 
Sd  the0**  but  whilst  working  to  effect  this  end,  he  had  spoilt 
^artta.     his  machinery  by  mismanagement.   He  had  humi- 
liated the  Danish  party,  and  in  a  degree  broken 
their  power;    but  his  own  strength  was  not 
thereby  encreased  proportionally.     Whilst  Guil- 
laume had  lost  his  position  amongst  the  Heathen 
party  as  the  Representative  of  the  antient  domi- 
nant Danish  race,'  he  had  not  gained  a  standing 
Guillaume  ground  in  any  other  community.    A  Deserter 

Lonsruo* 

6p*e,  ex-  from  every  camp,  no  one  owned  him ;  an  Alien 
credit       wherever  he  shewed  his    face,  surrounded  by 

brought  ^  * 

b^^ter-  scoffers  and  enemies.     Distrusted  by  all,  and 

lon^d    therefore  distrustful  of  all,  discarded  alike  by 

treacheries.  Heathendom  and  by  Christendom.  Many  amongst 

either  party,  including  the  highest,  the  most 

potent,  and  the  most  noble,  he  had  provoked 


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AND  BICHARD  SANS  PEUR.       269 

to  the  death,  and  they  were  whetting  their  wea-  936-942 
pons  to  wreak  their  vengeance  upon  him.    Even  \ — i_^ 
those,  who  otherwise,  might  not  have  been  ran-  941"~842 
corous,  were  on  the  watch  to  assail  him,  enticed 
by  the  weaknesses  which  presented  such  tempting 
opportunities  of  profiting  by  his  vacillations. 

Whether  Guillaume  Longue-^pee  stepped  for- 
wards or  backwards,  to  the  right  or  to  the  left,  to 
the  east  or  to  the  west,  to  the  north  or  to  the 
south,  every  tramp  of  his  foot  trod  down  the  crops 
he  had  sown.  The  aid  he  afforded  to  Herlouin,  had 
exacerbated  his  envious  brother-in-law,  Arnolph 
of  Flanders ;  by  occasioning  the  loss  of  Montreuil 
and  the  valuable  harbour ;  and  he  had  continued 
pestering  Arnolph  by  petty  and  useless  warfare. 

For  the  purpose  of  promoting  the  ambition 
of  Hugh-le-Grand,  Guillaume  basely  abandoned 
that  King  Louis  whom  he  had  restored,  and  then 
he  immediately  forfeited  the  wages  of  iniquity  by 
betraying  the  Protector  to  whom  he  had  sold  Hugh-ie- 

J      °  Grand,  his 

himself, — a  capital  piece  of  folly,  for  Hugh-le-  SVe^E* 
Grand,  a  mighty  neighbour,  might  at  any  conve-  dn- 
nient  time  invade  the  Evrecin,  an  integral  portion 
of  Normandy,  but  which  would  afford  the  most 
desirable  enlargement  to  the  Capetian  Duchy. 
When  endeavouring  to  establish  Otho  upon  the 
throne  of  France,  Guillaume  Longue-ep£e  vio- 
lated all  the  dictates  of  duty,  honesty,  and  feeling, 
Through  his  co-operation  in  this  strange  enter- 
prize,  he  became  equally  guilty  of  treachery  against 


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270  LOUIS  D'OUTREMEB,  GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE, 

$a8-943  the  French  Sovereign  and  against  the  French 
]_I_J  people ;  for  there  was  no  one  humilation  which 
941—942  <50uj(j  kave  \)eell  more  painful  to  the  French  than 

subjection  to  a  German  ruler;  and  having  in- 
curred all  this  grievous  liability,  Guillaume,  by 
deserting  Otho,  had  deprived  himself  of  the 
countenance  which  that  prosperous  and  aspiring 
Monarch  would  have  afforded  him. 

Basely  did  Guillaume  cast  away  his  first  love, 
Espriota,  for  the  purpose  of  connecting  himself 
more  closely  with  proud  Vermandois;  and  yet 
he  had  latterly  become  the  bitter  enemy  of  his 
treacherous  father-in-law.  Hankering  after  the  re- 
pudiated fair  one,  neither  wife  nor  concubine ;  he 
had  insulted  the  noble  Liutgarda, — and  where  was 
the  boy  Richard  ?  far  away,  concealed,  unrecog- 
nised. If  his  father  ever  saw  him,  it  was  stealthily, 
as  though  he  had  been  ashamed  of  the  noble 
child ; — more  shame  to  the  skulking  father. 

Guillaume's  one  good  quality,  his  sincere 
desire  of  promoting  equity  and  justice,  which 
caused  him  to  be  valued  at  home,  did  not  tell 
upon  the  Stranger. — Had  he  been  consistent  in 
any  other  good  path,  had  he  proved*  himself  to 
be  a  decent  Christian,  a  true  husband  to  his  wife, 
or  a  loyal  liegeman  to  his  Superior,  or  a  faithful 
friend  to  his  fellows,  his  natural  gifts,  handsome 
person,  and  agreeable  manners,  might  have  miti- 
gated, perhaps  even  healed,  the  Frankish  enmity. 
But  it  was  quite  the  contrary.    His  life  had  been 


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AND  BICHARD  SANS  PEUB.       271 

a  continued  tissue  of  falsehood,  neglect  of  social  936-943 
bonds, — those  dearest  to  him  sacrificed  to  self-  ]ZXZ^ 
interest  or  ambition, — and  his  religion  displayed  W1"9*2 
so  feebly  or  capriciously,  as  neither  to  deserve 
nor  earn  confidence  or  respect.  Whatever  degree 
of  popularity  the  cheerful,  hospitable,  opulent 
Duke  of  Normandy  may  have  enjoyed  amongst  the 
French  towards  the  commencement  of  his  career, 
was  entirely  dissipated :  he  had  now  become  the 
object  of  implacable  detestation.  Hie  Danes  had 
rendered  themselves  terrific,  and  might  assuredly 
triumph  in  having  this  tribute  paid  to  their  va- 
lour. But  the  malignant  cunning  ascribed  to 
the  barbarian  Pirates  by  people  whom  they  tor- 
mented, was  even  more  awe-inspiring  than  their 
power:  it  invested  them  with  a  species  of  super- 
natural character.  Furthermore,  it  was  univer- 
sally believed  that  the  Danish  ferocity  was  inde- 
libly inherent  in  the  race,  no  effluxion  of  time 
could  mitigate  their  inherent  savagery,  nor,  ac- 
cording to  universal  credence,  did  they  ever 
abandon  their  claim  to  any  country  where  they 
had  once  encamped  or  domineered.  Never  are 
our  fiendish  passions  more  diabolically  roused 
than  when  we  can  single  out  the  one  man  as  the 
representative  of  the  masses  whom  we  hate :  and 
all  the  hatred  which  the  French  bore  to  the 
Danish  nation  at  large  was  accumulated  upon 
the  head  of  the  «  Captain  of  the  Pirates." 

Fear  often  seeks  to  protect  herself  by  eon- *atoi  effect 

r  *  of  the  con- 


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I  272  LOUIS  d'outeemeb,  guillaume  longue-epee, 

J  936-942  tempt ;  a  cruel  instrument  of  revenge ;  and  this 

,  «-  I  opprobrious  appellation,  "Captain  of  the  Pirates," 
t!m  lOZL  habitual  among  the  French,  and  coming  naturally 
SrtowJd  m^°  *^e^"  souths,  equally  fomented  and  betokened 
2STme.G!,a' their  aversion  and  their  terror,  "Captain  of  the 
Pirates," — a  degrading  name,  suggestive  of  loath- 
some sensuous  ideas  and  odious  moral  feelings, 
offensive  to  the  nose,  hideous  to  the  eyes,  hateful 
to  the  mind— -filth,  and  foulness,  soiled  garb,  and 
bloody  hands.  The  character  thereby  conveyed 
was  engrained,  the  impression  indelible. — What 
mattered  the  worship  rendered  by  King  Louis  to 
Duke  Guillaume,  —  Queen  Gerberga's  smiling 
courtesy, — the  spiritual  affinity  contracted  at  the 
font, — the  exalted  rank  appertaining  to  the 
Seigneur,  Duke  and  Patrician  of  Rouen  and  the 
Terra  Normannorum,  the  Lord  and  Suzerain  of 
Britanny  and  the  Armorican  Marches? — Opinion 
was  unchanged,  opinion  could  not  be  changed. 
From  the  lowest  to  the  highest,  from  the  greasy 
Scullion  sweating  in  the  sooty  kitchen,  to  the 
stately  Usher  stalking  before  the  Council-door, 
from  the  frowsy  stable-varlet  to  the  Peer  in  the 
Council,  or  the  Chancellor  at  the  foot  of  the 
Throne,  there  was  not  a  Frenchman  who  spoke 
of  Guillaume  Longue-6p&,  or  who  thought  of 
Guillaume  Longue-£p£e,  otherwise  than  as  the 
rascal  Buccaneer,  the  Captain  of  the  Pirates. 

Guillaume,  departing  from  the  royal  chamber, 
might  have  chanced  to  receive  the  listener's  pro* 


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AND  RICHARD  SANS  PETJR.  273 

verbial  meed,  had  he  lingered  on  the  landing,  asou-to 
We  know  how  Louis  and  Gerberga  scoffed  at  the  ^ 


Pirate,his  base  discarded  brat,  and  his  dishonoured  941""w* 
trulL— Guillaume— Who  is  he?— What  is  he?— 
another  Begnar  Lodbrok,  strutting  about  in  that 
Ducal  mantle  which  his  father  filched  from  the 
royal  wardrobe;  but  the  miscreant  cannot  hide 
his  shaggy  breeks — faugh! — he  leaves  a  whiff  of 
tar  behind  him. 

§  26.    The  difficulty  of  adjusting  the  succes-  Dado's 

,  .  ,  narrative, 

sion  of  events  in  Norman  history  increases  as^cnu^ 

J  which  it 

we  advance. — Information  concerning  the  inter-  offOTB- 
nal  transactions  of  the  country  is  abundantly 
furnished  by  our  garrulous  friend,  that  trusty 
Scribe,  charged  to  bear  record  of  the  family  tra^ 
ditions;  a  task  which  he  performed  under  the 
immediate  inspection  of  the  parties  mainly  con- 
cerned. Therefore,  under  one  aspect,  our  ma- 
terials may  seem  singularly  satisfactory.  When 
we  open  the  Dean  of  Saint  Quentin's  grandilo- 
quent volume  we  know  that  there  is  but  one 
witness  intervening  between  Guillaume  Longue- 
epee  and  Richard  Sans-peur,  and  our  own  times, 
yet  Dudo  distresses  us  by  the  disorderly  copious- 
ness of  the  facts  which  he  discloses. 

The  events  he  narrates,  present  themselves  to 
the  enquirer,  as  the  iEginetan  marbles  did  to 
their  discoverers;  disjointed,  and  flung  down  in 
confusion.  The  restoration  of  the  Grecian  groups 
and  sculptures  was  not,  however,  impracticable. 

VOL.  II.  T 


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274  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER,  GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE, 

ttft-943  Separated  members  were  reunited  to  the  torso 
. — ' — ,  from  which  they  had  been  severed.  Measure, 
W1^wa  attitude  and  expression,  conjoined  in  conducting 
each  effigy  to  its  position  on  the  base  line.  The 
lowest  crouching  warrior  disclosed  the  angle  of 
the  pediment.  The  height  of  the  tutelary  Deity 
gave  the  perpendicular,  and  the  Artist*  guided  by 
these  data,  was  enabled  to  reinstate  each  of  the 
other  images  in  its  proper  location;  he  could 
see  how  they  were  regulated  by  the  ascending 
cornice,  how  their  limbs  were  directed,  and  what 
their  countenances  told. 

Somewhat  after  this  manner,  have    we   to 
deal  with  Dudo,  and,  acceptingGuillaume  Longue- 
£p£e  as  the  centre  of  the  action,  we  may  approxi- 
mate to  the  position  which  the  other  characters 
who  are  collected  around  him  ought  to  assume. 
Goiiianme        Hitherto  Guillauxne's  vacillations  betokened 
tog™£T  infirmity  of  purpose,  wanton  caprice,  or  selfish 
DanSL  or6  untruth ;  but  he  now  deliberately  determined 
christian    upon  a  complete  alteration  in  his  former  policy. 
Higher  principles  than  those  which  a  Minister  can 
allow  to  be  recognized  in  a  cabinet,  would  have 
reprobated  the  scheme  of  action  now  matured 
by  Guillaume,  but  it  was  not  unworthy  of  an 
able  Statesman.      Notwithstanding  Guillaume's 
brilliant   successes,  he   might    well   apprehend 
that  his  labours  were  lost.    Bollo's  rude  mili- 
tary domination  had  been  planted  in  the  soil  of 
the  Terra  Normannorum,  firm  as  a  rock,  whilst 


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AND  RICHABD  SANS  PEUR.       275 

Guillaume's  Duchy  of  Normandy  stood  in  tot-  9HWHa 
tering  equilibrium,  a  tall  and  ornate  column, . — ^— > 
trembling  on  its  base,  and  which  the  slightest  w-w 
touch  might  topple  down. 

Guillaume  Longue-6p£e  had  hitherto  con- 
ducted his  government  upon  a  system  congenial 
to  his  tastes,  and  conducive  to  the  dignjlr  and 
well-being  of  the  country. — Normandy,  Ije  had 
planned,  should  flourish  as  a  Christian  State,  an 
integral  member  of  the  French  Monarchy — and, 
to  obtain  this  most  desirable  result,  it  was  needful 
that  he,  the  Dane  by  race,  the  Frenchman  by 
nature,  should  meditate  between  the  antagonistic 
nationalities.  For  this  purpose  had  he  wasted 
his  life  in  toil  and  in  turmoil,  fought  in  the  field 
and  forsworn  himself  in  the  chamber,  he  had 
perilled  body  and  soul;  but  what  was  his  gain? 
Instead  of  being  feared  and  honoured,  he  was 
now  feared  and  despised:  men  cringed  before 
him,  and  spat  on  his  footsteps  when  his  back 
was  turned — thus  ostracized — a  red  mark  scored 
against  Guillaume's  name  —  he  was  irresistibly 
driven  to  the  conviction,  that  if  the  outlawed 
"  Dux  Piratarum"  bore  a  "  wolfs  head,"  best  it 
would  be  that  he  should  defend  that  head  by 
all  the  Pirate's  power. 

Until  this  crisis,  Guillaume  Longue~£p&  had 
been  working  to  depress  the  Danish  interest,  and 
to  rule  by  French  ascendency,  but  he  now  entered 
upon  a  course  diametrically  contrary  to  that 

T2 


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276  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER,  GUILLAUME  LONGUE  EPEE, 

&36-W3  which  he  had  previously  followed,  under  the 
V  '  conviction  that  his  wisdom  would  thenceforward 
0*1—949  consist  in  effecting  a  union  of  interests  between 
Normandy  and  the  great  and  prosperous  Danish 
community,  whose  sons  were  preparing  to  achieve 
the  conquest  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  Empire.  Since 
the  ruinous,  yet  inevitable,  recognition  of  the 
Danelaghe  by  Alfred,  every  Anglo-Saxon  song  of 
triumph  was  but  the  prelude  to  the  victorious 
advances  of  the  Northmen.  Cut  down  by  Athel- 
stane,  their  armed  hosts  sprang  up  from  the 
blood-swamps  of  Brunnenburgh,  in  tenfold  num- 
ber, and  with  tenfold  vigour.  Hitherto,  Guil- 
laume  Longue^p&e  had  been  striving  to  extin- 
guish the  Danish  nationality,  and  to  naturalize 
the  French  nationality,  but  now  he  would  throw 
himself  upon  the  Norskmen,  trust  to  their  loy- 
alty, and  bring  them  out  as  a  people. 

Guillaume's  previous  jealousy  of  the  Danes 
had  made  him  well  acquainted  with  all  their 
strength.  Where  he  had  watched  them  as  enemies, 
there  he  now  knew  to  seek  them  out  as  friends. 
Open  or  concealed,  they  abounded  far  and  near. 
Even  amongst  the  Citizens  of  Rouen,  immedi- 
ately exposed  to  the  influences  radiating  from 
Palace  and  Cathedral,  the  semi-Romanized  Danes, 
always  ready  to  shew  themselves  as  thorough 
Danes,  constituted  a  powerful  party. — In  Bayeux 
and  the  Bessin,  when  the  Danish  growth  began 
to  be  altered  by   the  new  climate:    repeated 


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AND  RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.       277 

immigrations  had  renewed  the  old  Gothic  popu-  936-wa 
lation.  Whilst  the  old  stocks  were  wearing  out,  \ — i_ 
new  saplings  had  been  planted.  0*1-043 

All  Denmark  yielded  obedience  to  mighty  Harold 
Harold,  whose  grim  visage  has  already  glanced  arrives  in 
before  our  view.    "Harold  Blaatand" — Harold  JSmusIi 

in  Cher- 

with  the  blue  tooth, — or  Harold  with  the  black  ^urg. 
tooth, — choose  which  version  you  will — son  of 
Gorm, — the  antient  Gorm, — "Gorm-hin-gamle" 
and  the  sagacious  and  much-renowned  Thyra 
Dannebod, — the  wise  Thyra,  "Thyra  Denmark's 
adviser/'  that  Queen  Thyra  whose  deeds  are  still 
sweetly  sung  in  Danish  ballad,  her  memory  fondly 
endeared  to  national  feeling.  It  was  Thyra  whose 
energy  completed  the  great  fortification,  the 
"Danewirk:"  the  fosse  and  the  rampart,  which, 
combining  with  hill  and  stream  and  dividing 
Danish  Holstein  from  German  Schleswig,  shoots 
across  the  Peninsula  from  sea  to  sea. 

All  competitors  subdued  or  extirpated,  Harold 
reigned  as  sole  and  supreme  Monarch,  the  "Over- 
king"  of  Denmark :  Harold's  crews  had  repeatedly 
annoyed  the  Northern  Gauls,  but  now,  far  more 
terrifically  than  erewhile,  his  Dragons  of  the 
Sea  were  descried  from  the  Channel  Shores. — 
If  Harold's  approach  excited  great  uneasiness, 
far  greater  was  the  public  astonishment,  when  it 
was  found  that  Guillaume  Longue-£p£e,  instead 
of  testifying  alarm  or  offering  resistance,  greeted 
the  Dane  as  an  ally  and  a  friend.    Harold  was 


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278  LOUIS  tfOUTREMER,  GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE, 

«36-m*  cordially  welcomed,  sixty  vessels  disembarked 
:  their  sturdy  soldiery,  with  whom  Harold  occupied 
wi-942  Cherbourg.  Reinforcements  flocked  in  from  the 
Danish  bailliwicks,  keels  were  laid  down,  and,  thus 
preparing  for  further  operations,  Harold  flourished 
singularly  in  the  Norman  Territory.  Either  by 
the  grant  or  the  permission  of  Guillaume  Longue- 
&p£e,  Harold  possessed  himself  of  the  Cdtentin. 
He  ruled  in  the  Bessin  where  his  Dansker-men 
coalesced  with  their  kinsmen,  and  Harold's  in- 
fluence was  extending  itself  throughout  the 
Avranchin,  the  Cinglais,  and  indeed  the  greater 
part  of  th6  Basse  Normandie,  according  to  the 
nomenclature  of  more  recent  times. 
uwspei*  A  perilous  venture  it  might  seem  for  Guil- 
&etheJP"  laume  Longue-epee,  to  permit  these  genuine 
ron°Ri°  Norskmen,  these  men  of  the  old  sterling  kith  and 
kin,  the  natural  enemies  of  the  men  of  the 
Romane  tongue,  thus  to  flesh  themselves  in  the 
opulent  country,  and  fill  her  ports  and  harbours. 
— Had  Guillaume  Longue-ep£e  counted  the  cost 
of  the  aid  he  now  sought  to  obtain? — His  present 
system  could  not  be  considered  as  a  mere  half 
measure ;  a  modification  of  the  policy  he  had  been 
pursuing  since  his  accession:  it  amounted  vir- 
tually to  the  total  abandonment  of  such  policy* 
By  consorting  so  heartily  with  the  native  Danes, 
Guillaume  Longue-4pee  was  endeavouring  to 
undo  all  that  Guillaume  Longue-epee  had  hitherto 
done.  Previously,  he  had  been  governing  entirely 


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AND  RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  279 

as  a  Frenchman,  assimilating  himself  to  the  French  936-942 
in. all  respects;  but  now  he  was  reverting  to  a  — * — > 
hostile  nation,  an  antagonistic  nation ;  not  merely  941~9*3 
antagonistic  as  political  enemies,  but  in  language, 
religion,  manners,  customs,  and  all  the  usages  of 
social  life.   By  their  instrumentality,  he  was  seek- 
ing to  support  his  power,  the  terrible  Huscarls  to 
be  henceforward  the  Duke  of  Normandy's  battle- 
axe  guard.    Had  he  not  therefore  irrevocably 
declared  himself  as  the  Frenchman's  deadly  foe  ? 

$  27.      Still  no  comfort,  no  inward  peace,  Gnmavm« 
no  rest. — Accused  by  his  own  conscience,  worn^eto- 

*  cies  he  wi 

and  worried  by  his  divided  mind,  dimly  yet  pain-  become  » 
fully  impressed  by  the  perception  of  abiding  con- 
tumely, perplexed  by  his  increasing  dangers, 
Guillaume  Longue-^ple's  spirit  collapsed.  The 
dreams  of  early  childhood,  his  youthful  imagi- 
nations of  monastic  life  revived  and  became  a 
passion,  moodily  nourished  until  he  pictured  to 
himself  that  he  would  flee  the  conflict,  and  pur- 
chase tranquillity  by  the  sacrifice  of  his  Sove- 
reignty.— No  longer  Lord  of  Britanny  and  the 
Armorican  Marches,  Seigneur,  Duke,  and  Patri- 
cian of  Rouen  and  of  the  Terra  Normannorum, 
but  a  poor  and  humble  recluse,  he  would  cast 
off  the  splendid  shame  of  the  purple  chlamys, 
hide  his  face  in  the  cowl,  and,  wrapping  himself 
round  in  the  coarse  serge  gown,  which  perhaps 
might  veil  his  obloquy,  retreat  for  the  rest  of  his 
days  to  secluded  Jumi&ges,  the  Sanctuary  raised 


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280  LOUIS  d'outbemer,  guillaume  longue-epee, 

936—943  and  provided  by  his  own  bounty,  the  ready  har- 
^ZXZ^  bour  of  refuge  open  for  the  Dux  Piratarum. 
941— 942        j]^  very  remarkable  conference  which  ensued 

The  con-  • 

ferenoe  be-  when,  having  repaired  thither,  he  opened  his  mind 
Lon11*^6  to  Abbot  Martin,  has  been  minutely  recorded— 
StAUot  ^e  Historian,  when  such  cases  occur,  may,  if  he 
thinks  fit,  crave  permission  to  excuse  himself 
from  enquiring  who  was  the  Reporter  listening 
behind  the  arras ;  in  the  present  example,  how-* 
ever,  we  need  not  avail  ourselves  of  this  indul-r 
gence,  inasmuch  as  we  are  able  to  ascertain  with- 
out difficulty  the  channel  transmitting  the  tints 
and  lines  of  thought  which  gleam  through  thq 
murky  text  indited  by  the  Dean  of  Saint  Quentin. 
The  discussion,  so  memorable  in  its  results, 
must  have  been  a  great  event  in  the  Abbot's  mo- 
notonous life,  the  story  to  tell  and  to  tell  again 
and  again  with  increasing  particularity,  years 
after  Guillaume  Longue-£pee  had  departed.  Nor 
could  even  the  Saint — for  according  to  pro- 
vincial traditions  Martin  was  canonized — have 
avoided  recollecting  with  some  degree  of  com- 
placency how  cleverly  he  had  managed  his  argu- 
ment. Naturally  would  Dudo,  when  collecting 
the  family  traditions,  resort  to  Jumi&ges  for  the 
reminiscences  of  the  transactions  which  decided 
Guillaume's  destiny. — And  therefore  we  believe 
that  the  Abbot's  own  report  is  the  foundation  of 
the  existing  redaction,  curiously  exhibiting  many 
features  marking  the  individuality  of  each  Inters 


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AND  RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.       281 

locutor,  the  Prelate's  quaint  erudition,  and  the  93e-wa 
combination  of  subtlety  and  vehemence  charac-  ]_^_ 
terizing  Guillaume  Longue-^pde.  wi-942 

Guillaume,  when  he  prepared  to  meet  the 
Abbot,  was  bent  upon  carrying  out  his  determi- 
nation, and  yet  he  was  only  half  in  earnest.  Insin- 
cere to  others,  Guillaume  was  insincere  to  himself; 
nor  could  he  avoid  the  apprehension  that  his 
abandonment  of  the  Ducal  Power  might  be  fatal 
to  the  interests  of  the  State  and  the  ruin  of  his 
infant  child.  Distracted  by  the  difficulties  which 
enveloped  him,  Guillaume  shrunk  from  facing 
the  perils  which  he  had  aggravated  by  his  double 
dealing,  dreading  equally  the  biting  tongue  and 
the  trenchant  blade. 

"Ask  your  own  conscience,"  is  the  Preacher's 
common-place,  whether  in  the  pulpit  or  out  of 
the  pulpit. — Alas  for  the  result !  Ask, — but  who 
gives  the  answer  ?  When  Man  interrogates  him- 
self concerning  himself,  how  rarely  does  he  con- 
duct the  examination  otherwise  than  on  behalf 
of  his  Client :  and,  by  putting  leading  questions, 
he  makes  the  Witness  reply  in  the  manner  which 
best  pleases  him.  When  you  profess  to  doubt 
whether  you  are  right,  you  most  usually  practise 
to  wheedle  yourself  into  a  certainty  it  is  right  to 
do  the  wrong.  If  you  commit  your  course  to  the 
lot,  and  play  cross  and  pile  with  yourself,  you 
fillip  the  coin  to  the  intent  that  it  should  fall 
flat  on  the  negative  side  and  turn  up  the  affirm* 


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282  LOUIS  D'OUTREMEB,  GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE, 

036-949  ative.  The  friendly  confidant  is  rarely  consulted 
^ZZdT  otherwise  than  with  the  same  ingenuity,  so,  that 
wi— 942  wkiigt  timorously  disclosing  the  scruples  which 
restrain  us  from  the  determination  we  wish  to 
adopt,  it  seldom  happens  otherwise  but  that 
when  we  place  ourselves  with  our  selected  guide 
in  the  thick  of  the  wood,  we  contrive  to  make  him 
see  our  way  out  of  the  tangle. 

Amidst  the  eulogies  which  Dudo  has  bestowed 
upon  his  hero,  we  have  no  difficulty  in  disco- 
vering that  such  was  the  adroit  perverseness  of 
Guillaume  Longue-£p£e.    By  the  management  of 
his  own  cause  he  sought  to  obtain  the  Abbot's 
sanction  for  his  pusillanimity,  to  the  intent  that 
he  might  cast  the  responsibility  upon  his  Adviser, 
the  first  and  original  deceit,  upon  which  the  con- 
duct of  Mankind  affords  a  perpetual  commentary. 
Guillaume  Longue-£p£e  approached  the  grave 
Abbot  under  cover.     He  manoeuvred  to  satisfy 
his  own  desires  without  subjecting  himself  to 
responsibility.      And  his  artifice  displays  much 
cleverness ;  he  concealed  himself,  as  it  were,  in 
the  crowd,  and  merged  his  individuality  in  the 
collective  destiny  of  human  society. 
Aut'tbT       ^e  mediaBval  system  of  Social  Polity  recog- 
d£To?r"    n*ze<*  three  Orders  as  constituting  the  perfect 
SSfngto"  Commonwealth— the  Priest,  the  Soldier,  and  the 
»4ithwiy  Husbandman — the  Triad,  tersely  and  sonorously 
of  polity,    described  by  the  Teuton,  as  the  "Lehrstand," 
the  "Wehrstand,"  and  the  "Naehrstand:"   the 


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AND  BICHAAD  SANS  PEUR.       283 

Three  who  respectively  offer  the  prayer,  wield  03d-wa 
the  sword,  speed  the  plough.  - 

In  our  days,  this  triple  organization  is  not  *ti-*4a 
implicitly  accepted  as  the  normal  scheme  of 
society.  Calmly  is  the  jlrst  Order  tolerated  by  the 
esoteric  doctrines  of  civilization,  a  temporary 
concession  to  the  weaknesses  of  the  yet  unen- 
lightened multitude,  which  may  be  kindly  per- 
mitted to  endure,  until  Positive  Philosophy  shall 
have  superseded  the  last  lingering  supernaturalism 
of  mankind. — A  pietism,  scarcely  less  antagonistic 
to  Faith,  indulges  in  the  happy  vision,  that  the 
progress  of  intelligence,  rational  religion,  and 
humanity,  will  equally  extinguish  the  second 
Order.  And,  to  this  effect,  do  the  Orators  of  the 
platform  pour  out  their  bland  eloquence,  undis- 
turbed by  the  reports  of  the  messages  of  peace 
and  good-will  towards  all  men,  despatched  to  the 
Kaffirs  from  the  Crystal  Palace  through  the 
Christian  agency  of  the  five-barrelled  revolver. — 
Coerced  to  admit  the  need  of  the  third  Order, 
the  Political  Economist  grudges  to  confess  the 
Divinely  appointed  sentence  which  condemns  man 
to  eat  his  bread  in  the  sweat  of  his  brow,  and  the 
ardent  machinist  announces  his  steam-plough  as 
the  harbinger  of  the  good  time  coming,  when  all 
arduous  manual  toil  will  absolutely  cease  under 
the  sun. 

But,  in  the  simple  organization  of  Mediaeval 
Christendom  all  the  Three  Orders  were  deemed 
to  be  mutually  supporting;   all  Three  equally 


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284  LOUIS  D'OUTREMEB,  GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE, 

996*943  essential  for  the  security  of  the  State  and  the 
r—^-^  happiness  of  the  people — the  Three  Pillars  which 
***-***  support  the  Throne.  This  Theory  was  universally 
adopted,  no  reasoner  opposed  it ;  no  nation  re- 
jected it ;  King  Canute  promulgates  the  doctrine 
as  the  canon  of  all  good  government ;  and,  even 
now,  under  the  homely  denomination  of  "The 
Three  Alls,"  the  "ragione  di  stato"  of  our  an- 
cestors may  not  unfrequently  be  seen  symbolized 
in  the  rude  imagery  of  the  weather-beaten  sign, 
swinging  and  creaking  over  the  village  ale-house 
door. 

Diverse,  yet  not  discrepant,  all  the  Three  Orders 
were  equally  honest,  Holy  Church  embraced  them 
all.  All  therefore  were  unquestionably  indispen- 
sable; but,  did  each  mode  of  life  possess  equal 
merit  and  deserve  equal  reward  ? 

Chevaliers,  Clercs  et  Villains; 
Cbacun  est  droit  et  bon  et  sains, 
Si  Tun  de  l'autre  se  devise, 
Si  les  receit  tons  Sainte  Eglise. 
Li  uns  Ordres  l'autre  soutient, 
Et  l'uns  Ordres  l'autre  maintient. 
Trois  Ordres  sont,  chascun  pour  soi, 

•        *        •        •        • 
Ceux  qui  vivent  si  diversement 
Auront  ils  egalement 
Un  merite  e  un  loier, 
Dites  le  moi,  ceo  vous  requier? 

Such  was  the  doubt  submitted  by  Guiilaume 
Longue-£p£e  to  Abbot  Martin,  as  the  means  of 
suggesting  the  very  direction  which  he  wished 
to  receive,  shaping  his  course  warily,  and  with 
a  fair  share  of  forensic  subtilty,  scarcely  anti- 


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AND  RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.    .   285 

cipating  that  he  could  fail  to  gain  a  satisfactory  9se-94a 
result.    Was  it  likely  that  the  Priest  could  do  ^Z£Z[ 
otherwise,  than  point  out  the  abandonment  of  941-W3 
worldly  joys  and  temptations  as  the  most  assured 
path  which  the  Christian  could  pursue  ? 

A  well-meaning  and  pious  Confessor,  but  one 
not  gifted  with  much  insight  into  human  nature, 
would  assuredly  have  felt  his  heart  melted  by 
the  gallant  Prince's  contrition  and  humility; — 
the  splendid  Warrior  indifferent  to  the  delights 
of  the  court  and  the  glories  of  war,  devoting 
his  young  and  vigorous  life  to  penitence,  priva- 
tion, and  seclusion.  The  excusable  desire  of 
securing  such  an  ornament  for  the  House  of 
Jumi£ges  in  particular,  and  Saint  Benedict's 
religion  at  large,  might  have  led  the  most  honest 
Superior  to  hail  the  illustrious  Convert.  Had 
Abbot  Martin  been  a  character  of  the  ordinary 
stamp,  Guillaume  Longue-epee  would  assuredly 
have  added  one  to  the  ninety-three  Royal  Per- 
sonages who  appear  as  fruits  amidst  the  branches 
of  the  oft-delineated  tree,  figuring  the  spiritual 
developement  of  the  Benedictine  Order:  but* 
would  this  fruit  have  ripened  ? — or  rather,  would 
it  not,  worm-stricken  within,  have  perished  off 
the  bough  ? 

Our  Abbot,  however,  though  taken  by  sur- 
prize, was  not  thrown  off  his  guard.  Fore-warned 
for  the  discussion  by  his  knowledge  of  the  Guest, 
he  was  prepared,  at  once,  to  grapple  with  the  exi- 


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286  LOUIS  d'outbemek,  guillaume  longue-epee, 

996-042  gency — to  him,  the  device  was  transparent  as  the 
)Z2ZZ[  air.  Treating  therefore  the  subject  very  respect- 
W1-W3  fully,  dissecting  the  proposition  with  scholastic 
ingenuity,  and  adorning  his  disquisition  with 
many  a  Greek  vocable,  he  speedily  arrived  at  the 
conclusion,  that  Heaven  was  equally  accessible  to 
all  men,  provided  they  duly  performed  the  duties 
allotted  to  them  during  their  progress  through 
this  world  of  trial. 

Guillaume  Longue-epee  was  indignant  when 
the  Abbot  administered  this  baffling  consolation ; 
he  would  not  abide  it :  he  declared  he  could  not 
possibly  lead  a  righteous  life  amidst  the  allure* 
ments,  distractions,  and  seductions  of  his  station. 
The  Norman  Duchy  had  been  thrust  upon  him 
in  his  youth — no  fault  of  his — he  had  not  courted 
the  perilous  dignity.  His  Father  and  the  Chief- 
tains of  the  Land  had  compelled  him  to  accept 
the  supreme  authority  when  a  boy,  and  now 
when  he  was  of  full  age  and  competent  to  act  for 
himself,  he  would  cast  off  the  grievous  burden : 
he  would  be  a  monk — a  monk  Longue-^pee 

would  be ! 

£22*.s  Abbot  Martin  answered  as  though  he  were 

answer,  appalled  by  the  very  possibility  of  Guillaume's 
accomplishing  his  plan;  Martin  was  evidently 
convinced  that  Guillaume  Longue-£p£e  would 
become  a  scandal  and  a  disgrace  to  the  Church, 
incapable  of  perseverance,  one  unconscious  that 
such   principles  as  truth  and  fidelity  existed; 


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AND  RICHABD  SANS  PEUR.  287 

therefore,  with  the  deepest  sorrow,  the  Abbot  &ae-M2 
gave  a  denial,  respectful,  discreet,  but  peremp- , — <v_* 
tory. — His  answer  was  to  the  following  import —  9ti~~ m 
such  conduct  would  be  a  culpable  abandonment 
of  the  charge  imposed  upon  Guillaume  Longue- 
epee  by  Providence :  let  him  abide  worthily  in 
his  vocation  so  long  as  life  should  last,  protect  his 
people,   ministering    law  and  justice.      Should 
Guillaume  Longue-epee  force  himself  as  a  Monk 
into  the   Monastery,   he,  Abbot  Martin,  would 
flee  the  country,  never  to  return. — 

But  Guillaume  Longue-ep6e  would  not  take  Gnfliaume 
any  refusal ;  he  asserted  with  vehement  passion,  *p*>s 

•  *  anger  at 

that  he  would  not  continue  Duke  of  Normandy,  he  the  abbot's 

*  persevering 

would  abdicate  in  favour  of  his  son ;  the  vow  he  ***"**• 
had  made,  he  would  perform.  And,  let  it  be  here 
remarked,  that  this  very  last  assertion  convicts 
him  of  deceit.  The  vow,  what  vow?  had  he  made 
any  vow  when  he  came  before  Abbot  Martin,  there 
would  not  have  been  any  questions  to  ask. — The 
Abbot  broke  up  the  conference  by  preparing  to 
depart, but  Guillaume,  the  angry  Penitent,  literally 
clung  to  his  companion's  skirts,  casting  himself 
at  the  Abbot's  feet :  nor,  would  he  let  the  Abbot 
go,  until  his  angry  yet  pitiable  importunities 
extorted  one  concession  from  Martin's  prudent 
compassion.  Just  as  you  give  a  play-thing  to 
pacify  a  pettish  child,  Abbot  Martin  presented  the 
Duke  with  the  outward  garments  of  the  Monk— 
the  gown  and  the  cowl.    Having  gained  these 


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288  LOUIS  d'outremer,  guillaume  longue-epee, 

*3d-*42  toys,  the  provoked  and  embittered   Guillaume 
« — - — .  returned  to  Rouen.  Frock  and  cowl  he  deposited 
in  a  precious  shrine,  the  lock  was  locked  by  a 
Silver  key ;  Guillaume  appended  the  key  to  his 
girdle  which  he  always  wore  about  his  body; 
never  did  he  part  with  the  key, — the  key  was 
always  ready  for  use  should  occasion  arise. 
Giioiftiime        j  28.    Angered  and  grieved,  his  mental  ex- 
tSmmdm- c**ement  increased  upon  him ;  bodily  illness  en- 
f *Bo5Lm  sued>  and  Guillaume  fell  sick  of  a  raging  fever, 
so  that  his  life  was  endangered.    His  constitu- 
tional vigour,  however,  resisted  the  disease,  the 
fever  left  him ;  his  head  became  more  clear ;  and, 
lying  on  his  bed,  he  matured  his  plans  for  the 
government  of  the  Land  during  the  interval  which 
might  elapse  between  the  Father's  demise  and  the 
full  establishment  of  the  Ducal  authority  under 
his  son. 

During  all  these  troubles,  the  anxiety  con- 
cerning the  child  pressed  heavily  on  that  father's 
mind — and  possibly,  his  distress  in  this  behalf, 
though  blended  with  other  motives, — even  un- 
worthy timidity, — induced  him  to  resolve  upon 
the  measure  of  abdication,  in  order  that  he  might 
settle  a  firm  and  responsible  Regency,  competent 
to  protect  the  infant  heir — Guillaume  Longue- 
ep&'s  conduct,  viewed  as  an  entirety,  discloses 
the  warning  he  had  received.  His  ill-regulated 
plans  for  resigning  his  Dominion  were  evidently 
commingled  with  anticipations  of  his  own  death, 


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941—842 


AND  RICHARD   SANS  PEUR.  289 

and  also  with  the  dread  that  the  young  and  help-  936-94* 
less  Richard,  never  seen  by  his  Father  since  the 
Stepmother  came,  might  fall  into  the  power  of 
his  enemies.  —  The  current  phrase,  that  pre- 
sentiments, like  prophecies,  work  their  own  ac- 
complishment, is  simply  one  of  the  devices 
whereby  we  vainly  strive  to  effect  our  escape 
from  the  unseen  World  surrounding  us.  The 
thought,  and  the  events  which  the  thought  fore- 
bodes, proceed  from  the  same  eternal  treasury  of 
foreknowledge. 

Languishing,  yet  convalescent,  Guillaume  re-  conges- 

06Dt  he  re- 

moved  from  the  Palace  to  the  Park  of  Chevilly,  »<>▼«  to 

J     Chevilly : 

the  place  of  disport,  now  sought  by  the  pallid  *»  p»  w- 
invalid  for  the  enjoyment  of  tranquillity  and  fresh 
air.    Much  recommended  also  was  the  Lodge  of 
Chevilly  by  its  sylvan  seclusion : — untracked  and 
unobserved,  and  secured  from  the  Stepmother's 
jealous  espial,  there  might  the  troubled  father  be- 
hold his  boy. — To  Chevilly  was  the  young  Richard  The  bov 
warily  conducted  from  F6camp  by  trusty  messen-  produced 
gers,  and  received  by  Guillaume  Longue-epee,  sur-  gjjg*?. 
rounded  by  the  hoary  Counsellors  whom  he  had  %*£u& 
inherited  from  his  father,  the  men  who  guarded  **• Dane- 
him  in  his  own  childhood,  Botho  and  Oslac,  and 
Bernard  the  Dane.   To  them  he  exhibited  the  boy, 
calling  upon  the  three  aged  Veterans  to  admire 
the  pretty  Richard's  ruddy  cheeks  and  flaxen  hair. 
Guillaume  kissed  the  child's  eyelids,  stript  off  his 
garments,  and  displayed   Richard's  tender,  yet 
vol.  it.  u 


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290  LOUI3  D'OUTREMER,  GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE, 

936-wa  sturdy  limbs,  coaxing  them  all  the  while.  Ad- 
XZXZ^  dressing  the  three  Nobles,  not  only  as  his  friends, 
941—942  ^  a|gQ  ag  t^e  representatives  of  the  Community, 
he  poured  forth  his  earnest  solicitations  that  they 
would  take  order  and  preserve  the  Duchy  for 
Espriota's  child,  so  worthy  to  become  their 
Sovereign. 

Guillaume  Longue-epee  appealed  to  them, 
whether  he  had  not  striven  hard  to  secure  Nor- 
mandy's prosperity; — but  his  work  was  almost 
<£ptyhi£"    done. — Solemnly  did  Bernard,  Oslac,  and  Botho, 
Sume^s     make  their  responsive  promises;  faithfully  had 
**nd%£-'  ^ey  obeyed  Guillaume  Longue-epee  whilst  he 
£l£e.h0"    lived,  faithfully  would  they  guard  and  obey  that 
young  child  when  his  father  should  be  called  away. 
— Richard  Sans  peur  should  be  their  Count,  their 
Duke,  their  hereditary  Patrician.    And  the  three 
Old  Men,  kneeling  before  the  lovely  child,  swore 
the  oath  of  fealty,  performing  homage  in  solemn 
form,  placing  their  great  wrinkled  hands  between 
his  tender  palms. 
Lo^ue™        ^et  t*iere  was  one  parental  duty  still  to  be 
oSder^or8  performed,  even  more  transcendant.     The  Child 
SuSL  was  to  be  trained  in  the  way  he  had  to  go.   By  no 
mediaeval  dynasty  was  this  precept  more  consis- 
tently received  than  amongst  Rollo  and  his  pro- 
geny, even  until  the  extinction  of  his  line.    Tho- 
roughly had  Guillaume  Longue-epee  thought  over 
the  education  fitting  for  his  Heir,  and  he  declared 
his  wishes  with  a  minuteness  which  testified  that 


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AND  RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.       291 

the  subject  had  been  anxiously  weighed  and  con-  ©36-tea 


sidered  by  him,  and  that  he  had  formed  a  distinct  < — *— . 
conception  of  the  ultimate  results.— Not  to  Bishop  W1~*48 
or  Priest,  to  Monk  or  to  Abbot,  would  Guillaume 
entrust  the  fearless  Richard.  For  all  we  can  tell, 
never  did  his  father  wish  that  a  shaveling  should 
draw  nigh  him — Botho  had  been  Guillaume's 
teacher,  and  to  Botho,  the  wise  and  courteous, 
the  book-instructed  warrior,  the  skilful  huntsman, 
did  he  commit  his  son. 

How  must  the  young  Duke  of  Normandy  be 
trained  ? — Dignified  as  the  Noble, — lettered  as  the 
Clerk, — firm  in  the  saddle, — fleet  in  the  field, — 
perch  the  falcon  on  his  fist, — know  the  waters  and 
the  wealds — cast  the  net — dart  the  javelin,— 
slip  the  hound — break  the  deer. 

Every  branch  of  learning,  every  elegance  of 
demeanour,  might  be  acquired  at  Rouen.  But  in 
Romane  Rouen,  only  half  the  work  of  tuition 
could  be  performed :  to  perfect  Richard  for  the 
Dukedom,  he  must  be  reared  elsewhere.  Rouen's 
indwellers  shunned  the  barbaric  dialect  of  the 
Sea-Kings. — The  French,  and  the  best  French  of 
France,  therefore  became  current  in  the  antient 
City ;  but  the  schooling  of  Rouen,  however  good 
of  its  kind,  would  not  suffice  for  the  Monarch  of 
the  Terra  Normannorum ;  he  must  be  a  French- 
man amongst  the  French,  a  Danskerman  amongst  Richard  is 
the  Danes.    No  other  language  could  reach  the  fected^ 

tn       •  i    •■  i       -rT     •  i  t  *he  Danish 

Danish  heart  except  the  Danish  mother-tongue ;  tongue. 

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292  LOUIS  d'outhemer,  guxllaume  longue-epee, 

636-942  and  Guillaume,  who  could  only  discourse  in 
^ZXZX  French,  must  often  have  felt  the  grievous  disad~ 
m~"043  vantage  to  which  his  ignorance  exposed  him.  Not 
merely  must  the  young  Rudo  Jarl  comprehend  the 
Norsk,  but  he  must  speak  it  as  if  inborn ;  ajid 
nothing  of  the  sort  could  be  gained  at  Rouen. 
The  Norsk  might  be  read  from  the  Rune-stave, 
but  you  could  not  learn  the  lore  from  the  book ; 
the  hearing  ear  must  listen  to  the  opening  lips; 
and  therefore  did  Guillaume  Longue-epee  insist 
that  the  young  Richard  should  fix  bis  residence  at 
Bayeux,  where  the  very  children  lisped  in  Danish 
syllables. — All  these  behests  did  Botho  promise 
to  perform.  As  the  apple  of  his  eye,  would  he 
care  for  the  precious  child. 
943  It  was  the  usual  custom  during  the  middle 

May  39.  m  e 

inaugura-  ages — not  yet    entirely  obsolete    amongst   the 
chard  at     Churches  of  the  Roman  obedience  —  that   the 

Bayeux. 

opening  of  National  Councils  or  Assemblies,  should 
be  hallowed  by  celebrating  the  Mass  of  the  Holy 
Ghost,  or  held  on  the  Pentecostal  Day :  and  on 
that  high  festival,  at  Danish  Bayeux,  a  City  se- 
lected with  a  very  marked  intent,  was  the  young 
Richard  inaugurated,  the  ceremony  being  per- 
formed with  unprecedented  solemnity.  Conjoined 
to  Botho  and  Oslac  and  Bernard  the  Dane,  seven 
other  Nobles  appointed  by  Guillaume  Longue- 
epee  constituted  the  Regency.  Their  names  are 
not  recorded,  but,  judging  from  the  important  parts 
which  Osmond  de  Centvilles,  Yvo,  the  father  of 


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AND  RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.       293 

Guillaume  de  Belesme,  and  the  grasping  crabbed  936-942 
Raoul-Torta,  afterwards  played  in  the  historic  !IZXZX 
drama,  it  is  probable  that  they  were  amongst  the      *** 
number.   Moreover,  besides  this  selected  Council, 
all  the  Chieftains  of  Normandy  and  Britanny — 
the  latter  country  still  bearing  rather  the  appear- 
ance of  a  co-ordinate  dominion  than  a  vassal 
state — were  then  and  there  also  assembled. 

To  Guillaume's  impassioned  address,  a  uni- 
versal assent  was  given.  On  behalf  of  the  Com* 
munity,  and  swearing  the  oath  on  the  Holy  relics, 
did  the  seven  Nobles  become  the  young  Richard's 
liegemen  and  perform  homage  to  the  Child, 
placing  their  hands  between  his  hands,  following 
the  example  which  Botho,  Bernard,  and  Oslac, 
had  afforded  at  Chevilly — Thus  was  the  young 
Richard  put  in  actual  seizin  of  the  Ducal  autho- 
rity ;  and  Guillaume's  mind  being  tranquillized, 
he  speedily  recovered  his  health.  Yet  he  was 
often  languid,  as  if  he  were  wearied,  and  desiring 
to  lie  down  and  rest. 

$  29.     Guillaume  Longue-epee  had  relieved  Gnfliaume 
himself  from  the  immediate  pressure  of  care  con-  ^e*s  dis- 
cerning his  son,  but  he  had  subjected  himself mlnd- 
to  a  burden  of  anxiety  which  he  could  not  shake 
off.    He  could  not  be  satisfied  with  himself.   The 
measures  which  he  had  commenced,  necessitated 
a  complete  reconstruction  of  the  Norman  Com- 
monwealth. When  he  began  his  reign,  he  did  not 
entertain  any  particular  ill-will  against  the  Danish 


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294  LOUIS  d'outremer,  guillaume  longue-epee, 

936-943  party,  though  he  delighted  to  be  a  Frenchman : 
^ZZXZX  but  favoritism  is  more  galling  than  injustice,  and 
942     thereby  he  excited  the  virulent  discontent  which 
provoked  Riulph's  insurrection. 

Guillaume  suppressed  this  great  rebellion — 
but  his  victory  was  really  a  moral  defeat.  He 
stained  his  character  indelibly.  His  most  zealous 
and  attached  friends  had  felt  themselves  dis- 
graced by  his  unworthy  cowardice.  By  his  treat- 
ment of  Riulph  and  Riulph's  family,  he  had  roused 
the  pertinacious  vengeance  of  their  kindred ;  and, 
if  the  intensity  of  the  outraged  feeling  which  was 
dogging  him  to  the  death,  can  be  accepted  as 
the  standard  whereby  we  are  to  measure  his  de- 
parture from  mercy  and  from  truth,  atrocious 
must  have  been  his  cruelty  and  perfidy. 

The  dispersion  of  the  Danish  revolt  egged  Guil- 
laume on  to  firmness ;  he  pledged  himself  to  rule 
as  a  French  Prince,  and  strove  to  knit  Normandy 
into  the  French  monarchy.  Had  he  adhered 
faithfully  to  King  Louis,  it  is  possible  that  the 
rare  virtue  of  a  Liegeman's  integrity  might,  from 
the  very  strangeness  of  the  occurrence,  in  some 
degree  have  redeemed  the  Pirate  from  obloquy. 
But,  abusing  all  opportunities,  he  had  exasperated 
offence  -  the  leading  men  amongst  the  French,  and,  by  his 
f£nnch  by6  alliance  with  the  terrible  son  of  Gorm,  Guil- 

his  union 

JjJJJ^"  laume  now  presented  himself  to  the  whole  French 
nation  under  the  worst  as  well  the  most  despi- 
cable aspect ;  according  to  their  judgment,  arene- 


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AND  RICHARD  SANS  PEU£.  295 

gade,  in  the  most  odious  sense.     Secular  policy  986-942 
and  religious  faith  were  amalgamated,  and  there-  ^— i_ 
fore  a  political  union  with  the  Danskermen  in  the      W2 
State  was  the  inevitable  precursor  of  religious 
apostasy  from  Christianity.    Guillaume's  dealings 
with  Harold  Blaatand  were  fraught  with  immi- 
nent danger  to  men,  women,  and  children,  to 
gentle  and  simple,  to  priest  and  peasant,  to  goods 
and  chattels,  to  life  and  land,  to  the  Frankish 
Commonwealth  and  to  universal  Christianity. 

Neither  was  Guillaume's  inimical  policy  to  last 
only  for  a  limited  time.  The  foundations  for  the 
rebuilding  of  the  Danishry  were  laid  fast  and 
wide.  Guillaume  Longue-epee  had  planned  that 
the  system  should  endure  from  generation  to 
generation. — As  the  young  Richard  was  taught, 
so  would  he  transmit  his  lessons  to  his  children 
and  to    his    children's    children.      Guillaume's  PreP°n?e- 

rance  given 

scheme  of  tuition  professed  to  imbue  the  Pupil  Jj£"^" 
with  the  Danish  ethos  concurrently  with  his  qua-  jg»|£  $e 
lifications  as  a  Frenchman,  yet  the  whole  acade-  SooSSL 
mical  course  could  scarcely  fail  to  impart  unto 
the  young  Richard  a  decided  predilection  for  the 
Danish  policy*  and  render  the  Danishry  prepon- 
derating in  his  spirit  and  mind. 

It  is  impossible  to  teach  without  a  tendency. 
Be  you  "Popish/'  be  you  iC Protestant,"  be  you 
"Pantheist,''  be  you  the  very  perfected  type  of  phi- 
losophical indifference,  you  will  contrive,  somehow 
or  another,  to  give  an  inkling  of  your  sentiments 


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296  LOUIS  d'outremer,  guillaume  longue-epee, 


« 


936-942  even  in  your  lessons  of  words  of  one  syllable. — 

\ ^_J  Guillaume  placed  the  noble  Youth  amidst  the 

942  Danish  population  of  the  Bessin,  at  that  period  of 
human  life  when  the  clay,  still  ductile,  though 
hardening,  is  able  to  receive  the  impress  most 
readily,  and  with  the  best  chance  of  retaining 
the  stamp  until  solidification.  Thus  would  the 
young  Richard  become  a  Danishman  in  all  his 
tendencies,  and,  as  years  advanced  and  power 
increased,  a  fatal  foe  to  Christendom. — The  in- 
auguration of  the  future  Sovereign  at  Bayeux 
indicates  that  thenceforward  the  Danish  City  was 
to  be  the  seat  of  government  and  the  Capital, 
Danish  Normandy  the  ruling  State,  Romane  Nor- 
mandy the  subordinate  member.  Besides  the  poli- 
tical importance  which  Bayeux  would  acquire  as 
the  Sovereign's  residence,  Rouen  depended  upon 
these  Western  Provinces  for  her  supplies,  being 
almost  wholly  victualled  by  the  Cotentin  and  the 
Bessin.  Throughout  the  Carlo vingian  Empire 
the  Norsk  was  execrated  as  the  chief  nutritive 
element  of  Paganism,  and  not  improperly.  The 
extinction  of  that  language  amidst  the  converted 
Northmen,  was  inculcated  and  exacted  as  the 
indispensable  test  of  their  sincerity.  Guillaume 
Longue-epee's  instructions  were  calculated  to 
render  the  Norsk  the  language  in  which  Richard 
would  think,  whilst,  to  the  French,  every  phrase 
he  uttered  in  the  same  Norsk  would  be  offensive 
as  a  testimony  against  Christianity. 


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AND  RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.       297 

Indeed,  the  general  scope  and  tendency  of  936-942 
Guillaume    Longue-£p£e's    educational    theory,       * 
whether  from  designed  policy,  or  from  absolute     •*? 
unconcern,  was  practically  antichristian.   The  one  hj  «- 

A  "  9  eluded  from 

thing  needful  was  wholly  ignored ;  no  Bishop,  no  g^1*^16 
Priest,  no  Monk  or  Abbot  was  placed  about  the  ^£me  of 
boy.    Christianity  had  absolutely  no  place  in  the educatlon- 
Instructor's  Programme :  When  providing  for  the 
courtly  training  and  intellectual  cultivation  of 
the  young  Prince,  Guillaume  Longue-£p£e  was 
conducting  himself  like  his  equals  and  conform* 
ing  implicitly  to  the  spirit  of  the  age ;  but,  by 
excluding  the  Clergy  from  the  school-room  he 
placed  himself  in  dogged  opposition  to  that  same 
spirit. 

The  boy's  education  was  exclusively  confided 
to  laymen,  clever  men,  men  of  war ; — even  his 
own  mother,  the  gentle  Espriota,  was  entirely 
kept  away  from  him.  For  anything  that  Guil- 
laume Longue-epee  had  enjoined,  his  boy  might 
never  hear  a  good  word.  Nor  indeed,  in  this 
respect,  had  Rollo  managed  otherwise  for  Guil- 
laume his  son  than  the  son  was  preparing  to  do  for 
the  grandson.  Such  wise  politicians  as  Bernard, 
Botho,  and  Oslac,  though  obviously  opposed  to 
the  Pagan  Danes  as  a  party,  were  Christians  of  the 
slackest  observance.  Even  the  legends  do  not,  as 
is  usual  in  the  case  of  distinguished  individuals, 
try  to  connect  them  with  the  Church.  The  only 
Christian  Danish  Kcemp  for  whom  local  tradition 
supplied  a  Christian  sepulture,  is  the  renowned 


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298  LOUIS  d'outremer,  guillaume  longue-epee, 

936-043  Oggiero  il  Danese.  Religion,  thus  neglected,  there 
)_JL-i  was  every  probability  that  Richard,  not  caring 
W3  much  for  any  of  these  things,  would  protect,  if  not 
profess,  the  antique  Creed  of  Odinism.  Raoul- 
Torta,  a  Frenchman,  Father  of  Walter  Bishop  of 
Paris,  Hugh-le-Grand's  Chancellor,  was  a  Church 
demolisher  as  fierce  as  Hastings.  Under  a  Sove- 
reign so  minded,  the  Normans  would  fall  into  a 
state  of  semi-paganism  more  insidiously  dangerous 
to  Christianity  than  avowed  heathenry, — Was  or 
was  not  this  the  result  anticipated  by  the  care- 
ful Parent? 

§  30.  Despite  of  Guillaume's  more  than  sus- 
picious conduct,  Louis  apparently  bestowed  so 
mucH  favour  upon  him  as  to  excite  the  jealousy 
of  the  other  French  Princes.  As  there  was 
always  one  intrigue  shelled  in  another  intrigue, 
it  is  possible  that  Louis  wished  to  play  him  off 
against  the  Vermandois-Capet  party, — or,  may  be, 
it  was  a  feint*  for  the  purpose  of  throwing  Guil- 
laume off  his  guard.  But  this  state  of  affairs  did 
not  last. 
cSrf a0™"  ^  vei7  remarkable  rumour  obtained  currency 
gummed  *n  England,  that  Count  Riulph's  Kinsmen — Balzo 
thereto.  jg  tjje  oniy  one  whose  name  we  know — had  ap- 
pealed the  Duke  of  Normandy  before  the  King  of 
France,  as  a  cruel  and  treacherous  murderer. 
No  further  circumstances  are  recorded — but  Guil- 
laume, however,  did  at  this  period  certainly  ac- 
knowledge the  obligation  of  rendering  suit  and 
service  to  the  French  Monarch,  like  as  a  Peer  of 


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AND  RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.       299 

France.  In  this  quality  he  was  summoned  by  m-9& 
Louis  to  a  great  Council,  to  be  held  in  the  Palace 
of  Attigny.  Hugh-le-Grand,  having  made  his 
peace,  was  summoned.  Arnoul  of  Flanders,  and 
Herbert  of  Vermandois,  were. summoned;  King 
Otho,  now  cordially  united  to  his  brother-in-law, 
attended  also,  obviously  as  a  friend  and  chosen 
counsellor  of  the  Realm. 

Following  his  father's  example,  Charles-le- 
Simple,  Louis  d'Outremer  fully  maintained  due 
state,  and  his  Counsellors  theirs  also.  According 
to  the  law  and  practice  of  these  Assemblies,  it 
scarcely  beseemed  such  Potentates  as  composed 
them,  to  appear  before  the  King  precisely  on  the 
very  day  which  his  precept  enjoined.  It  was  a  point 
of  honour  not  to  be  strictly  punctual ;  the  King  j^  ^t^ 
might  wait  in  patience  or  with  impatience  through  iS^!16  **" 
the  first  day,  the  second  day,  and  the  third  day, 
but  if  the  haughty  Peer  presented  himself  on  the 
quarto  die  post,  he  had  done  all  that  could  be  re- 
quired. The  Commentator  of  the  laws  of  England 
quotes  an  apt  passage  from  Tacitus,  in  support  of 
the  opinion  that  the  Freeman's  pride  may  have 
found  consolation  in  this  conventional  assertion  of 
independence;  yet  another  reason,  at  least  equally 
sufficient,  may  be  found  for  the  indulgence  — 
namely,  the  uncertainty  of  intercommunication. 
—With  the  fullest  desire  to  "keep  his  day,"  a 
foundered  horse,  or  a  bridge  ruined  by  a  flood, 
might  render  the  Baron's  appearance  on  the  re- 


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300  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER,  GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE, 

936-042  turn  of  the  writ,  impracticable.  Hence  the  com- 
mercial "  three  days  grace."  The  most  trusty 
Factor  might  be  retarded  in  bringing  the  money- 
bag to  his  Principal.  If,  through  such  a  contin- 
gency, the  Merchant  of  the  Rialto  did  not  dis- 
charge his  camMo  the  very  day  when  it  became 
due,  it  would  have  been  cruel,  by  reason  of  his 
involuntary  default,  to  exhibit  him  in  the  Piazza 
before  San  Marco, — elevated,  as  an  insolvent,  on 
the  stone  of  shame. 

Whether  the  Counsellors,  earnestly  desiring 
to  speak  with  the  King,  and  waiving  their  dig- 
nity, accelerated  their  pace,  and,  literally  obeying 
the  Precept,  had  come  together  three  days  earlier 
than    could  have  been   expected — or   whether 
Guillaume  Longue-epee  had  been   delayed  by 
accident,  or  whether  he  had  mistaken  the  Essoign- 
day,  or  whether  he  had  not  cared  to  remember 
the  right  day,  cannot  be  ascertained. — Anyhow, 
when  Guillaume  arrived  at  Attigny,  the  Council 
had  been  long  in  actual  session:  the  portal  of 
the  council-chamber  was  closed:  porches  and 
galleries  deserted  by  the  Royal  officers :  even  the 
£jf ^o™6  important  Usher   had    slid   away.     Guillaume 
clulfed*"    therefore  was  compelled  to   tarry  outside  the 
trident  or  dumb  door.   He  waited  and  waited  to  be  intro- 
ti^'Sin^duced — no  one  came. — The  proverbial  discomfort 
anger.  ^  expectancy  was  encreased  by  the  vehement 
suspicion  that  the  neglect  was  prepense,  until, 
losing  all  patience,  Gurllaume  smashed  open  the 


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AND  RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.       301 

valve.     Rushing  in,  he  beheld  King  Louis  seated  936-942 
on  the  estrade,  King  Otho  by  his  side.    "Do  ZH^HT 
you  treat  me  as  an  intruder?"  roared  the  son  of     94a 
Rollo — "  am  I  guilty  of  treason  ?"   He  compelled 
King  Otho  to  rise:  he  would  have  pummelled 
King  Otho  had  there  been  any  delay.    The  Coun- 
cil was  broken  up,  and  King  Louis  departed. 

Were  the  circumstances  which  had  caused  this 
deplorable  turmoil  purely  the  result  of  chance, — 
or  was  any  insult  to  Guillaume  Longue-epee 
really  designed?  The  contemporaries  of  this 
strange  scene  asked  the  question,  but  no  clear 
answer  was  received.  If,  however,  the  intention 
of  giving  such  an  affront  to  Guillaume  Longue- 
epee,  as  might  madden  him  to  some  wild  outrage, 
be  hypothetical,  the  result  of  his  anger-burst  is 
incontestable.  —  All  determined  to  abide  their 
time. 

§  31.    An  awful  decision,  which  the  Princes  Detennina- 
of  France  had  not  hitherto  been  able  to  contem-  French 

party  to  rid 

plate  distinctly,  now  assumed  a  definite  shape  themaehret 
and  form.    Until  this  explosion  of  violence,  they  J*u,ne 

*  7  *  Longue- 

had  not  fully  comprehended  their  case,  but  (as^J* 
it  seemed  to  them)  they  now  understood  it  in  all  ir**«MI0* 
its  bearings.  Guillaume  Longue-epee  had  for- 
feited the  protection  of  every  law,  human  or 
divine —  a  Pirate,  a  Pagan,  above  all,  a  Barba- 
rian, he  was  entitled  to  none.  Received  into  the 
safeguard  of  the  Christian  community,  he  had 
forfeited  that  safeguard.   Uniting  himself  to  the 


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302  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER,  GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE, 

936-942  Danish  Outlaws,  he  became  a  Pirate  himself;  his 
pristine  liabilities  reverted  to  him.  In  open  war, 
Guillaume  might  escape  by  the  chances  of  war, 
but,  was  he  entitled  to  the  privilege  of  being  dealt 
with  openly  ? — Therefore,  were  not  all  men  enti- 
tled to  deliver  themselves  by  every  means  in  their 
power  from  that  pest  of  humanity,  against  whom 
fair  force  might  not  avail.  Moreover,  the  recent 
history  of  the  Empire  had  afforded  a  precedent 
peculiarly  applicable  to  this  particular  exigency. 
Who  could  do  otherwise  than  applaud  the  skilful 
astuteness  by  which  the  Emperor  Charles-le-Gras, 
the  Archbishop  of  Cologne,  and  the  noble  Counts 
Henry  and  Everard,  had  freed  the  Christian  Com- 
monwealth from  the  Danish  Godfrey?  —  The 
Emperor  would  not  even  allow  the  claims  of  a 
daughter's  husband  to  stand  between  the  country's 
safety  and  the  needful  sacrifice.  How  much  misery 
had  been  saved  to  the  Community,  when  Count 
Everard  drew  his  sword,  and  split  the  boozing 
Northman's  skull ! 

Does  not  our  age  of  civilization  sanction  this 
mode  of  reasoning  equally  by  ethics  and  by  prac- 
tice?— Who  are  our  Heroes? — Our  generous  youth 
are  taught  to  twine  the  myrtle  boughs  around 
the  swords  of  Aristogiton  and  Harmodius. — Still 
is  the  "God-like  stroke"  of  Brutus  eulogized  in 
prose  and  verse. — Had  the  trigger  of  the  Tippe- 
rary  blunderbuss  been  pulled  in  the  "  classic  land 
of  liberty9'  and  amidst  the  splendid  scenery  of 


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942 


AND  RICHARD  SANS  PETJR.  303 

lake  and  glacier,  would  not  the  clumsy  barrel  be  986-042 
proudly  exhibited  in  the  Armoury  of  History^ 
bound  up  in  the  same  "faisceau  d'honeur"  with 
Wilhelm  Tell's  mediaeval  Crossbow. — The  gory 
head  of  the  Pretender  would  have  been  duly  hon- 
oured as  a  draft  at  sight,  good  for  Thirty  thousand 
pounds,  payable  over  the  counter  to  the  bearer 
when  presented  at  the  Treasury.  And,  until  the 
sea  shall  give  up  her  dead,  has  not  the  applaud- 
ing voice  of  our  assembled  Legislature  drowned 
the  Dayak's  cry  for  vengeance  ? 

Otho,  exceedingly  incensed  by  the  indignity  he 
had  sustained,  unhesitatingly  proposed  the  sum- 
mary infliction  of  capital  punishment.  King  Louis, 
according  to  a  widely-spread  rumour,  concurred  in 
the  determination.  True  it  is,  that  after  the  bloody 
deed  had  been  perpetrated,  it  is  said  that  he  pro- 
fessed much  indignation  at  the  act :  but  the  eager- 
ness with  which  he  immediately  strove  to  profit 
by  the  Duke's  assassination,  imparts  an  unfortu- 
nate degree   of  probability  to   the   accusation 
tarnishing  his  fair  fame.    Hugh-le-Graud  is  very 
distinctly  named  as  one  of  the  conspirators,  and, 
conducting  himself  exactly  like  Louis,  the  imme- 
diate snatch  he  made  at  a  tempting  portion  of 
Guillaume  Longue-epee's  dominions,  renders  him 
liable  to  the  same  heavy  condemnation.  But  that 
Arnoul  was  the  acting  leader  of  the  conspiracy 
is  incontestable,  and  he  undertook  to  carry  the 
sentence  into  execution. 


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304  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER,  GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE, 

936-942  Had  Arnold's  long-standing  hatred  against 
— a — fc  Guillaume  Longue-epee  needed  any  further  in- 
AmoSde-  citement,  the  Norman  now  gave  some  slight 
embawy  "  pretence.  Herlouin  not  having  been  fully  rein- 
reqniring6a  stated  in  his  dominions,  Guillaume  Longue-epee. 

conference  . 

n  i]&  t  on  behalf  °^  ^is  dependant,  made  reprisals  upon 
picqnigny.  the  Flemish  territory :  but  he  pursued  his  war- 
fare slackly;  his  wish  for  tranquillity  was  en- 
creasing  upon  him  :  his  angry  passions  were  miti- 
gated, and  he  was  well  prepared  to  receive  with 
favour  the  pacific  legation  despatched  by  his 
brother-in-law, 

ArnouFs  ambassadors  spake  beseechingly  and 
humbly  to  Guillaume  in  their  Master's  name. — 
Arnoul,  as  his  Envoys  stated,  craved  a  truce  for 
the  purpose  of  negotiating  an  enduring  peace ; 
the  terms  to  be  proposed,  should,  in  every  way, 
redound  to  Guillaume's  honour.  Arnoul  would 
himself  have  repaired  to  Rouen,  but  his  sad  poda- 
grical  infirmity  precluded  him  from  attempting  so 
long  a  journey.  A  personal  conference  was  how- 
ever indispensable,  and  Arnoul  therefore  ventured 
to  name  the  locality  where  the  meeting  should  be 
held. — Apprehensions  of  treachery  or  suspicions, 
not  by  any  means  unreasonable  during  the  me- 
diaeval era,  jealousies  of  rank  and  punctilios,  not 
entirely  unrecognised  in  later  periods,  frequently 
suggested  that  such  high  contracting  Parties 
should  assemble  on  an  island.  It  was  upon 
the  Island  in  the   Epte  that   Rollo  performed 


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AND  RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.       305 

homage  to  Charles  the  Simple.  Indeed,  from  the  930-942 
old  Roman  times,  when  the  Triumvirs  met  on  the  / — * — » 
Island  of  the  Reno,  until  the  nuptial  pavilion 
was  pight  upon  the  Isle  des  Perdrix,  history 
abounds  with  notices  of  interviews  between  royal 
or  other  great  personages  thus  held.  Therefore 
it  was  equally  conformable  to  the  usual  habits  of 
official  intercourse,  and  suitable  to  Guillaume 
Longue-epee's  personal  convenience,  that  Arnoul 
indicated  an  eyot,  circled  by  the  Somme,  op- 
posite Picquigny,  just  beyond  the  borders  of 
Ponthieu,  almost  in  Guillaume's  territories. 

Arnoul's  proposition  was  very  grateful, —  Guoianme 
strangely  grateful, — to  Guillaume  Longue-epee,  JJJJJJ"^ 
who,  at  once,  shewed  himself  ready  to  hail  this  3R3o£ 
submissive  and  loving  courtesy.  His  Advisers, 
however,  did  not  participate  in  their  Sovereign's 
facility. — "Trust  him  not/' — said  Count  Her- 
louin ; — "  be  assured  that  deceit  is  lurking  in  his 
offer/'— Guillaume  Longue-epee  could  not  deny  the 
relevancy  of  this  warning,  yet  he  did  not  accept 
it;  and,  summoning  his  Council,  he  brought  the 
matter  before  them.  They  unanimously  adopted 
Herlouin's  opinion,  but  Guillaume  Longue-epee 
persevered,  with  fated  eagerness,  in  seeking  the 
removal  of  all  difficulties. — The  Duke  besought 
his  Council  that  they  would  sanction  his  com- 
pliance with  Arnoul's  proposal. — Peace  he  de- 
sired at  any  cost,  and  in  any  way;  yet  he 
would  avoid  fool-hardiness,  in  no  wise  omitting 
vol.  11.  x 


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306  LOUIS  d'outremeb,  guillaume  longue-epee, 

«»-942  any  degree  of  jealousy  which  prudence  might 
<•— - — »  require. 

QJ.O 

Guillaume  mustered  his  troops,  Normans  and 
Bretons,  the  latter  commanded  by  Alain  Barbe 
Torte  and  the  Count  of  Rennes :  and  a  large  num- 
ber of  "Pirates''  (as  the  French  always  called 
Guillaume's  men),  fully  adequate  to  prevent  any 
surprise,  took  their  position  nigh  the  Somme, 
observing  the  eastern  bank  of  the  river.  Other 
detachments  were  stationed  at  Amiens. — The 
infirm  Arnoul,  though  burthened,  as  he  com- 
plained, by  his  swollen  limbs,  retained  neverthe- 
less, so  much  activity,  that  he  was  able  to  reach 
the  place  of  tryste  sooner  than  the  young  and 
vigorous  Guillaume.  Ere  the  Duke  of  Normandy 
17  Dec.   landed,  the  Flemish  Count  had   occupied   the 

042. 

The  meet-  island. — Arnoul  came  forward  limping — dear  old 
idand! the  gouty  man — supported    by   two    of   his    com- 
panions— Four  had  he  with  him,  three  of  them 
being  obscure  individuals : — a  Henry,  a  Robert, 
and  a  Rodolph,  who  cannot  be  identified;   but 
the   fourth  was  too  well-known, — none   other 
Arnoni  and  than  the    ominously  celebrated    Balzo,    Count 
compa-      Arnoul's  familiar,  the  nephew  of  Riulph,  the 

nions  await 

Guiiianme.  instigator  of  the  great  rebellion.  All,  the  four, 
however,  presented  themselves  as  domestic  at- 
tendants of  the  heavy  halting  Count,  unde- 
fended by  helm  or  hauberk,  clad  in  pacific  garb, 
and  wrapt  up  in  the  furry  garments  suited  to 
the  chilly  season.    Very  different  was  the  array 


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AND  RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.       307 

of  Guillaume  Longue-epee.     Twelve  full-armed*  wft-942 
Knights  were  ferried  over  in  his  barge, — .his  ^HCZ^ 
body-guard — who  carefully  kept  the  ground  so  041-W3 
long  as  the  conference  lasted.     Guillaume  ap- 
peared  with  this   military  train,  according  to 
Arnoul's  own  expressed  desire;  and  the  many 
who  were  distrustful  of  Arnoul's  honesty,  might 
try  to  be  satisfied  by  the  circumstance,  that,  to 
his   suggestions,  were    owing   the   precautions, 
seemingly  sufficient  for  the  defence  of  Guillaume 
against  any  latent  treachery. 

Yet  the  propositions,  ostensibly  so  unobjec-*iotfor 
tionable,  were  most  considerately  calculated  to  G^imme 

'  J  planned  by 

answer  the  ends  of  Guillaume's  implacable  ene- *™ ™\™d 
mies.     The  whole  scheme  for  entrapping  and  xwba^d  of 
murdering  him  had  been  organized  by  Arnoul  SSfciE^ 
and  Hugh-le-Grand,  with  the  participation,  ac-lhSdn. 
cording  to  common  fame,  of   Thibault  Count 
of  Blois,  otherwise   Thibault   U    Triclieur,  or 
h  Fourbe,  or  le  Vieux — all  three  epithets  well 
and  truly  earned  or  bestowed. — It  having  been 
decreed  that  Guillaume  should  die,  Arnoul,  when 
he  consented  to  accept  the  dread  responsibility 
of  becoming  the  principal  agent,  shrunk  from 
the  obloquy,  or  perhaps  feared  the  distress,  of 
actually  witnessing  his  brother-in-law's  mortal 
agony.     It  was  needful  therefore  that  this  hor- 
rible catastrophe  should  so  be  woven  into  the 
plot    as   not   to    ensue    until  he  should  have 
turned  his  face  away. 


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942 


308  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER,  GUILLAUME  LQNGUE-EPEE, 

tee— 9&  Moreover,  as  it  was  anticipated  that  the 
"  Commander  of  the  Pirates"  would  be  protected 
by  his  Pirate  bands,  it  was  necessary  that  due 
order  should  be  taken  to  screen  the  actual 
enforcers  of  the  judgement  from  their  fury. 

The  short  December  day  was  fully  employed 
in  copious  and  cordial  discourse  between  the 
dSS!ft  kindly  friends. — Arnoul  declared  he  would  make 
every  sacrifice  to  obtain  peace  and  tranquillity; — 
Herlouin  should  be  fully  reinstated  in  his  domi- 
nions. Arnoul  intimated  to  Guillaume  that  he 
dreaded  the  encroachments  of  King  Louis ;  nor 
was  he  less  apprehensive  of  their  common  father- 
in-law,  the  crafty  Herbert,  and  also  of  the  mighty 
Duke  of  France,  Hugh-le-Grand.  Therefore  Ar- 
noul would  transfer  his  allegiance  to  Guillaume, 
accept  him  as  his  Protector  and  his  Superior, 
nay,  as  his  Sovereign ;  and,  after  Arnoul's  death, 
Guillaume  should  succeed  to  the  dominion  of  the 
entire  territory.  The  hours  wore  away  rapidly ; 
evening  darkness  drew  on;  the  kiss  of  peace  closed 
the  discussions ;  and  Guillaume  Longue-epee  pre- 
pared to  quit  the  island:  yet  otherwise  than  as 
he  had  arrived.  By  the  management  of  Arnoul's 
people,  the  twelve  knights  who  escorted  Guil- 
laume crossed  over  first  to  the  shore,  in  a  larger 
boat;  Guillaume  Longue-epee  was  left  alone. 
Not  however  could  this  separation  disquiet  him, 
for  a  small  skiff,  —  the  crew,  consisting  of  a 
single  Mariner  and  two  lads  —  was  lying  by. 


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AND  RICHARD  SANS  TEUR.        309 

Guillaume  entered:  the  Mariner  steered,  Guil-  03&-M2 
laume  helped  to  pull  an  oar*  When  the  Duke 
was  on  the  water,  Arnoul's  attendants  ran  to 
the  river-brink,  and  called  out  to  him  to  make 
the  land  again,  they  had  an  important  mes- 
sage to  deliver  from  Count  Arnoul,  —  matters 
forgotten  in  the  haste  of  parting.  The  boat  was 
turned  about,  and  Guillaume  stepped  forth  upon 
the  swampy  greensward.  The  four  Confederates  Amoui 
drew  the  swords  concealed  beneath  their  vest-  returned, 

Guillaume 

ments.    They  fiercely  rushed  upon  the  defence- ^^ 
less  Guillaume  and  his  companions.     The  sailor  and  daiiu 
and  the  boys  were  desperately  wounded,  Guil- 
laume  slain: — Balzo,  the  avenger  of  Riulph's 
blood,  gave  the  mortal  blow. 

It  is  scarcely  possible  to  doubt  but  that  Guil- 
laume fell  by  Balzo's  sword ;  for  it  was  in  conse- 
quence of  the  act  that  he,  ere  long,  sustained  the 
retribution  inflicted  by  the  savage  sorrow  of 
Herlouin.  Nevertheless,  so  strongly  did  the  evil 
repute  cling  to  the  Tricheur's  name,  that,  in  the 
following  century,  he  was  still  execrated  as  the 
real  criminal : — and  we  can  distinctly  trace  the 
opinion  subsisting  in  that  Treasure-house  of  his- 
torical reminiscences,  the  Monastery  of  Fecamp. 

§  31.  The  locality  is  well  ascertained  by  tra- 
dition ;  the  PrS  au  trois  Co?wets  being  the  pre- 
sent name  of  the  field.  The  deed  was  committed 
in  full  view  of  Guillaume  Longue-epee's  army, 
assembled  on  the  opposite  bank.  But  the  river 
.was  much  broader  than  it  is  at  present,  corre- 


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310  LOUIS  d'outremer,  guillaume  longue-epee, 

036-942  sponding  to  the  pristine  spread  of  the  estuary. 

, — <v_  The  course  of  the  stream  has  also  been  much 

942     changed;  and  the  branch  which  separated  the 

mainland  from  the  little  island  has  been  choked 

by  alluvion. 

The  carefully  devised  complot  had  fully  suc- 
ceeded. The  "Pirates"  were  utterly  baulked.  To 
have  rescued  the  victim  was  impossible;  but 
Guillaume's  troops  could  not  even  obtain  the 
unsatisfactory  satisfaction  of  vengeance.  Arnoul 
and  his  party  escaped,  long  before  the  Normans 
and  Bretons  could  reach  the  island.  The  river 
was  Arnoul's ;  he  had  cleared  away  the  craft.  At 
length,  means  were  found  for  conveying  the 
Corpse  to  the  left  bank  of  the  Somme.  They 
washed  the  body,  stripping  off  the  bloody  gar- 
ments, and  found  the  silver  key  attached  to 
his  girdle. — What  treasure  is  thereby  secured? 
His  Chamberlain  gave  the  explanation.  It  was 
the  key  of  the  silver  casket  in  the  palace  of  Rouen, 
containing  the  cowl  and  robe  wrung  from  Abbot 
Guiiiaumo  Martin  : — and  with  plaint  and  wail,  the  Corpse, 
co*e '"  re   wraP*  *n  a  silken  shroud,  was  slowly  conveyed 

35*" to  R°uen- 

state  of  §  32.    Normandy,  when  the  appalling  fate  of 

NormalTdy  the  Sovereign  had  been  announced,  continued 
ateiv  after  steady  in  gloomy  tranquillity.     The  sympathy  of 
laume'g     grief  and  the  apprehension  of  danger,  the  com- 
mon  affection  entertained   towards  the  young 
Child  and  the  common  peril,  produced  quiescence 
amongst  all  parties,  and  silenced  all  contentions. 


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AND  RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.       311 

Not  even  did  the  impatient  Armoricans  endea-  086-943 
vour  to  insurge  against  the  Regency,  which  Guil-  X^ZT 
laume  Longue-£p£e  had  so  considerately  provided  943-948 
for  the  government  of  the   country  during  the 
minority  of  his  son.  True  did  his  friends  con- 
tinue to  their  trust.    Bernard  the  Dane  adhered 
religiously  to  his  promise ;  he  watched  the  child 
as  the  apple  of  his  eye. 

Bernard,  the  valiant  companion  of  Rollo  when  b®™"1 
the  Terra  Normannorum  was  first  won,  retained 
his  pre-eminence, — universally  acknowledged  as 
the  President  of  the  Land, — Commander  of  the 
Norman  forces, — the  Leader  and  the  Councillor 
of  the  State.  Bernard's  great  bodily  vigour  was 
scarcely  diminished;  his  mental  powers  were 
in  full  vigour.  Bernard  was  equally  adequate 
to  the  cares  of  the  cabinet,  or  the  strain  of  the 
chevauch£e, — not  such  another  in  Normandy  for 
his  years.  Veritably  did  he  exemplify  the  true 
Norman  type  according  to  the  repute  which 
the  Norman  race  popularly  acquired ; — the  half- 
savage  Danish  cunning  subtilized  by  civiliza- 
tion,—quick,  clever,  astute,  full  of  devices  and 
wiles,  and  enjoying  the  artifices  by  which  he 
gained  his  ends.  Bernard's  aspect  bespoke  his 
character.  The  Minstrels  celebrate  his  long 
flowing  grey  beard,  which  equally  certified  and 
symbolized  his  age  and  sapience : 

La  barbe  aveit  blanche  e  florie, 

N'aveit  en  toute  Normandie 

Un  Chevalier  de  son  aage 

Qui  mieux  semblast  prodome  e  sage. 


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312  LOUIS  d'outremer,  guillaume  longue-epee, 

938-943  Yet  whilst  the  observers  admired   the  rough- 

. — * — >  barked  antient,  they  would  smile  when  they  be- 

943      held  his  delicate  young  wife  by  his  side,  and 

express  their  doubts  whether,  in  one  respect,  it 

might  not  be  thought  that  the  wrinkled.  Sage 

had  lacked  discretion.     An  octogenarian,  he  had 

married  a  tender  damsel  of  high  degree,  and  the 

Minstrels  who  describe  Bernard's  long  flowing 

grey  beard,  were  equally  fluent  in  the  praises  of 

the  varied  charms  and  attractions  which  adorned 

the  lovely  Lady : — 

Gente  Dame  de  haut  parage 
Bele,  corteise,  e  proz  e  sage. 

Her  name  is  unknown,  though  like  many  other 

beauties,  she  was  doomed  to  attain  an  unlucky 

poetical  celebrity. 

Botho,—         Some  other  of  the  principal  personages  are 

cmt^ie»,  also  brought  before  us.    Botho,  occupied  by  the 

Torta.       affairs  of  government,    transferred    the    actual 

charge  of  the  young  Richard  his  god-son,  to  the 

anxious  and  affectionate  Osmond  de  Centvilles. 

The  ungain  character  of  Baoul  Torta  (after- 
wards the  unpopular  minister  of  the  young  Duke) 
has  been  clearly  chronicled,  but  we  do  not  know 
much  concerning  his  personal  history.  Possibly 
he  may  have  been  connected  with  Hugh-le-Grand, 
inasmuch  as  his  son  Gautier,  Bishop  of  Paris,  had 
previously  been  one  of  the  Duke-abbot's  flock — 
a  Monk  in  his  Monastery  of  Saint  Denis.  Raoul 
Torta  was  opulent  and  influential,  enjoying  large 
possessions,  and  supported  by  numerous  friends 


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AND  RICHAKD  SANS  PEUB.       313 

and  retainers  in  the  vicinity  of  Rouen.  But  though  936-943 
the  before-mentioned  nobles  enjoyed  the  highest 
political  station,  yet  the  head  of  the  Baronage — 
for  we  may  now  fairly  begin  to  employ  this  term — 
was  Yvo,  the  "  Veteranus"  or  the  "Fortis  Mar- 
chio"  or  the  " Formargis,"  or  the  " Normannus 
Normannarum"  the  founder  of  five  great  families, 
Belesme,  Ponthieu,  Perche,  Alencjon,  and,  through 
the  female  line,  Montgomery. 

Proud  Liutgarda,  amply  endowed  by  Guil-Lrat«rd» 
laume  Longue-ep£e,  and  retaining  her  endow-  ota— their 
ment,  very  speedily  departed ;  and  within  a  short 
time  after  Guillaume  Longue-£pee's  murder,  she 
became  the  congenial  consort  of  Thibault  Count 
of  Blois.  According  to  the  Fecamp  version  of  the 
sad  story,  the  Tricheur%  hasting  away  from  the 
eyot  of  Picquigny,  was  the  first  who  conveyed  the 
intelligence  of  the  happy  riddance  to  Herbert  of 
Vermandois,Guillaume's  father-in-law:  and,  attri- 
buting to  himself,  —  whether  truly  or  untruly, 
the  merit  of  the  misdeed, — solicited  and  obtained 
the  Widow's  hand.  Be  this  as  it  may,  the  mar- 
riage operated  much  to  the  annoyance  of  Nor- 
mandy. As  long  as  she  lived,  Liutgarda  enter- 
tained the  most  direful  antipathy  against  the 
young  Richard,  whether  she  disliked  the  son 
for  the  sake  of  his  father,  or  whether  she  had 
been  provoked  by  Guillaume's  attachment  to 
Richard's  mother,  the  Concubine. 

With  that  much  defamed  but  really  honest 


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314  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER,  GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE, 

»86-«43  woman  our  group  must  be  terminated.    Espriota 
'#— — >  seems  to  have  continued  for  some  time  near  her 
843     son;   but  when  he  had  passed  from  captivity 
into  exile,  and  the  troubles  came  on — possibly  at 
the  juncture  when  the  shameful  conduct  of  the 
French  garrison  of  Rouen  towards  the  Norman 
women  occasioned  so  much  distress — she,  like 
her  Vermandois  rival,  took  a  husband,  but  hers 
was  a  worthy  and  substantial  man,  Asperling, 
or  Sperling,  the  rich  Miller  of  Vaudreuil. — The 
fruit  of  this  marriage  was  the  renowned  Raoul, 
Count  of  Yvri. 
DiTine  §  33.     "  The  right  divine  of  kings  to  govern 

kings—not  wrong,"  had  not  been  promulgated  in  the  mediaeval 
medS»T2°  era*  Wrong  enough  was  done,  but  not  sacrilegiously 
p«iodi.  sanctioned  by  any  attribution  of  Divinity.  Kings 
and  beggars, — fellow-  subjects  to  the  same  autho- 
rity,— fellow-sinners, — none  were  permitted,  ac- 
cording to  the  teaching  of  the  mediaeval  ethos,  to 
break  God's  laws,  or  exonerate  themselves  from 
their  duty  towards  man.  Not  that  all  men  were 
amenable  to  the  same  tribunals,  or  liable  to  the 
same  temporal  law,  yet  the  Sovereign  was  encir- 
cled by  a  boundary,  which,  if  he  overpassed,  shut 
him  out  as  a  transgressor ;  there  was  a  Code  to 
which  he  must  conform.  Men's  base  passions  were 
as  rife  as  they  ever  were  and  always  will  be.  Poets 
flattered,  Courtiers  crouched,  and  Prelates  cringed, 
but  no  grave,  cassocked  Homilists  had  dared  to 
utter  the  sycophantic  blasphemy  that  the  Eternal 


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AND  RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.       315 

had  communicated  his  name  to  a  mortal  king. —  we-ow 
Bender  unto  Caesar  those  things  which  are  Caesar's.  XZXZZ^ 
Render  due  submission,  so  far  as  submission  is     ** 
due;  but  nothing  more. — Fear  God  first,  then 
honour  the  King. 

Assuredly,  in  one  sense,  regal  dominion  is  really  s*ni  «c 
a  divine  right,  inasmuch  as  through  Him  kings  SSmdL- 
reign.  The  first  King  placed  over  the  People  of  wthet™ 
God,  albeit  the  people  sinned  in  demanding  him,  ° 
received  his  kingdom  through  the  Prophet's 
ordination, — sealing  him  to  be  the  secular  Chief 
of  the  Lord's  inheritance.  Therefore  it  was 
appointed  by  the  mediaeval  Church  that  the  So- 
vereign should  be  hallowed  in  his  dignity;  the 
Christian  Minister  ruling  the  Christian  People ; 
governing  the  Holy  Nation  by  Priestly  Royalty, 
such  was  the  theory  of  Mediaeval  society.  The 
King  appertained  to  the  Clerisy ;  a  principle  most 
plainly  affirmed  by  our  antient  English  common 
law.  Even  as  the  Priest  was  set  apart  to  perform 
his  office,  so  was  the  King.  Even  as  the  Bishop 
vowed  and  promised  before  the  altar,  duly  to  per- 
form his  functions,  so  did  the  King.  And  the 
covenant  which  the  King,  upon  the  demand  of 
the  Church,  then  entered  into  with  his  people, 
summed  up,  in  three  brief  clauses,  (hereafter 
to  be  noticed),  every  essential  obligation  of  a 
Sovereign. 

Le  Roi  est  mort !  Vive  le  Roi !  was  the  pro- 
clamation made  by  the  gorgeous  Herald  to  the 


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316  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER,  GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE, 

»36-943  trumpet's  sound,  when  the  surcoat  was  embla- 
zoned, and  the  helmet  crested,  and  the  em- 
broidered banner  dropped  ponderously  pendant, 
shadowing  the  foliated  ogive-canopy  of  the  sepul- 
chre.— But  the  maxim,  Le  mort  saisit  le  v\f,  was 
not  undeniable  law  if  applied  to  the  Sovereign 
during  the  subsistence  of  the  Carlovingian  race, 
nay  not  even  during  the  early  generations  of  the 
Third  Dynasty.  Firmly  as  the  principle  of  an 
hereditary  right,  vested  in  any  given  lineage, 
may  have  obtained,  it  was  not  a  right  absolutely 
inherent  in  the  person.  The  son  did  not  enter 
upon  the  royal  authority,  as  a  matter  of  course, 
after  his  father's  demise.  Amongst  Subjects,  the 
Benefice,  Fief,  Feud,  or  Lehn,  was  not  brought 
into  the  heir's  legal  possession  until  he  had  been 
acknowledged  by  his  Superidr,  neither  could  the 
Sovereign-apparent  consider  himself  as  clothed 
with  royalty  until  sanctioned  by  the  recognition 
'  of  the  Commonwealth.  A  father  might,  for  the 
ensuring  the  transmission  of  the  Kingdom  to  the 
Son,  associate  that  Son  to  himself  in  the  exercise 
HweditMy  of  the  regal  office ;  nevertheless  in  some  guise  or 
relation6  anot^er  the  affirmation  of  the  State  was  required ; 
pie^n^i  nor  could  the  right,  though  indefeasibly  apper- 
™n^ri£oftaining  to  the  lineage,  be  perfected,  until  such 
acceptance  could  be  testified : — upon  each  muta- 
tion of  occupancy,  a  pause  ensued. 

Therefore,  however  solemn  had  been  young 
Richard's  inauguration  at  Danish  Bayeux,  Nor- 


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AND  RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.       317 

xnandy  must  ratify  the  compact,  and  that  assent  936—943 
must  be  given  which  it  was  needful  to  solicit, 
though  no  one  could  anticipate  a  refusal.  The 
same  principle  is  still  exemplified  in  England 
when,  —  the  right  to  the  throne  having  been 
previously  acknowledged  by  those  who  accord- 
ing to  antient  custom  speak  on  behalf  of  the 
Community, — the  yet  uncrowned  Sovereign  is 
presented  before  the  shrine  of  the  Confessor  to 
the  Lieges  of  the  Realm. 

It  was  a  great  advantage  to  Bernard  the  interment 
Dane  and  the  Council  of  Regency,  that  the  slow  J**™6 
progress  of  the  funereal  train  from  the  banks  of  jg^Jj1^ 
the  Somme,  had  afforded  them  full  leisure  forgg^0* 
opportune   consideration.     The  time    was  em-^f"*" 
ployed  in  devising  the  measures  best  calculated 
to  ensure  the  country's  safety,  and  the  future  sta- 
bility of  the  young  Richard's  dignity.    He  was 
forthwith  brought  away  from  Danish  Bayeux, 
and  lodged  in  Rollo's  palace  in  Romane  Rouen, 
and  Bernard  the  Dane — for  we  can  scarcely 
question  but  that  he  suggested  the  proceedings — 
effected  the  young  Duke's  inauguration  shrewdly 
and  sagaciously,  appealing  not  merely  to  the 
political  opinions  and  affections  of  the  people, 
but  also  to  their  imaginative  feelings.     Nor  is 
it  any  disparagement  to  the  good  sense  of  those 
who  directed  the  solemn  ceremony  that  there 
was  a  marked   attention  to  dramatic  effect, — 


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318  LOUIS  d'outbemer,  guillaumelongue-epee, 

986-94$  an  impressive  contrast  exhibited  between  grief 
and  gladness,  a  striking  transition  from  mourning 
to  joy.  This  tendency  to  poetize  the  affairs 
of  human  life  seems  to  have  been  innate  amongst 
the  French,  and  it  is  one  of  the  elements  which 
potently  contributed  to  the  developement  of 
chivalry. 

In  the  Cathedral  of  Notre  Dame,  Chieftains 
and  Nobles,  Priesthood  and  Laity,  Normans  and 
Bretons,  were  crowded — a  vast  commixed  as- 
sembly. Guillaume  Longue-ep^e's  deep-dug  rest- 
ing-place had  been  prepared  opposite  to  his 
father's  tomb.  By  the  side  of  the  yawning  grave 
stood  the  bier,  bearing  the  swathed  cere-clothed 
corpse. 

The  still  existing  effigy  which  transmits  Guil- 
laume's  portraiture,  may,  though  the  tomb  be  of 
later  date,  be  readily  accepted  as  recording  the 
traditions  of  the  antient  times.  The  long-bladed 
sword,  sheathed  in  the  gemmed  scabbard,  was 
lying  as  on  the  dead  man's  breast. — All  was  ready 
— yet  the  obsequies  were  stayed. — No  movement 
was  made  for  the  dark  descent  into  the  pit,  and 
the  untouched  corpse  remained  a  weight  upon 
the  bier.  Then  was  the  young  Richard  suddenly 
brought  forth, — the  pleasant  and  fearless  child. — 
You  would  have  known  Richard  Sans  Peur  any- 
where as  Guillaume's  child, — the  child  displaying 
the  characteristics  of  the  antient  Danish  race,  the 


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AND  RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.       319 

bright  tints,  the  fair  complexion,  the  golden  hair,  w*-wa 
and  the  brilliant  eyes;  the  features  which,  to  the  ] — ^—i 
last,  were  hereditary  in  Rollo's  gifted  progeny.     m- 
One  universal  shout  arose  when  the  Boy  was 
presented  before  the  multitude.     With  one  ac- 
claim they  acknowledged  the  heir  of  Guillaume 
Longue-^pee  and  of  Rollo; — they  would  serve 
him,  they  would  defend  him, — they  would  live 
and  die  for  him,  their  natural  Sovereign. 

The  proceedings  were  opened  by  the  Armo- Becogni- 
ricans,  Count  Juhel  Berenger  took  up  the  speech,  cSid'ou1" 
an  honour  possibly  rendered  to  his  Comitial  dig-  dUo^ST" 
nity,  as  if  he  and  Alain  were  the  chief  Peers  of  renger.  " 
the  Northman's  Monarchy.  Moreover  the  increase 
of  the  Danish  forces  in  the  Cdtentin,  and  the  fear 
entertained  by  the  Bretons  lest  the  Pagan  Danes 
might  renew  their  devastations,  compelled  them 
to  draw  closer  to  the  Christianized  Northmen. 
But  in  whatever  manner  the  pre-eminence  thus 
ceded  to  the  Count  of  Rennes  may  have  been 
construed  or  taken,  any  way  it  manifested  that 
Bretons  and  Normans  were  equally  determined  to 
co-operate  in  maintaining  the  dignity  of  the  Ducal 
Realm.    Juhel  Berenger  insisted  upon  Richard's 
right,  echoing  the  popular  postulation, — The  boy 
must  be  their  Duke,  their  Patrician,  their  Sove- 
reign.— Guillaume's  shield  had  fallen,  Richard's 
shield  must  be  raised.     And,  continuing  his  im- 
passioned argument,  the  Count  of  Rennes  de- 
manded how  otherwise  than  mustered  under  one 


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320  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER,  GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE, 

9S6-W8  standard,  could  they  protect  themselves  against 
the  invasion  of  the  enemy  ? — Again,  a  thunder- 
ing shout  declared  the  universal  consent;  and 
now  the  young  Richard  became  qualified  to  re- 
ceive the  consecrated  investiture. 

Only  to  a  crowned  King  did  the  sacramental 
unction  appertain,  and  not  to  every  crowned  King 
was  that  ordinance  extended.  The  Duke's  exalted 
rank  entitled  him  to  the  benediction  of  the  altar, 
and  that  benediction  was  bestowed.  So  to  speak, 
he  was  in  minor  orders.  In  all  respects,  save  am- 
pulla and  diadem,  did  the  Ducal  inauguration  and 
the  royal  coronation  correspond,  and  the  three 
promises  which  the  young  Richard  made  to  the 
people,  binding  himself  to  their  observance  in  the 
Saviour's  name — that  he  would  preserve  Peace 
to  Church  and  people, — prohibit  all  oppression 
and  violence — and  in  all  his  judgments  observe 
justice  and  mercy — were  those  exacted  from 
every  Sovereign.  Peculiar  reference  was  made 
in  the  Collects  to  Richard's  youth.  He  received 
the  ring  and  was  girt  with  the  sword — sym- 
bolizing his  espousal  to  the  dominion  whereof 
he  was  to  be  the  natural  defender. 

The  Lieges  now  perfected  the  compact.  Again 
were  the  Armorican  Chieftains  foremost  in  tes- 
tifying their  obedience,  placing  their  hands  within 
the  hands  of  Richard :  and  the  other  Nobles  and 
Chieftains  followed  their  example.  The  shrines 
were  brought  forth,  and  the  Gospel  book  and  the 


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AND  RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.       321 

Holy  Rood  ranged  in  awful  array  before  them,  and,  936-343 
the  oath  of  fidelity  being  taken,  the  young  son  ^ZXIZ^ 
of  Guillaume  Longue-£p£e  was  full  Sovereign.  W8 

But  the  young  Richard  inherited  more  from  Loyalty  of 
Guillaume  Longue-epee  than  his  dominions,  hem«»<g: 
enjoyed  a  better  defence  than  the    trenchant chard- 
sword — a  more  potent  safeguard  than  any  po- 
litical theory — he  commanded  his  people's  loyalty. 
This  unreasoning   sentiment,   resulting   from  a 
higher  source  than  human  reason,  is  as  much  a 
gift  as  any  other  natural  affection,  a  free  gift  of 
the  heart,  uncoercible  as  love,  and,  like  love,  in 
no  wise  depending  upon  the  worth  of  the  object 
to  whom  the  affection  is  rendered :  and  we  are 
constrained  to  say  it  ought  not. 

However  deficient  in  principle,  Guillaume 
Longue-fepee's  character  was  very  winning. — Not 
fixe  the  wisest  the  most  regretted  after  death, 
because  their  wisdom  rebukes  our  folly;  nor 
the  pious,  inasmuch  as  their  example  shames 
us ;  nay,  humiliating  as  the  confession  may  be, 
not  always  even  the  truly  loving;  their  very 
tenderness  being  oft-times  a  trouble  to  our  per- 
verse hearts.  Most  generally  are  those  lamented 
who  are  most  agreeable,  whose  geniality  puts  us 
in  good  humour  with  ourselves. —  Vive  Henri 
Quatre! — Scarcely  would  the  vert-galant  lover 
of  la  belle  GdbrieUe  have  been  so  deplored,  had  it 
not  been  for  his  sunny  bonhommie  superadded  to 
the  primal  charm  of  his  libertinism. 

VOL.  II.  Y 


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943 


322  LOUIS  D'OUTBEMER,  GUILLAUME  LONGUE-EPEE. 

936—943  Guillaume  Longue-£p£e's  redeeming  virtue 
s  was  his  firm  and  merciful  administration  of  jus- 
tice. Endeared  to  his  subjects  by  the  protection 
he  afforded,  his  brightness  fascinated  them,  and 
the  resentment  excited  by  the  cruel  treachery  of 
his  enemies,  exalted  the  popular  grief  to  a  strain 
of  indignant  enthusiasm.  All  the  affection  for 
Guillaume  Longue-ep^e  was  transferred  to  the 
young  Richard,  All  the  Norman  parties,  the 
fully  Romanized,  the  settled  Danishry,  even  the 
Pagan  Northmen,  entertained  the  same  ardent 
feeling.  Richard  was  a  most  precious  pledge  to 
whoever  was  interested  in  the  affairs  of  Normandy, 
whether  as  a  friend  or  as  an  enemy. 

Richard's  right  was  unassailable  and  indubit- 
able.— No  ambitious  intruder  from  amongst  the 
Northmen  would  be  allowed  to  rise  up  as  his 
rival.  No  stranger  from  without,  should  dare  td 
challenge  his  dominion.  All  conjoined  in  rever- 
ing their  infant  Chief  as  the  representative  of  the 
Commonwealth.  Adverse  as  the  parties  were  in 
interest  and  opinions,  all  were  consentaneous  in 
their  determination.  —  Under  one  Ruler,  Nor- 
mandy should  continue  one  State,  one  undivided 
Monarchy.  They  never  swerved  from  this  normal 
doctrine,  the  boundaries  of  Normandy  never  re- 
ceded, and  the  Dukes  of  Normandy  became  as 
independent  as  the  Kings  of  France,  whose  supe- 
riority they  acknowledged,  but  whose  behests 
they  never  held  themselves  bound  to  obey. 


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Chapter  IV. 

LOUIS   d'oUTRBMER LOTHAIRE    AND   LOUIS   LB    FAINEANT- 
RICHARD    SANS    PBUR A0CBS8I0N   OF    THE   CAPETS. 


888—987. 
942—987. 

§  1.  HIC  DEFECERUNT  REGES  DE  *»-** 
STIRPE  KAROLI.— Inscribed  in  uncial  ca- ^fl 
pitaJs,  this  sentence,  or  its  equivalent,  rouses  the  ^  ' 
reader  as  he  labours  through  the  manuscript  The  last 

GXa  of  tno 

commemorating  the  fates  and  narrating  the  for-  carioyin- 
tunes  of  antient  France.    It  is  the  usual  practice  n«»ty—  4  _ 

*  accelerated 

of  the  French  monastic  chronographers  thus  to  JJjSJ&i 
bear  record  of  the  great  event — The  parchment 
rises  up  before  you  as  a  sepulchral  memorial, 
the  words  startle  you  as  the  epitaph  of  the 
doomed  race.  The  sand  is  running  out  rapidly. 
The  thrice-repeated  Eight,  the  Eight  hundred 
Eighty  and  Eight,  dissolved  the  Carlovingian 
Empire ;  and  the  Ninety  and  Nine  circling  years 
which  ensued,  and  through  which  we  are  now 
passing,  are  fast  conducting  us  to  the  last  of 
these  remarkable  secular  numbers, — the  Nine, 
the  Eight,  the  Seven, — when  the  knell  of  Charle- 
magne's dynasty  was  rung. 

All  the  devices  whereby  Man  seeks  to  delay 
the  dread  sentence  which  decrees  that  he  shall 

Y2 


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324      LOUIS  d'outremeb,  lothaire,  &c. 

942-om  return  unto  the  dust  from  whence  he  was  taken, 
,_JL_  all  his  endeavours  to  cast  a  veil  over  the  hide- 
943      ousness  of  death,  either  enhance  the  loathsomeness 
of  corruption,  or  sharpen  the  rebuke  of  mundane 
vanity.  Charlemagne's  embalmed  corpse,  then  and 
still  abiding  in  the  ghastly  tomb-chamber  of  Aix- 
la-Chapelle  mocked  and  mocks  the  decay,  the  dis- 
grace, and  the  ruin  of  the  glorious  Empire  which 
Encreurfnghe  had  founded.    Nevertheless,  whilst  the  Mo- 
It  the  mo-  narchy  was  failing  in  the  persons  of  the  perplexed 
principle.    Rulers,  the  monarchical  spirit  continued  to  wax  in 
strength.  More  firmly  was  the  abstract  doctrine  of 
hereditary  right  protected  by  law,  and  far  more 
forcibly  advocated  by  public  opinion,  than  when 
the  Pontiff  placed  the  diadem  on  the  brows  of 
Pepin's  son. 

Never  indeed,  under  any  circumstances,  had 
the  Monarchical  principle  been  contravened  by 
the  populations  within  the  ambit  of  the  Empire 
— no  other  form  of  government  was  known  by 
them.  The  exceptions,  when  examined,  prove 
to  be  no  exceptions,  or  exceptions  proving  the 
rule.  Regality  was  the  organic  element  of  the 
Commonwealth,  the  Commonwealth  could  not 
otherwise  exist :  an  acephalous  body  politic  was 
inconceivable.  One  supreme  Pontiff,  Head  of 
the  Christian  Church;  one  Emperor,} Temporal 
Head  of  the  Christian  Commonwealth ;  one  King 
in  each  Kingdom. — No,  not  even  when  the  rem- 
nants of  the  Carlovingian  Empire  had  been  rent 


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ACCESSION   OF   THE   CAPETS.  825 

asunder,  was  the  dream  of  founding  a  Republic  942-354 
entertained.    Each  King  whose  Kingdom  had  at  ^ZZXZZT 
any  time  been  fashioned  out  of  the  ruins  of  the  942~9^ 
Carlovingian  Empire  ruled  his  realm  with  im- 
perial right;   every  King,   receiving  the   regal 
benediction,  was  as  an  Emperor  within  his  king- 
dom. 

Louis    d'Outremer   acted  on  the  full  con- character 

t  #  of  Louis. 

viction  that  this  position  was  irrefragable.  Well 
versed  in  the  arts  of  government ;  bold  without 
rashness ;  happily  unincumbered  by  any  inconve- 
nient scruples  of  political  morality;  retaining  the 
undiminished  consciousness  of  his  exalted  dignity 
despite  of  his  mortifications  and  misfortunes: 
all  these  qualities  invigorated  him  during  the  hard 
conflict  he  had  to  wage — he  fought  the  good 
fight  of  royalty  with  the  spirit  of  a  King.  During 
his  whole  life  Louis  was,  to  use  the  common 
expression,  under  female  influence,  and,  for  a  man 
of  his  rank,  in  a  singular  manner ;  that  influence 
having  been  only  exercised  by  Mistresses  who 
might  legitimately  demand  it. 

During  childhood  and  adolescence  the  ener-  inflnence 

.  .  °f  Ojriva, 

getic  Ogiva,  who  had  rescued  him  from  perpetual  ^  *»« 
imprisonment  or  death,  continued  to  act  as  a^S^688 
wise  and  sagacious  guardian.    After  his  marriage  £^e  a* 
with  Gerberga*  the  closer  claims  of  the  wife 
superseded  parental  authority;  yet  the  dutiful 
affection  which  Louis  entertained  for  his  mother 
was  not   diminished.     He   loved  her  and   he 


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326      LOUIS  d'outbemer,  lothaire,  &c. 

M2-954  honoured  her,  testifying  his  sentiments  by  prac- 
,-  «     ,  tical   kindness   and   liberality.      So   completely 
942-943  had  Louis  been  despoiled  of  his  domains,  that 
Gerberga,  on  her  second  marriage,  does  not  ap- 
pear to  have  received  any  dowry,  whilst  she  lost 
a  part  (some  say  the  whole)  of  that  which,  as 
the  relict   of  Gilbert  the   bold   swimmer,   she 
ought  to  have  held  in  Lorraine.     Louis,  there- 
fore, not  having  any  proper  means  of  his  own, 
enabling  him  to  make  a  competent  provision  for 
the  widowed  Ogiva,  applied  himself,  as  was  the 
custom,  to  the  resources  afforded  by  church  pro- 
perty.    There  existed  at  Laon  a  noble  Convent, 
founded  by  the  venerated  Saint  Salaberga  in  King 
Dagobert's  days.  This  House  of  Religion  was  pecu- 
liarly under  royal  protection.    When  the  King 
entered  the  Close,  he  dismounted  from  his  horse, 
and  his  dogs  were  left  to  bark  without  the  gate — 
and,  when  he  attended  service  in  the  Choir,  he 
honoured  the  Festival  and  the  Sanctuary  by  wear- 
ing his  Crown.  But  Royal  patronage  was  onerous 
as  well  as  honourable.     The  Monarch  assumed 
the  irresponsible  power  of  presentation  to  the 
preferment,  and  when  Louis  appointed  Ogiva  as 
the  Lady  Superior,  such  an  act  was  perhaps  the 
minimum  abuse  of  his  authority.    Through  his 
gift,  the    Queen  Mother  of  France  and  Lay- 
Abbess  of  Notre  Dame  de  Laon  received  the 
revenues  of  the  opulent  establishment ; — where, 
unfettered  by  monastic  rule  or  inconvenient  vow, 


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ACCESSION    OF    THE   CAPETS.  327" 

she  might  hold  her  little  Court,  and  enjoy  herself  942-954 
in  sober  ease  and  matronly  dignity.  \ — ^_ 

Louis  possessed  in  Gerberga  the  truest  help-  94*-*43 
mate.  The  natural  character  of  King  Otho's 
sister,  King  Henry's  daughter,  was  closely  ana- 
logous to  her  husband's;  their  merits  were  the 
same,  the  same  their  failings.  Mutual  affection 
encreased  the  original  conformity  of  the  Royal 
pair:  whether  the  wife  of  Louis  or  his  widow, 
the  Queen  Consort  of  France  exhibited  parallel 
talent,  parallel  spirit,  and  parallel  energy. 

Never  yet  had  Louis  faltered  since  the  cheers 
of  the  multitude  welcomed  him  on  Boulogne 
shore.  Louis  brought  a  will  of  his  own  from 
beyond  the  sea*  The  propitious  omen  still  seemed 
to  be  verified,  he  still  kept  his  seat  on  the  cur- 
vetting steed,  still  manifested  himself  the  master. 

Measuring  the  results  which  he  obtained 
against  the  means  he  possessed,  King  Louis  had 
been  singularly  successful.  Courage,  prudence, 
and  talent  had  enabled  him  to  make  head  against 
the  difficulties  and  evils  which,  from  his  very 
birth,  had  swarmed  around  him — Under  the 
domination  of  three  successive  Usurpers,  the 
honour  of  Charlemagne's  race  had  been  tar- 
nished, and  the  son  of  Charles  the  Simple  had 
inherited  a  maimed  and  humiliated  Kingdom. — 
Replaced  upon  the  throne,  the  Protector  who 
seated  him  there  was  trying  to  edge  him  off. — 
This  Protector  rapidly  disclosed  himself  as  a 


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328       LOUIS   D'OUTREMER,   LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

942-0M  rival,    seeking  to    supersede    and   betray    the 
\     «     ,  authority  which  he  had  professed  to  restore. — 
943     Neither  faith  nor  trust  could  Louis  find  in  his 
lieges.    Throughout  the  wide  extent  of  France 
but  one  walled  city  owned  him  as  her  lord,  the 
oft-beleaguered  Laon. — But  now  the  ranks  of  his 
enemies  were  thinning,  the  Commander  of  the 
Pirates  was  laid  low ;  and  within  a  short  season 
after  this  deliverance,  Louis  was  also  freed  from 
the  opponent  who  had  most  distressed  him  by 
pertinacity  and  perfidy. 
943  §  2.    A  much-talked  of  day  there  was,  when 

Hubert  of  the  travellers  journeying  from  Laon  to  Rheims* 
dou.  Tra-  or  the  travellers  journeying  from  Rheims  to  Laon, 
accounts  both  parties  pursuing  their  route  by  the  road 
which  wound  around  the  foot  of  the  Mont  Fendu, 
reined  in  their  horses  as  they  crossed  each  other 
midway  on  the  causeway, — arrested  by  the  strange 
and  fearful  spectacle  exhibited  on  the  summit  of 
the  hill — a  corpse  down  dangling  from  the  tall 
gallows-tree,  and  coming  out  stark  and  dark 
against  the  sky.  This  was  the  carcase  of  Count 
Herbert,  who,  (as  it  is  said,)  pursuant  to  the 
judgment  pronounced  in  the  King's  Cour  Pl£- 
ntere  at  Laon,  expiated  his  crimes  by  receiving 
condign  punishment.  Such  a  sentence  passed  upon 
the  representative  of  Charlemagne  was  sufficiently 
appalling ;  but  when  we  are  told  that  Louis 
himself  was  the  Hangman,  it  is  excusable  to  in- 
dulge in  the  supposition  that  popular  belief  may 


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ACCESSION   OF  THE  CAPETS.  329 

have  adorned  the  tale  with  additional  horrors.  943-0*4 
In  consequence  of  this  stern  vengeance  did  the 
Mont  Fendu  become  the  record  of  Herbert's  fate, 
acquiring  the  name  of  the  "  Mont  Herbert,"  which 
it  still  retains. 

Some  trustworthy  Chroniclers  however,  relate 
that  the  murderer  of  the  martyred  Charles  died 
in  his  palace,  on  his  bed, — convulsed, — raving 
amidst  his  convulsions, — and  shrieking  out  the 
confession  of  his  treason. — "  We  were  twelve  who 
did  it!"  was  his  dying  cry. — Neither  narrative 
necessarily  disproves  the  other.  Either  may  be 
substantially  true — both,  making  a  discreet  allow- 
ance for  the  tempting  pleasures  of  imagination, 
equally  credible.  Although  we  may  be  in  doubt 
as  to  the  particular  mode  adopted  by  Louis  to  rid 
himself  of  the  regicide,  still  we  may  readily  believe 
that  the  noble  malefactor  perished  by  the  King's 
righteous  and  legal  judgment,  or  by  the  King's 
command.  If  Herbert  was  actually  gibbetted, 
could  it  be  denied  but  that  he  had  deserved  the 
doom? 

In  Herbert's  own  country,  long  did  the  tra-  Herberts 
ditions  continue  current,  and  the  monumental  saint 
evidences  in  which  they  were  embodied,  have 
been  accepted  by  the  most  recent  of  the  Ver- 
mandois  historians,  as  confirmative  proof  of  the 
Count's  melancholy  fate.  When  the  stranger  was 
entering  the  Chapel  of  Notre  Dame  la  Bonne, 
adjoining  the  great  Collegiate  Basilica  of  Saint 


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330     louis  d'outkemeb,  lothaire,  &c. 

W2-954  Quentin,  the  guide  was  wont  to  stop  the  visitor  at 
the  threshold,  and  ask  him  to  look  down  upon 
the  worn  and  fractured  slab  on  which  he  trod : 
and  there,  (as  pointed  out  and  explained  by  the 
Sacristan),  he  might  admire  the  incised  outline  of 
Count  Herberts  effigy,  displaying  the  culprit's 
neck  encircled  by  the  hateful  halter ;  a  represen- 
tation always  assumed  to  be  a  coeval  memorial  of 
the  fact,  inasmuch  as  it  was  believed  that  his  sons 
caused  him  to  be  buried  in  that  chapel,  and  no 
one  doubted  but  that  the  stone  had  been  laid 
down  by  their  command. 

partition  of       Be  this  as  it  may,  four  out  of  Herbert's  five 

Count  Her-  . 

SnfoM°"  sons,  kis  children  by  Hugh-le-Grand's  sister 
Hildebranda,  divided  his  dominions  amongst 
them.  Albert  the  Good,  the  second  son,  pre- 
ferred to  Eudes  the  eldest,  for  reasons  which  will 
be  hereafter  mentioned,  became  the  Count  of 
Vermandois:  Eudes  acquired  Amiens:  Robert, 
the  third  son,  who  died  without  male  descend- 
ants ;  and  Herbert  the  Handsome,  the  fourth  son, 
the  conqueror  of  hearts,  successively  obtained 
the  Palatinate  County  of  Troyes,  which  their 
father's  boldness  and  adroitness  had  founded; 
whilst  Hugh,  the  puisnS,  whilom  the  Parvulus, 
wasted  the  whole  of  his  life  in  his  contests  for 
the  Archbishoprick  of  Rheims  against  Artaldus* 
An  attempt  was  made  to  dispossess  Herbert's 
children,  but  Hugh-le-Grand  supported  his  ne- 
phews, and  aided  them  in  vindicating  their  rights 


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ACCESSION  OF  THE  CAPETS.  331 

before  the  King.    Hugh-le-Grand  was  also  gra-  9*2-95* 
tified  by  a  remembrance    carved    out  of  the  ,-  I     % 
defunct's  estate,  to  wit  the  superiority  of  Creil     ^ 
and  Thury,  and  Coucy's  noble  tower,  all  which 
fiefs  were  held  under  him  by  Bernard  de  Senlis. 
The  late  Count   Herbert   had   detached  these 
domains  from  the  temporalities  of  Rheims,  and 
his  sons  seemed  to  have  ceded  to  their  Uncle, 
as  a  token  of  gratitude,  that  which  was  not  their 
own. 

Legal  evidence  frequently  extends  no  further 
than  to  raise  vehement  presumptions.  When 
dealing  with  historical  evidence  it  rarely  hap- 
pens that  we  can  elicit  much  more.  And  it  is 
not  a  far-fetched  supposition,  that  Louis  if  he 
did  in  any  wise  plan  or  effect  the  removal  of  the 
Vermandois  Count  had  fully  reckoned  upon  the 
consequent  advantages.  The  power  of  Verman- 
dois was  broken  by  the  partitions  of  the  in- 
heritance ;  and  whether  Herbert  of  Vermandois 
was  choked  in  his  bed  or  strangled  by  the  hempen 
noose,  whether  Guillaume  the  Captain  of  the 
Pirates  had  been  lawfully  executed  or  foully  mur- 
dered, the  result  was  identical.  Two  members 
of  the  treasonable  Triumvirate  had  breathed  their 
last  breath :  and  the  confederacy  whereby  Louis 
had  been  so  venomously  assailed  was  at  an  end. 

Therefore  it  would  appear,  at  first  sight,  that 
through  the  death  of  Count  Herbert,  Hugh-le- 
Grand  was  the  loser,  and  Louis  the  gainer :  but 


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332       LOUIS  D'OUTREMEK,   LOTHAIRE,   &C. 

S42-»54  it  was  his  destiny  that  his  fairweather  gleams 
, — * — >  of  sky  should  always  be  speedily  clouded ;  and 
HugWe-  I*0™,  though  some  time  elapsed  before  the  full 
?^^  of  extent  of  the  reaction  became  manifest,  was  really 
his  power.  Qn  ^  suffering  side. — Qui  habet  socium  habet 

magistrum. — In  the  English  language  we  lack  any 
proverbial  version  of  this  instructive  apophthegm, 
so  well  exemplified  on  the  present  occasion  by 
Hugh-le-Grand:  who,  liberated  from  the  con- 
straint of  partners  no  less  grasping  than  himself 
and  always  ready  to  check,  contradict,  or  sacrifice 
him,  presented  himself  in  far  greater  force  than 
before. 

Concurrent  with  this  important  phase  in  Hugh's 
political  affairs  when,  had  his  Astronomer  "erected 
a  figure,"  Jupiter  could  have  been  found  to  be 
lord  of  the  ascendant,  a  most  unexpected  event 
occurred  which  complemented  his  good  fortune. 
W3  In  early  manhood  Hugh-le-Grand  had  been  child- 
Hugh  less ;  in  the  prime  of  life  Hugh-le-Grand  continued 
childless — wives  and  concubines  equally  barren ; 
but  now,  in  Hugh-le-Grand's  old  age,  he  ceased  to 
be  childless ;  a  child  was  born  to  him.  Hugh-le- 
Grand,  hitherto  characterized  ds  the  nephew  of  a 
King,  the  brother-in-law  of  a  King,  the  son-in- 
law  of  a  King,  and  the  son  of  a  King,  though 
not  a  King  himself,  became,  at  last,  the  father  of 
a  King.  Hadwisa,  the  sister  of  King  Otho,  was 
delivered  of  that  sturdy  child,  the  gossips'  mar- 
vel, who,  receiving  the  paternal  name  of  Hugh 


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ACCESSION  OF  THE  CAPETS.  333 

at  the  font,  acquired  in  after-life,  for  the  tor-  943-054 

ture  of  antiquarian  wits,  the   world-renowned  \ ;_ 

epithet  of  Capet.  942"4)43 

Hitherto  Hugh-le-Grand  had  pursued  hisHugh-ie- 
schemes  of  aggrandizement  somewhat  desulto-  Jjjjj^ 
rily. — He  persisted  in  his  self-denying  determin-  JJS^ 
ation  that  he  would  never  wear  the  Crown. 
At  the  commencement  of  Louis  d'Outremer's 
reign,  this  abnegation  of  the  royal  insignia  merely 
amounted  to  a  distinction  without  a  difference. 
The  Protectorate  approximated  so  closely  to  the 
Sovereignty  that  the  office  might  be  easily  accepted 
as  an  equivalent ;  but,  when  deprived  of  his  Pro- 
tectorate, he  never  pretended  to  exercise  any 
marked  predominance  over  his  Confederates.  He 
became  the  liegeman  of  Otho,  readily  acknowledg- 
ing also  his  German  brother-in-law  as  King  of 
France :  and,  except  when  directly  co-operating 
with  the  other  leaders,  he  seemed  to  content  him- 
self with  nibbling  the  royal  territory,  and  to  be 
satisfied  if  from  time  to  time  he  could  win  some 
town  or  tower.  But  in  future  we  shall  find  him 
acting  definitely,  whether  defying  the  Carlovin- 
gian  sceptre  or  gnawing  under  the  throne,  and 
not  sparing  any  exertion  of  power,  any  flattery  or 
any  fraud,  for  the  purpose  of  attaining  his  ends. 

He  was  the  same  Hugh-le-Grand,  and  yet 
substantially  altered*  Henceforth  we  shall  con- 
stantly find  him  acting,  so  to  speak,  in  the  spirit 
of  an  ambitious  parvenu,  seeking  to  be  the  founder 


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334       LOUIS  D'OUTREMEB,   LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

942-^54  of  a  family,  giving  his  whole  mind  to  the  acqui- 
sition of  capital,  which  he  hoards  for  the  benefit 
of  his  heir. 

Louis  en.         £  3.    Immediately  after  the  butchery  of  Pic- 

couragedto 

plan  the     quigny,  Louis  prepared  to  adopt  measures  for 
Non^lo!  ^g8^11^1?  *he  Terra  Normannorum,  commencing 


rum* 


with  the  territory  between  the  Seine  and  France. 
Yielding  to  the  narcotic  influence  which  plau- 
sible deductions  from  popular  opinions  exercise 
upon  the  mind,  the  scheme  of  annexation  may, 
without  any  twinge  of  conscience,  have  been 
preconceived  by  Louis,  Guillaume  Longue-epee 
yet  living,  adding  to  his  convictions  that  it  was  a 
righteous  deed  to  slay  the  Captain  of  the  Pirates 
for  the  safety  of  the  CarlovingianCommonwealth. 
To  speak  of  peace  between  the  Danes  and 
the  Carlovingian  nations  was  indeed  a  conven- 
Noproba-  tional  falsification.    There  could  be  no  peace 

bility  of  #  r 

SuhPjje06  between  them,  according  to  the  doctrines  which 
Northmen.  ^ey  mutually  maintained.  The  Danskerman's 
print  of  his  foot  sealed  the  soil  to  him  and 
his  heirs  for  ever.  If  ousted,  his  title  was  not 
barred,  and  he  would  regain  his  own  whenever 
he  could  or  dared ;  no  effluxion  of  time  could 
affect  the  justice  of  his  claim.  The  Danish 
champion  challenged  the  Conqueror  on  his  coro- 
nation-day— The  Carlovingian  people,  on  their 
part,  would  not  admit  that  any  title  could  be 
lawfully  obtained  by  the  Northmen; — their  title 
was  incurably  bad; — no  cession  was  valid,  no 


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ACCESSION  OF  THE  CAPETS.  335 

treaty  binding,  no  oath  was  made  to  be  held.  942-9*4 
No  defiance  needed  to  be  given  to  the  perpetual  X^^ 
enemy;  and,  when  Guillaume  Longue-£p6e  had     m 
fallen — no  matter  by  whose  instigation — Louis 
might  surely  believe  that  his  royal  duty  bound 
him  to  avail  himself  of  the  opportunity  which 
now  was  offered  for  the  "reintegration  of  the 
Realm,  and  uprooting  the  detested  Pirates." — It 
seemed  as  if  Guillaume  Longue-£p£e  had  worked 
prepensely  for  his  country's  ruin.    When  called 
to  the  dominion  of  the  Terra  Normannorum,  the 
antagonistic  parties  were  rivals;   his  attempted 
fusion  had  produced  confusion — and,  taken  away 
from  that  dominion,  he  left  them  prepared  and 
ready  for  mutual  hostility. 

Dismissing,  however,  from  our  consideration  Louiijiwti- 
all  questions  bearing  upon  the  culpability  or  the  Mcaipru- 
innocence  of  Louis,  and,  without  attempting  to  pi** «"» 

r       °  re-annexa- 

determine  whether  his  aspirations  prompted  Guil-  %£°* *°p- 
laume's  assassination,  or  whether  the  assassina- }j£jj£|£ . 
tion  suggested  the  desire,  it  is  indubitable  that 
he,  the  King  of  France,  could  not  fail  to  watch 
for  every  opportunity  of  destroying  the  Pirate's 
nest.  That  the  Northman  should  reign  in  France 
was  a  foul  disgrace,  an  ever-increasing  national 
danger.  Louis  had  a  sufficient  warning  before 
his  eyes.  Through  Alfred's  fatal  grant  to  Guth- 
run  the  Danes  were  devouring  England.  Louis 
must  have  felt  that  it  might  be  within  his  power 
to  restore  France  to  her  integrity.   One  strenuous 


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336        LOUIS  D'OUTREMER,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

642-9M  struggle  might  render  the  Kingdom  safe  and 
sound.  Adversity  taught  Louis  the  lessons  of 
prudence;  necessity  had  enforced  them.  Dis- 
cretion was  one  of  the  principal  talents  by  which 
his  authority  had  been  sustained.  He  never 
presented  himself  as  an  aggressor  except  when 
he  could  reasonably  expect  success.  The  caution 
of  the  warrior-statesman,  would  have  verged 
upon  incompetence,  had  it  caused  him  to  doubt 
but  that  the  right  time  for  hitting  the  blow 
had  arrived. 

All  the  political  data  upon  which  he  had 

based  his  calculations  of  success,  were,  when  he 

first  entertained  the  scheme,  such  as  fully  war- 

...bat his  ranted  his  conclusions.     The  Normans  were  a 

thwaVtSd    divided  people,  their  ruler  a  child,  and  the  de- 

by  the  un-  r      r  , 

expected  ductions  from  these  premises  fully  justified  the 
m£i?or~  course  °f  action  he  was  contemplating.  But,  as 
soon  as  the  determined  attitude  taken  by  the 
Normans,  when  they  rallied  round  the  young 
Richard,  became  known  to  Louis,  he  must  have 
had  a  presentiment  that  his  adverse  Nemesis  was 
preparing  to  thwart  him.  The  sources  of  weak- 
ness had  been  so  over-ruled  as  to  become 
sources  of  strength.  The  hearts  of  the  people 
were  turned.  Richard,  the  child,  was  shielded  by 
the  ardent  developement  of  the  people's  love, 
and  the  divided  people  were  prepared  to  defend 
the  united  Norman  Monarchy — Instead  of  being 
able  to  make  a  speedy  entry  into  the  Terra  Nor- 


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ACCESSION   OF  THE  CAPETS.  337 

mannorum,  or  to  effect  an  easy  conquest,  Louis  942-054 
had  now  to  anticipate  an  hazardous  delay,  whilst  ^ZXIZ^ 
the  actual  conflict  might  require  the  most/^^0 
strenuous  exertions  of  policy  and  power.  KmSE* 

Whether  directly  or  indirectly,  the  affairs  of  &?££! 
Normandy  and  the  Normans  always  affected  the  SE^ 
destinies  of  France,  and,  under  the  present  con-  SXupon 
tingencies,  these  Norman  influences  were,  through 
the  strange  complexity  of  parties,  operating  de- 
cidedly for  the  benefit  of  Hugh-le-Grand.    Other- 
wise than  by  the  aid  of  the  dreaded  rival,  Louis 
could  scarcely  expect  to  accomplish  his  inten- 
tions. 

In  addition  to  the  certainty  that  any  mani- 
festation of  ill-will  from  Hugh-le-Grand,  when 
Louis  should  commence  his  operations,  would  be  a 
serious  impediment,  he  possessed  peculiar  means 
of  embarrassing  the  French  Monarch.  Hugh-le-  Hugh-ie- 
Grand's  Duchy  of  France  commanded  Normandy,  command 
The  Seine  gave  him  water-way  from  Paris  tomand/« 
Rouen :  and  his  northern  frontier  was  contermi- 
nous with  the  most  vulnerable  portions  of  the 
Norman  territory ; — the  Evrecin  was  open  before 
him.  Moreover,  the  fragment  which  Hugh  had  split 
off  from  the  Vermandois  inheritance,  though  not 
in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  Normandy,  much 
increased  his  means  of  interference  amongst  the 
Normans.  By  the  possession  of  Couci  and  the 
fiefs  dependant  thereon,  Hugh  became  the  liege- 
lord  of  Bernard  de  Senlis,  that  Vermandois  kins- 
vol.  il  z 


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Grand. 


338     LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaiee,  &c. 

wa-W4  man  whom  Guillaume-longue-£pee  had  believed 
XZXIZ^  to  be  his  surest  resort,  and  Bernard  de  Senlis 
942-W3   cherishing  the  consanguinity,  though  now  some- 
what  distant,  claimed  Guillaume's  son  as   his 
nephew,    and   evinced    himself  an   affectionate 
member  of  Rollo's  family. 
Hatred  Louis  hated  Hugh-le-Grand:  and,  if  hatred 

Lo^Ss  7    ever  can  be  lawful,  Louis  had  good  reason. — "  We 

against 

Hugh-ie-  were  twelve  who  did  it." — Had  Herbert  of  Ver- 
mandois,  the  agonized  self-accuser,  named  the 
names  of  his  accomplices  in  the  Peronne  tragedy, 
would  he  not  certainly  have  proclaimed  Hugh- 
le-Grand  as  one  ?  So  believed  king  Louis, — Hugh 
was  his  father's  murderer, — and  he  nourished  his 
resentment  against  Hugh  as  a  sacred  duty.  But 
a  suspension  of  their  mutual  enmities  was  urgently 
needful  for  Louis,  and  not  unwelcome  to  Hugh. 
Louis  therefore  put  on  his  choicest  smirking 
mask,  and  opened  the  smoothest  flattering  palm, 
and  began  to  bid  higher  and  higher  for  the  co- 
operation of  his  crafty  enemy.  The  rays  of  court 
favour  shone  brilliantly  on  the  Duke  of  France. 
We  shall  see  how  he  obtained  from  Louis  a  large 
expansion  of  territorial  power:  and  Hugh-le- 
Grand,  exalted  as  he  already  was  in  station, 
deemed  himself  nevertheless  encreased  in  honour 
by  the  marks  of  royal  distinction  he  received, — 
the  decorations  which  royal  condescension  be- 
stowed. 
.  A  series  of  events  now  ensued,  arising  from 


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ACCESSION   OF  THE  CAPETS.  339 

the  contrarious  and  complicated  forces  which  did  942—954 
not  entirely  expend  themselves,  until  Richard's       : 
Norman  reign  was  verging  towards  its  conclusion.  J!43-®*8 
During  many  troubled  years  after  his  accession,  *j£d£n" 
Normandy  became  implicated  in  the   contests  p**"*- 
amongst  the  rival  parties,  either  striving  to  retain 
or  gain  Normandy,  or  endeavouring  to  render  the 
Country  a  fulcrum  of  power. — The  ultimate  re- 
sult may  be  briefly  stated,  Hugh-le-Grand  aided 
most  efficiently  in  building  up  the  Norman  Duchy, 
and  the  Duke  of  Normandy's  wisdom  and  valour 
sustained  Hugh  Capet  during  his  progress  to  the 
Throne. 

The  main  plot  of  political  intrigue  continued  The  adrer. 
to  be  worked  by  the  same  actors  and  agents  Normandy, 
as  heretofore. — We  shall  find  Hugh-le-Grand  and 
Louis,  sometimes  simulated  friends,  but  always 
open  or  secret  enemies. — Arnoul  of  Flanders 
figures  in  the  scene,  still  suffering  from  occa- 
sional attacks  of  the  gout;  nevertheless,  despite  a 
malady  emphatically  designated  in  legal  docu- 
ments as  "  tending  to  shorten  life,"  he  attained  the 
venerable  age  of  ninety-two  years.  And  although 
already  fully  entitled  to  the  epithet  of  le  vieux — 
he  was  more  anxious  than  ever  to  improve 
the  advantages  he  had  gained  by  his  brother- 
in  -  law's  assassination.  —  Thibaut  -  le  -  Tricheur, 
and  his  fine  consort  Liutgarda*  both  stimulated 
by  ambition  and  by  spite,  consistently  appear  as 
the  persecutors  of  Richard  to  the  utmost  of  their: 

z  2 


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340        LOUIS  D'OUTREMER,  LOTH  AIRE,  &C. 

942-954  power — Otho  vibrates  between  his  two  brothers- 
]  *  '  in-law,  the  King  of  France  and  the  Duke  of 
942—943  prance>  an(j  holds  himself  high  above  both  of 
them. — All  are  equally  unscrupulous,  not  a  truth- 
telling  tongue  or  a  sound  heart  amongst  them. — 
And  our  Chroniclers,  the  Dean  of  Saint  Quentin 
and  the  Monks  of  Rheims,  distracted  by  the 
troubles,  and  infected  by  the  faithlessness  of  the 
times, — will,  to  the  end  of  the  Chapter,  perplex 
and  mislead  us  equally  by  their  concealments  and 
their  disclosures. 

§  4.  It  is  perhaps  one  of  the  greatest  curses 
waiting  upon  intolerance,  that  the  removal  of 
the  wrong  invariably  generates  further  evil.  Even 
the  grudging  relief  which  hard  necessity  occa- 
sionally extorts  from  an  oppressor  in  favour  of 
an  hitherto  proscribed  party  or  sect,  is  an  act 
sure  to  be  misrepresented  on  either  side.  Those 
who  previously  revelled  in  the  full  tyranny  of 
ascendancy,  resent  the  diminution  of  injustice  as 
an  affront,  whilst  the  oppressed  construe  the 
concession  as  a  summons  to  retaliate  in  their 
turn ;  and  this  was  the  crisis  which  Guillaume 
Longue-epee  had  brought  on. 

Guillaume  Longue-£p£e's  vacillations, — the 
tokens  and  results  of  his  insincerity — the  alterna- 
tions of  encouragement  and  disfavour  which  he 
had  manifested  towards  each  of  the  antagonistic 
parties  of  Normandy,  were  calculated  to  give  the 
greatest  provocation  to  both  of  them.   When  first 


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ACCESSION  OF  THE   CAPETS.  341 

Called  to  the  full  exercise  of  his  authority,  Guil-  942-954 
laume  had  prided  himself  upon  his  French  consan-  ^_^_^ 
guinities,  courted  French  society,  adopted  French  W2-948 
manners,  and  absolutely  identified  himself  with 
the  Romanized  party.     And  although  he  may 
not  have  inflicted  any  positive  injustice  upon  the 
Danishry,  he  was  assuredly  harsh  and  ungain 
towards  them.    But,  after  various  shillings,  and  The  Danish 
in  the  gloomy  evening  of  his  reign,  when   he?unpa™ei 
had  tasted  the  contempt  of  the  French,  and  was  a^aTut 
convinced  of  their  implacable  hatred,  he  hadbyGuii- 

laume 

completely  reversed  his  earlier  policy.  Giving  Loogue- 
the  most  favourable  interpretation  to  his  educa- 
tional measures  concerning  Richard,  they  testified 
that  he  viewed  Christianity  as  a  thing  indifferent. 
Guillaume  was  reverting  to  the  antient  race  of 
his  forefathers:  he  cordially  conjoined  himself 
to  the  Pagan  Danes,  and  was  proclaiming  the 
restoration  of  his  brotherhood  with  Scandinavia. 
Yet*  in  so  doing,  he  had  not  withdrawn  his 
confidence  from  the  Romanized  party;  nay,  he 
clung  to  them  as  his  most  intimate  friends;  to 
them,  he  entrusted  the  person  of  his  child. — 
Therefore  when  Guillaume' s  days  were  cut  short, 
he  had  armed  the  rival  factions  against  each  other. 
He  had  bequeathed  to  the  Danishry  the  full  benefit 
and  advantage  of  his  favour,  affection,  and  patro- 
nage ;  whilst  at  the  same  time,  by  granting  the 
custody  of  the  infant  heir  to  the  Romanized  or 
Christian  party,  the  opponents  of  the  Danishry 


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342      LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

W2-SM  were,  by  such  his  concurrent  act,  fully  invested 

mXZT  with  the  powers  of  government. 

942—943  Bernard  and  his  party  being  in  possession — 
they,  like  all  clever  men  under  similar  circum- 
stances,— determined  to  keep  possession.  They 
had  the  management  of  the  inauguration  in 
Notre  Dame  of  Rouen.  The  administration  of 
the  oaths,  more  Christiano,  manifested  their  de- 
cided intention.  No  further  promulgation  of  the 
opinions  entertained  by  the  Regency  could  be 
needed.  They  were  seeking  to  confirm  Christi- 
anity as  the  State  Religion,  and  therefore  the 
Danishry,  though  thoroughly  loyal  towards  Ri- 
chard, kept  away.  The  Danish-minded  and  the 
declared  Pagans  kept  together.  The  Cathedral 
ceremonies  were  so  planned  as  to  affront  and 
defy  them.  What  concern  had  the  old-fashioned 
Danes  before  the  altar  ?  What  cared  they  for 
Gospel  book  or  Orison,  Collect  or  Benison,  or 
Bones  of  Saints  or  Martyrs  ? 

Indeed,  the  whole  Danishry  might  argue  that 
such  an  installation  of  the  young  Prince  was  clean 
contrary  to  his  father's  intentions.  Guillaume,  at 
all  events,  sought  to  maintain  an  equilibrium  be- 
tween the  two  nationalities ;  whereas  the  Chris- 
tian Ordination  of  the  Sovereign  was  a  gratuitous 
innovation,  uncalled  for,  and  absolutely  subversive 
of  the  compact.  No  such  rite  had  hitherto  sig- 
nalized the  accession  of  Duke,  of  Senidr,  or  of 
Patrician. — Rollo  had  not  sought  the  Clergy's 


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ACCESSION  OF  THE  CAPETS,  343 

benediction  when  he  obtained  his  dominion; —  942-954 
no, — nor  Guillaume  Longue-£p£e  either.  If,  with  ]IZXZX 
the  intent  of  conciliating  the  Romanized  North-  W2-943 
men,  Guillaume  had  appointed  that  the  acknow- 
ledgment of  the  Heir  at  Bajeux  should  take 
place  on  a  High-day  coinciding  with  a  great 
Christian  festival,  yet,  in  this  concession,  he  was 
very  chary.  The  act  was  altogether  the  act  of 
the  Civil  Magistrate.  The  Heir  entered  not  into 
the  Cathedral,  the  Basilica  of  Saint  Exuperius 
was  deserted  —  no  Priest  or  Prelate  was  sum- 
moned to  hallow  the  secular  ceremony — no  bless- 
ing asked.  The  instructions  given  by  Guillaume 
Longue-^pee  for  the  training  of  his  child  were 
sagaciously  calculated  to  withdraw  the  young 
Prince  from  clerical  influence,  whilst,,  on  the  con- 
trary, the  Rouen  consecration  effected  by  the 
Regency  was  as  evidently  adopted  for  the  pur- 
pose of  launching  the  young  Sovereign  under 
the  protection  of  the  Christian  Hierarchy.  Lastly, 
the  Danishry  might  insist  that  when  Guillaume 
had  directed  that  the  child  should  live  amongst 
the  Danes,  grow  up  amongst  Danes,  dwell  in 
Danish-Baieux,  and  be  trained  for  the  duty  of 
government  in  the  Danish  capital :  Bernard  had 
most  solemnly  promised  Guillaume  Longue-ep^e 
that  he  would  observe  all  his  injunctions.  Yet, 
what  had  Bernard  done  ? — he  had  swerved  from 
the  testamentary  directions  given  by  Guillaume, 
in  the  most  prominent  and  cardinal  article, — he 


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344      LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaike,  &c. 

ws-954  had  removed  Richard  from  the  Danish-spoken 

,-  «     »  city  to  Romanized  Rouen. 

942-943        gut  j£  t^e  christians  were  holding  fast,  the 

Movement  ° 

nLh£Da"  Pagans  were  up  and  doing. —  The  movement 
which  Guillaume  Longue-£p6e  had  imparted  to 
the  Danishry  was  proceeding  with  accelerated 
rapidity.  Harold  Blaatand  and  his  Danes  were 
settled  in  the  Cdtentin,  and  this  immigration 
imparted  a  new  vigour  to  the  Pagan  interest 
throughout  the  whole  of  the  Terra  Norman* 
Thormod'8  norum.  Thormod,  a  powerful  chieftain,  and 
tion  of      probably  a  Norman  born,  renounced  his  simulated 

Christ- 

*«fcy.  Christianity  and  resumed  the  worship  of  the 
moody  Hammer -wielder,  the  tutelary  Demon, 
whose  name  he  bore, — and  we  may  imagine  him 
enjoying  his  hearty  meal  of  horse-flesh,  the  test 
of  repentant  sincerity.  Communications  were 
opened  with  other  Danish  Chieftains  afloat  or 
beyond  the  sea  —  a  Sithric  is  named  amongst 
them.  A  war  of  religion  was  impending.  Odinism, 
considered  as  a  system  of  positive  belief  may  have 
been  on  the  wane,  but  a  bitter  antipathy  against 
the  faith  of  others  is  perfectly  compatible  with 

The  Danes  the  laxity  of  our  own.     However,  the  Danes 

combine  for  .  # 

the  purpose  still  retained  a  strong  habitual  attachment  to 

of  uniting  #  ° 

Normandy  their  ancestorial  credence.     Laws,  customs,  even 
common.    ^00(*    an(*    Nothing;    contributed    to  keep   the 
wealth,      heathen  Danes  in  the  old  paths,  and,  obeying 
the  impulse  given  by  Guillaume,  they  were  earn- 
estly endeavouring  that  the  Terra  Normannorum 


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ACCESSION  OP  THE  CAPETS.  345 

should  be  reunited  to  the  grand  Danish  Common-  942-954 
wealth*  i— ^— > 

Not  that  these  views  detracted  in  any  wise  M2-943 
from  their  loyalty  towards  Richard.  They  were  as 
earnestly  attached  to  the  young  Duke  as  their 
opponents.  Even  Harold  Blaatand,  who  might  be 
so  excusably  tempted  to  avail  himself  of  the 
child's  nonage,  entertained  a  most  honest  affection 
for  him.  Since  the  Christian  Danes  would  not 
content  themselves  with  an  equality  of  rights,  the 
Danes  must  protect  themselves.  Normandy  must 
be  preserved  as  a  united  Monarchy,  but  the  Duke 
must  grow  up  a  Dansker-man,  and  the  State  main- 
tain the  dignity  of  a  true  Danish  communnity. 

§  5.  In  our  age,  a  public  debt  is  the  most 
satisfactory  evidence  of  "social  Progress."  By 
becoming  liable  to  bankruptcy,  the  Ottoman  Em- 
pire has  been  brought  within  the  pale  of  civiliza- 
tion. Had  France,  in  the  tenth  century,  been 
qualified  to  possess  this  most  delicately  sensitive 
of  political  thermometers,  the  Rentes  of  Louis 
d'Outremer  would  have  been  suddenly  quoted  at 
a  very  remarkable  rise.  Yielding  to  the  panic 
excited  by  the  Danish  revival — at  all  events  no 
other  reason  can  be  honourably  assigned, — the 
Romanized  party  resolved  not  only  to  obtain  the 
guarantee  of  the  Carlovingian  crown,  but  even 
to  place  Normandy  in  absolute  subjection  to  the 
French  Monarchy. 

When,  upon  Richard's  accession,  the  news  of 


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346      LOUIS  d'outbemer,  lothaire,  &c. 

942-854  the  determined  attitude  assumed  by  Normandy 
\ — i_  reached  Louis  and  Gerberga,  their  hopes  were 

942~948  dashed,  scarcely  sustained  by  a  distant  and  indis- 
The  Nor-   stinct  prospect  of  revival.   How  greatly  therefore 

man  nobles 

bring  ru  must  Louis  have  been  cheered  on  being  required 
fwe  Loui»  to  receive  the  Norman  Nobles  proceeding  from 
k*6-  Rouen,  as  the  escort  of  the  young  Richard.  The 
train  appeared  at  the  Palace-gate,  entered  the 
presence-chamber  which  had  witnessed  Guillaume 
Longue-ep£e's  mortification,  and,  conducting  the 
young  Richard  before  the  throne,  they  prayed 
that  Louis  would  grant  investiture  to  the  infant, 
Rollo's  heir  in  the  second  degree,  even  as  he  and 
his  father  had  done  to  Guillaume  and  to  Rollo. 
What  demand  could  possibly  be  more  grateful  to 
Louis  than  such  an  unsolicited  acknowledgment  of 
his  supremacy?  Kindly  he  received  the  child; — 
What  did  the  kindness  cost  him? — nay,  yielding 
at  first  to  the  winning  influence  of  Richard's 
comeliness,  he  was  even  inclined  to  regard  the 
youth  with  favour.  Far  otherwise  Gerberga, — so 
vexed  and  mortified  when  she  compared  the 
young  Norman's  pleasant  countenance  and  well- 
shaped  limbs  with  the  looks  of  her  poor,  sallow, 
wry-legged  little  Lothaire. 

But  Gerberga  had  her  revenge  in  another  way ; 
though  she  could  hardly  call  Richard  a  hideous 
urchin,  it  was  in  her  full  power  to  bestow  upon 
him  a  viler  epithet.  When  the  Court  Chronicler 
bears  record  of  the  Duchy  grant,  he  describes  the 


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ACCESSION  OF  THE  CAPETS.  347 

status  of  the  young  Duke  with  contemptuous  ac-  942-954 
curacy — Rex  Ludovicus  JUio  WiUielmi  nato  de^^ZH 
concubina  Britanna,  terram  Normannwwm  dedit  jjj^j^, 
— and  whilst  the  Normans  rejoiced  in  the  con-  ^jSr 
firmation  of  Richard's  authority,  the  French  might  gH2S  £ 
boast  with  delight,  that  good  care  had  been  taken  ^^er,i 
to  mark  the  young  fellow  as  a  half-caste  bastard. 
Thus  far,  the  proceedings  were  regular,  though 
the  treatment  received  by  Richard  was  rigid  and 
needlessly  humiliating;  but  a  further  transaction 
ensued,  neither  warranted  by  precedent  nor  dic- 
tated by  principle.    Without  any  notice  taken  The  Nor. 
of  their  mesne  Lord,  the  Normans  performed  form  ho- 

mage  to 

homage  to  Louis,  and  became  his  men,  swearing  the  King. 
the  oath  of  fealty,  thereby  acknowledging  him  as 
their  immediate  Suzerain,  and,  having  been 
guerdoned  by  the  King's  copious  liberality,  they 
joyfully  returned  to  Rouen.  In  such  manner  did 
the  Normans,  as  far  as  their  acts  had  any  validity, 
deliver  their  Duke,  their  country,  and  themselves, 
into  the  power  of  Louis.  They  made  an  uncon- 
ditional surrender  of  their  rights.  Normandy, 
and  all  that  belonged  to  Normandy,  was  his  by 
constitutional  law,  and  Louis  might  now  confi- 
dently meditate  upon  his  schemes  of  conquest. 

Louis  never  could  have  denied  to  himself  that 
he  sought  the  utter  destruction  of  the  detested 
pirate-race.  Louis  might  shrink  from  the  crime 
of  shedding  the  young  child's  blood,  yet,  should 
he  be  provoked  by  apprehension,  or  tempted 


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348       LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

942-954  by  opportunity,  there  were  many  convenient 
r — * — .  modes  and  devices,  suggested  by  the  traditions  of 
942-943  the  past,  which  would  effectually  incapacitate 
Guillaume's  spurious  representative,  or  remove 
him  out  of  the  way.  The  fettered  bastard  might 
be  left  to  rot  in  a  dungeon,  or  be  blinded,  or 
maimed  in  his  limbs.  Richard  was  now  legally 
the  Ward  of  Louis,  The  trust  of  Bernard,  Botho, 
and  Oslac  was  annulled.  What  would  become 
of  the  Minor  should  the  King  assert  the  rights 
which  an  irresponsible  Guardian  could  claim. 

Unquestionably  it  was  a  stroke  of  sound 
policy,  that  Richard's  accession  should  be  con- 
stitutionally sanctioned  by  his  Carlovingian  Su- 
perior. The  recognition  of  Normandy,  as  an 
integral  portion  of  the  French  Monarchy,  insured 
her  existence  as  a  Christian  State,  and  incorpo- 
rated her  with  the  Carlovingian  Commonwealth. — 
But,  had  the  Nobles  who,  assuming  to  act  for  the 
Norman  nation,  effected  the  recognition,  been 
duly  mindful  of  their  independence?  Did  not 
their  conduct  result  from  the  over-zealous  anxiety 
of  ill-concealed  fear? — Why  bring  the  young 
Duke  personally  before  Louis? — Would  not  an 
Richard's  embassy  have  sufficed?     There  was  danger  in 

rights  put 

in  peril  by  removing  the  child  beyond  the  Norman  border. 

homagers.  The  very  sight  of  Richard  might  tempt  Louis 
to  profit  by  the  helplessness  of  comparative 
infancy,  and  suggest  to  him  that  it  was  both  a 
prerogative  and  a  duty  to  assume  the  bodily  cus- 


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ACCESSION  OF  THE  CAPETS.  349 

tody  of  the  Heir.  To  such  objections,  some  replies  W2-w* 
might  be  attempted,  not  altogether  satisfactory,  < — * — » 
though,  in  a  certain  degree,  plausible  ;  but  their 
supplementary  act  of  homage  seemed  unsuscep- 
tible of  justification. 

That  the  nobles  of  the  land  should  personally  a  party 
become  the  French  king's  liegemen,  was  there-  the  ifo. 

°  °  mans  resent 

fore  indignantly  resented  by  a  large  and  influential  ^dhe^Jf  • 
party  amongst  the  Normans;  but  whilst  they  dis-  £j^^e 
dained  such  a  degrading  subjection,  they  incon-  Hugh-fie- 
tinently,  with  eager  inconsistency,  did  the  like  or  Grand# 
worse,  giving  a  new  whirl  to  the  wheel  of  Fortune. 
The  unexpected  improvement  in  the  prospects  of 
Louis  might  have  encouraged  him  to  feel  almost 
independent  of  Hugh-le-Grand; — but  so  strangely 
were  they  set  up  against  each  other,  that  Hugh- 
le-Grand  immediately  got  almost  as  much  out  of 
Normandy  as  Louis.  The  discontented  Normans 
sought  the  aid  of  the  Duke  of  France  against  the 
King  of  France,  and,  becoming  his  men,  they 
accepted  him  as  their  Suzerain.  In  the  homage 
rendered  by  these  seceders  to  Duke  Hugh,  they 
paid  no  more  attention  to  Richard,  or  Richard's 
rights,  than  the  others  had  done  when  rendering 
homage  to  the  king  of  France :  they  leapt  over 
Richard  in  the  like  manner.  This  defection 
seems  to  have  been  principally  manifested  in  the 
Evrecin,  and  virtually  amounted  to  the  incorpora- 
tion of  that  district  with  Hugh-le-Grand's  adjoin- 
ing Duchy.   By  this  political  schism  the  Christian 


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350         LOUIS  D'OUTREMER,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

W2-954  party  was  split  into  two  parties,  the  King's  men 
and  the  Duke's  men,  both  eager  to  endanger 
their  common  object — the  independence  of  Nor- 
mandy— by  their  mutual  enmity. 

Danish  in-  §  6.  Capital  encouragement  this  for  the 
Pagan  Danes.  They  immediately  availed  them- 
selves of  these  internecine  Christian  dissensions. 

Kingsith-  Fresh  from  the  north  King  Sithric  came,  and 


942-943 


vasion — 


ric  and 


Thormod  joined  his  forces  to  Thormod.    The  Danish  keels 

join  their     * 

force*  swarmed  around  the  shores,  many  having  pro- 
bably passed  over  from  Ireland  or  from  England. 
The  warfare  was  prosecuted  as  of  old :  the  black 
sails  hovering  round  the  coast,  the  troops  dis- 
embarking and  harassing  the  interior.  Sithric's 
squadron  entered  the  oftplagued  Seine.  A  general 
insurrection  ensued. — Hey-saa!  Hey-saa!  Hey- 
saa! — the  cheering  national gatheringcry,  resound- 
ed through  the  Danishry.  The  Pagan  Northmen 
boldly  and  energetically  prosecuted  their  design 
of  vindicating  their  supremacy  without  detriment 

Thormod    to  their  loyalty.    Thormod  obtained  possession  of 

obtains  pos- 

session  of  Richard;  he  would  be  the  young  Sovereign's 
Ric^df  Pro*ector>  and>  M  he  might  maintain,  the  pro- 
TertsCwmto tector  according  to  Guillaume's  heart's  desire. 
Paganism.  Was  it  not  the  dying  rf^  of  Guillaume  that  his 

sturdy  son  should  grow  up  as  a  valiant  Dansker- 
man?  Thormod  therefore  laboured  earnestly  and 
successfully  for  the  conversion  of  the  young  duke, 
and  had  persuaded,  or  compelled  him,  to  adopt 
the  tenets  of  his  Danish  forefathers. 


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ACCESSION  OP  THE  CAPETS.  351 

Every  historian  is  grievously  tempted  either  M2-954 
to  colour  out  or  to  blot  out  whatever  may  dis-  - — - — » 
please  his  taste  or  contradict  his  views;  perhaps  Conceal. 
the  latter  course  is  the  safest  and  most  honest.  J^Nor! 
Could  the  purest  conscience  or  the  clearest  mind  SS^f" 
tell  the  whole  truth  concerning  our  Civil  wars 
in  such  a  guise,  that  his  narrative  should  be  plea- 
sant  and  profitable  equally  toCavaliers  and  Round- 
heads?    Compromise  can  never  answer  in  such 
cases.    Fancy  a  portrait  of  Charles  Stuart,  party 
per  pale,  Saint  and  Tyrant,  both  proper, — would 
such  a  likeness  gratify  either  High  Church  or 
Nonconformity  ? 

This  disagreeable  incident  in  the  life  of  Ri- 
chard Sans  Peur  is  completely  ignored  by  the 
Father  of  Norman  history,  who,  like  all  the 
other  Norman  writers,  discreetly  labours  to  sup- 
press all  examples  of  the  struggling  vitality  yet 
retained  by  Pagan  principles.  Not  a  word  of 
the  young  Duke's  perversion  appears  in  the 
invaluable  memorials  which  we  owe  to  Dudo's 
diligence.  Dean  Dudo  and  all  his  successors, 
whether  in  prose  or  verse,  were  thoroughly 
ashamed  of  this  passage  in  the  Norman  annals, 
and  resolved  that  Duke  Richard's  infantine  adop- 
tion of  pagan  error  should  be  considered  as  a 
thing  which  never  had  been.  How  anxious  the 
Panegyrist  was  to  maintain  the  Christian  cha- 
racter of  his  patrons,  may  be  gathered  from  the 
circumstance  that  he  addresses  GuillaumeLongue- 


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352       LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

W2-054  £p£e  as  a  Holy  Martyr.  Our  knowledge  of  Thor- 
, — * — .  mod's  successful  mission  is  solely  derived  from  the 
942-848  French  historians,  who,  scoffing  at  the  Leader 
of  the  Pirates,  take  a  grim  delight  in  bear- 
ing witness  to  his  child's  facility.  Had  it  not 
been  for  the  malicious  sincerity  of  Frodoardus 
the  monk  of  Rheims,  and  Richerius,  the  son  of 
Louis  d'Outremer's  confidential  officer,  the  whole 
transaction  would  have  been  buried  in  oblivion. 
Hngh.ie-  The  boldness  of  the  Danishry  excited  corre- 
cnergj  sponding  exertions  on  the  part  of  Duke  Hugh 
Danes.  and  of  the  King.  Had  the  pagan  Danes  succeeded 
in  effecting  the  occupation  of  Normandy,  then  the 
Duchy  of  France  and  the  kingdom  of  France 
would  have  been  equally  jeopardized.  The 
grandson  of  Robert-le-Fort  rivalled  his  grand- 
sire's  strenuousness :  Hugh  waged  such  a  rapid 
succession  of  conflicts  with  the  enemy  that  the 
chroniclers  have  failed  to  number  them.  Skir- 
mishes and  forays  kept  up  the  continuity  of 
warfare.  The  Danes  were  very  stiff  in  the  stour ; 
Hugh -le- Grand,  during  his  campaign,  suffered 
great  losses,  nevertheless  he  retained  his  position 
steadily,  and,  favoured  by  his  Christian  partisans 
amongst  the  Romanized  Danes,  was  enabled  to 
establish  himself  in  Evreux. 

Louis,  on  his  part,  directed  his  operations  with 
the  spirit  and  talent  of  a  great  Captain.  Avenger 
of  the  murdered  Guillaume,  and  Guardian,  as  he 
professed  himself,  of  the  infant  Heir,  he  advanced 


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ACCESSION   OP  THE  CAPETS.  353 

into  Normandy  for  the  rescue  of  the  young  Rich-  942-954 
ard  and  the  re-establishment  of  Christianity. —  , — * — . 

942—943 

Louis  was  magnificent  in  the  field.  As  he  moved, 
Charlemagne's  golden  Eagle  was  borne  before 
him,  and,  when  he  encamped,  the  Imperial  En- 
sign crowned  his  pavilion.  His  ranks  were 
always  filled.  Destitute  of  means,  despoiled  of 
his  domains,  without  any  sources  of  revenue, 
nor,  so  far  as  we  can  ascertain,  possessing  any 
power  of  compelling  military  service,  the  mag- 
nitude of  his  army  offers  a  constantly  recurring 
enigma.  The  Danes  either  had  not  time  to 
"horse  themselves,"  employing  the  phrase  ren- 
dered so  familiar  to  us  by  the  doleful  Saxon 
chronicle,  or,  if  they  had,  they  preferred  com- 
bating on  foot,  according  to  their  national  cus- 
tom, advancing  against  their  enemy  with  sword 
and  shield. 

The   Pagan  Host,  commanded  by  Thormod^1^ 
and  Sithric,  was  numbered  by  thousands. — Eight  £f££^ 
hundred  full-armed  knights  constituted  the  nu-  Tho^d 
cleus  of  the  army  which  Louis  had  assembled ; —  Jkin. ' 
a  formidable  force  in  themselves,  yet  not  suffici- 
ently ample  to  enable  him  to  outflank  the  enemy. 
He  therefore  concentrated  his  cavalry,  and  made 
the  onslaught.    A  sanguinary  battle  ensued,  ter- 
rible as  any  which  a  Carlovingian  Monarch  had 
ever  waged.    The  Danes  gave  way  before  the 
charge.    King  Sithric  fleeing,  tried  to  cpnceal 
himself  amongst  the  bushes  in  a  spinney,  but  his 

VOL.  II.  A  A 


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354      LOUIS  d'outbemer,  lothaire,  &c. 

942-8*4  pursuers  following  the  trail,  found  him  out,  and 
;     '  the  spears  of  three  French  warriors  dispatched  the 

w*-W3  crouching  victim.  Louis,  at  the  head  of  his  horse- 
men, rode  over  Thormod,  and,  galloping  forwards 
without  recognizing  the  man  whom  he  had  run 
down,  attacked  another  Danish  battalion,  The 
elastic  Thormod  had,  however,  instantly  curled 
up  from  the  trampled  turf-ground,  unbruised  and 
unharmed.  His  keener  eye  enabled  him  to 
mark  the  King,  and,  scurrying  on  with  his  com- 
panions, they  assailed  Louis  in  the  rear.  Whilst 
Louis  was  sabring  to  the  right  and  to  the  left, 
Thormod  ran  at  him  behind,  and  thrusting 
at  the  King  through  the  fault  of  his  hauberk, 
wounded  him  dangerously  under  the  shoulder- 
blade  ;  but  Louis,  quickly  turning  round,  clave  his 
adversary's  skull.  Hugh-le-Grand  poured  in  also 
with  his  forces,  and  the  Danes, — nine  thousand 
miscreants, — taking  to  their  vessels,  abandoned 
their  enterprize.  The  French  gloried  in  the 
slaughter.  The  Christian  party  having  regained 
their  preponderance,  the  regular  order  of  things 
was  fully  restored.  The  Regents  resumed  their 
powers,  Oslac,  Raoul  Torta,  and  Bernard  the 
grey-beard :  the  latter,  honoured  and  respected  by 
all  parties,  was  considered  as  the  Stadt-holder. 

The  «Bat-       §  7.    The  locality  where  the  armies  met  is 

tie  of  the  J  .  * 

STimert  not  ascerta"le<^  but  the  final  conflict  probably 

•*<*-        ensued  somewhere  nigh  the  Ponthieu  Border. 

We  will  therefore  designate  the  battle  as  the 

"  Battle  of  the  Rescue,"  for  the  result  absolutely 


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ACCESSION  OF  THE  CAPETS.  355 

liberated  the  young  Richard  from  the  grasp  of  942-954 
the  Pagan  Danes,  and  a  battle  without  a  name  iZZXZ^ 
is  unquotable  in  history.    The  tale  is  told  to  us  W2-043 
in  tones  of  triumph — the  chroniclers  exhibit  un- 
wonted animation  in  their  brief  details — The 
agile  start  of  the  overthrown  assailant,  and  the 
fate  of  the  skulking  Viking — are  incidents  be- 
stowing a  romantic  character  upon  the  narra- 
tive, most  rare  in  this  period  of  dull  though 
sanguinary  hostility.    A  Christian  King  engaged 
in  single  combat,  chasing  the  rascal  heathens, 
and  wielding  his  weapon  in  the  midst  of  the 
melee,  had  performed  achievements  which  re- 
vived the  antient  days  of  imperial  glory. 

Oil  and  oft  and  desperately,  had  Charle- 
magne's fate-stricken  lineage  warred  amongst 
themselves,  brethren  against  brothers,  uncles 
against  nephews,  and  nephews  against  uncles, 
sons  against  fathers,  and  fathers  against  sons; 
but,  how  scantly  had  they  measured  their  ineffec- 
tual swords  against  the  weapons  of  the  common 
enemy !  During  the  sad  interval  of  misfortune 
and  misery  which  had  elapsed  between  the  death 
of  Charlemagne  and  the  "  Battle  of  the  Rescue," 
once  only  had  the  dreary  annals  of  graceless  dis- 
sension and  national  degradation  been  brightened 
in  the  plain  of  Saulcourt,  when,  as  the  Gleeman  (SeeVoi.i 
sang,  the  blood  rose  in  the  cheeks  of  the  Frankish 
soldiers,  rejoicing  in  the  sport  of  war.  But  the 
arm  of  the  young  hero  of  Saulcourt  had  been 

A  A2 


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356      LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

wa—954  palsied  by  the  folly  of  his  troops ;  and  the  en- 
^ZX3l  gagement  was  an  event  of  small  moment  in  the 
9*2-343  generaj  course  0f  events. — Though  a  recreant 

had  been  punished,  and  a  marauder  slain;  yet 
barren  were  the  laurels  which  inspired  the  re- 
sounding lay. 

Strongly  contrasted  with  such  a  fruitless 
conflict,  was  the  result  produced  by  the  skilful 
prowess  of  Louis,  which  not  only  enhanced  his 
personal  renown,  but  was  also  most  opportune 
for  King  and  kingdom.  The  French  had  adopted 
as  an  indubitable  proposition,  that  the  Northmen 
were  intolerable.  As  a  Nation,  they  were  in  a 
manner  pledged  never  to  desist  until  they  had 
effected  the  subjugation  or  expulsion  of  the  vile 
intruders.  Now  at  this  exact  nick  of  time,  Louis, 
without  any  effort  on  his  part,  had,  by  the  acts- 
of  his  natural  antagonists,  been  placed  in  the 
most  advantageous  position  for  combining  the 
advantages  gained  by  the  military  success  of  the 
General  with  the  colourable  claims  of  the  Mon- 
arch. The  Norman  Patriots  had  been  working 
for  him.  No  greater  service  could  have  been 
rendered  to  Louis  than  the  help  he  derived  from 
the  Norman  Regency  and  their  partizans  who 
had  so  anxiously  laboured  to  bring  the  young 
Richard  before  him  at  Compiegne :  not  only  acs 
knowledging  the  Suzerain's  superiority,  but  con- 
ceding to  him  the  immediate  regal  right  over 
Rollo's  land. 


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ACCESSION  OF  THE   CAPETS.  357 

The  oracular  volumes  of  the  jus  gentium  are  wa-w* 
not  less  complaisant  than  the  vaticinations  of  \ — i_ 
the  Sybil,  hardly  eyer  failing  to  afford  a  response  m~W8 
by  which  the  wishes  of  the  Querent  may  be 
gratified.    It  is  the  apophthegm  of  our  English 
Tribonian,  that  execution  is  the  life  of  the  law  : 
but,  if  execution  be  the  life  of  our  common  law, 
it  is  the  very  "  Law  of  nations  "  itself.    The  last 
reason  of  Kings  always  ranks  first  in  the  Quarrel- 
er s  cogitations,  be  he  Autocrat  be  he  Democrat. 
Had  the  Lamb  stood  where  the  Wolf  stood,  he 
would  have  found  as  a  legitimate  casus  belli,  as 
the  Wolf  found,  could,  he,  the  Lamb  have  dared. 

The  concessions  made  to  Louis  enabled  him, 
in  the  first  instance,  to  conceal  his  designs ;  and 
he  was  in  every  way  encouraged  and  incited  to 
avail  himself  of  his  advantages  resolutely  and 
speedily. — During  the  Lotharingian  disturbances 
Louis  had  been  tantalized  by  his  reasonable  but 
disappointed  expectations.  Lorraine  was  lost,  but 
the  acquisition  of  Gerberga's  hand  might  con- 
sole him  for  the  loss  of  Lorraine :  and,  would 
Gerberga  let  him  rest,  i£  the  way  being  so  clearly 
opened,  he  did  not  compensate  himself  by  ex- 
pelling the  Pirates  and  their  progeny,  and  sending 
them  beyond  the  sea? — The  name  of  the  Terra 
Normannorum  was  an  affront  to  the  Frankish 
royalty ;  the  domination  of  the  bastard  Richard, 
the  son  of  the  bastard  Guillaume,  was  a  scandal 
to  the  Realm. 


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942-943 


358        LOUIS  tfOUTREMER,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

842-454  Flushed  therefore  with  victory,  yet  having 
astutely  matured  his  plans,  Louis  advanced  to 
the  Norman  capital,  leading  on  his  exulting  army. 
Had  he  required  any  further  incitement  to  per- 
severe in  his  intention  of  regaining  the  usurped 
land,  it  would  have  been  furnished  by  the  aspect 
of  the  country  as  it  was  again  unfolded  before 
him  during  this  second  examination.  The  ex- 
uberant fertility  of  Normandy,  the  fine,  fresh, 
full-formed  women,  the  hale  manhood,  the  forests 
and  chases,  the  thickly -planted  villages,  the 
flourishing  towns,  and  the  prosperous  population 
testified  the  comfort  and  value  of  the  territory ; 
and  he  fully  determined  that,  as  far  as  depended 
upon  his  exertions,  never  should  Neustria  revert 
to  the  Pirate  power.  Louis  presented  himself 
clothed  with  a  fourfold  right — the  young  Duke 
was  his  lawful  Ward, — the  Norman  Nobles,  his 
Homagers, — King  of  France,  he  was  the  Sove- 
reign of  the  country, — but  above  all,  he  entered 
Rouen  as  a  Conqueror. 
943  §  8.     No  mistake  could  be  made  about  the 

tereRoSen  fact.  The  Norman  nobles  might  attempt  to  dis- 
!£«or0n~  guise  the  humiliating  catastrophe,  but  they  could 
not  gainsay  it. — They  had  sold  Richard  and  the 
Terra  Normannorum  into  the  hands  of  Louis. 
They  had  cheated  themselves  by  their  own  want 
of  sincerity.  When  they  journeyed  to  Compiegne 
and  instructed  the  graceful  boy  to  bend  the  knee 
before  the   Carlovingian  throne,    they  had  no 


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ACCESSION  OP  THE  CAPETS.       359 

expectation  that  the  Suzerain,  whom  they  made  a  «w« 
shew  of  accepting,  would  repair  to  Rouen,  and  ,— < — > 
receive  the  infant  Heir  into  his  charge.  When  M3~W8 
they  became  the  homagers  of  Louis,  they  merely 
planned  to  play  him  off  against  their  adversa- 
ries; the  idea  never  crossed  their  minds  that  he 
would  traverse  the  Border  and  enforce  their  obe- 
dience,  the  Sovereign's  approach  announced  by 
Charlemagne's  standard. — When  they  honoured 
him  as  King  of  France  they  never  dreamt  that, 
concentrating  all  the  powers  of  government  in 
his  person,  they  should  behold  him  installed  in 
the  Palatial  castle  of  Rollo.  They  did  not  re- 
alize the  words  of  homage  when  they  spake  the 
words  of  homage — they  thought  that  the  words 
were  idle  words,  but  idle  words  are  fearful  rea- 
lities. 

There  was,  in  fact,  no  valid  excuse  which  they 
could  frame  for  themselves.  Supposing,  that  by 
the  utmost  stretch  of  charity,  they  might  be  in- 
duced to  doubt  whether  Louis  had  premeditated 
Guillaume's  assassination,  they  could  not  avoid 
confessing  that  Louis  had  become  an  accessory 
after  the  feet.  Common  fame  convicted  the 
French  nobles  of  being  connivers  in  the  misdeed, 
and  the  French  would  scarcely  have  condescended 
to  evade  the  accusation.  Against  the  Normans, 
the  French  indulged  themselves  to  the  fullest  ex- 
tent of  contemptuous  hostility.  The  concession 
of  the  Terra  Normannorum  to  the  son  of  the 


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360       LOUIS  D'OUTBEMEB,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

942-9M  British  concubine  had  been  effected  coldly  and 
XIXZ^  sternly.    Not  merely  were  all  the  usual  conven- 
942-943  tional   courtesies   excluded,  but  there  was  an 
emphatic  manifestation  of  ungraciousness.     A 
gratuitous  insult  was  incorporated  in  the  grant 
when  the  royal  Chancellor  inscribed  upon  the 
record  that  Richard  was  a  half-caste  bastard. 
injudicious       Moreover,    the    Normans  only    asked    that 
mad?by0M  Richard  should  have  his  own ;  and  for  this  they 
gency°~     had  made  the  extravagant  concession  which  vir- 
tually took  away  his  own  from  Richard.    They 
had  voluntarily  become  the  royal  homagers,  dis- 
carding Duke  Richard's  authority.    Surely,  the 
Regency  party  must  have  confessed  to  themselves, 
that  the  indignation  of  their  political  opponents 
who  had  disdained  such  crouching  obedience  to 
the  son  of  Charles-le-Simple  had  not  been  roused 
unreasonably.     If  it  was  true  that  the  royal 
homagers  had  been  seduced  by  the  royal  bounty, 
the  greater  their  degradation ! — The  more  they 
dwelt  upon  the  retrospect,  the  more  must  their 
The  ho-     self-reproach   have   become    heavier.      Richard 

mage  pen-  m  * 

m&JS  was»  *n  no  w*se'  ProPerty  reinstated  as  the  repre- 
JS^i  sentative  of  his  Grandsire.  Richard  had  not 
t^  his  inte-  obtained  any  security  for  his  own  rights,  nor  the 
Normans  either.  Not  so  his  wary  ancestor. 
Rollo  had  endeavoured  to  get  whatever  hold  he 
could  upon  the  slippery  conscience  of  his  adver- 
saries, and  to  render  the  relation  between  the 
King  and  the  Patrician,  and  between  the  French 


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ACCESSION  OF  THE  CAPETS-  361 

and  the  Normans  a  national  compact,  in  which  943-954 

there  was  no  superiority  conceded  to  the  French  \ L-^ 

Monarch  beyond  the  points  which  were  safe  and  M2-843 
honourable:  a  Duke  acknowledging  the  Hierarch- 
ical precedence  due  to  a  crowned  and  anointed 
King. 

When  Rollo,  obeying  the  directions  given  by 
the  Frankish  Counsellors,  placed  his  hands  be- 
tween the  hands  of  King  Charles,  and  became 
the  King's  Man,  his  homage  was  counterparted 
by  the  French, — aye,  and  more  than  counter- 
parted.  Charles  King  of  France,  and  Robert 
Duke  of  France,  and  the  Counts  and  the  Pro* 
ceres*  and  the  Bishops  and  the  Abbots,  had  pro- 
mised to  be  faithful  to  Rollo-Robert  in  life  and  (Vol.  Jm  p# 
in  limb,  and  the  honour  of  the  realm:  and6*7') 
moreover  it  was  solemnly  declared  that  the  ter- 
ritory, as  he  held  and  possessed  the  same,  should 
pass  to  his  heirs  and  descendants  from  generation 
to  generation  for  ever.  It  is  true  that  no  such 
covenant  was  exacted  by  Guillaume  Longue-£p£e, 
because,  in  his  case,  no  promises  were  required ; 
Guillaume  began  to  rule  as  Duke  whilst  Louis  was 
an  exile.  When  King  Louis  was  out  of  possession, 
Duke  Guillaume  was  in ;  but  the  present  trans- 
action did  not  offer  any  such  safeguards.  The 
compact  was  one-sided.  Richard  had  struck  no 
root  in  France,  there  was  no  reciprocity,  no  mu- 
tual bond. 

It  is  perhaps  the  greatest  of  trials  to  which 


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362      LOUIS  d'outbemer,  lothaike,  &c. 

W2-W4  our  temper  can  be  subjected,  when,  upon  the 
XZXZ!^  retrospect  of  our  conduct,  the  potent  chemistry 
W2-043  0f  seif.deceit  fails  to  extract  any  comfort  from 

Louis  re- 

NoraaS  P*8'  errors.  The  Regents,  and  all  who  con- 
j^Jj-  curred  in  the  proceedings  which  had  delivered 
diaiity.  Richard  over  into  the  power  of  the  Carlovingian 
Sovereign,  could  certainly  find  none.  However, 
there  was  no  immediate  help — matters  were  very 
untoward,  all  the  Normans  could  do  would  be 
to  bide  their  time. — Le  ban  temps  viendra. — 
Bernard  the  Dane  was  quite  the  man  to  adopt 
the  spirit  of  the  motto  which,  still  gracing  the 
achievement  of  his  decendants,  has  perhaps,  more 
than  once,  cheered  the  desponding  heart.  For 
the  purpose  of  saving  their  credit,  the  Normans 
put  the  best  face  they  could  upon  the  matter; 
they  professed  a  cordial  acceptance  of  the  ex- 
planations given  by  Louis,  welcoming  him  as  the 
avenger  of  the  murdered  Guillaume.  Louis,  on 
his  part,  displayed  the  deepest  grief  for  the  death 
of  the  noble  Duke,  Guillaume  Longue-ep£e  the 
Martyr. — Arnoul,  he  vowed,  should  receive  a 
condign*  punishment. — The  Normans  knowing 
how  complicated  were  the  plans  and  plots  of  the 
French  Court  might  believe  that  Louis,  for  rea- 
sons of  his  own,  was  not  altogether  insincere  in 
his  manifestations  of  hostility  against  Flanders. 
Moreover  he  was  accompanied  by  Herlouin,  who 
professed  he  never  would  abandon  his  determi- 
nation of  avenging  his  benefactor. 


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ACCESSION  OP  THE  CAPETS.  363 

Louis  therefore  was  greeted  at  Rouen  with  Ms-aw 

loud  and  loyal    acclaim.     It   could    hardly   be  \ i_ 

deemed  any  indication  of  suspicion,  that,  before  943-"*48 
he  had  entered  the  City,  Richard  was  removed 
from  his  father's  palace  and  placed  under  the 
special  care  of  Osmond.  The  arrangements  made 
by  Louis  were  equivalent  to  a  declaration  that 
the  King  of  France  had  fully  prepared  to  dwell 
peacefully  amongst  the  Normans. — Some  of  his 
children  had  accompanied  or  joined  him.  The 
Bishops  and  Counts  of  France  resorted  to  his 
Court  as  he  held  the  same  in  his  royal  residence, 
and,  when  settled,  he  requested  that  the  young 
Richard  should  be  brought  to  him. — An  affecting 
scene  ensued :  Louis,  the  tears  flowing  from  his 
eyes,  kissed  and  caressed  the  orphan,  bewailed  his 
destitution,  admired  his  beauty.  Richard — he 
promised — should  be  treated  as  his  child,  live 
with  the  young  French  Princes,  eat  at  the  King's 
table,  sleep  in  the  King's  chamber. 

Osmond  departed,  though  not  at  ease;  and 
thus  closed  the  first  day,  the  day  during  which 
Richard  had  passed  into  the  actual  custody  of  his 
Guardian. 

On  the  following  morning,  the  morning  of 
the  second  day,  the  anxious  Governor  again  ap- 
peared before  Louis,  soliciting  that  he  might  be 
permitted  to  resume  his  charge,  and  return  with 
Richard  to  his  own  dwelling.  Osmond  assigned 
a  reason  which  could  be  propounded  without 


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364      LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

942-$m  disrespect  and   urged  without  intrusion.    One 
< — * — ,  antient  usage  of  Roman  civility  was  long  retained 
W2~"W3  in  the  Gauls :  many  a  hypocaust  still  subsisted, 
and  it  was  needful,  as  Osmond  explained,  that 
Richard  should  take  the  warm  bath ; — but  Louis 
would  not  part  with  the  boy. 
Loob  de-         On  *^e  third  day's  morning,  Osmond  presented 
^un^Ri-  himself  to  the  King,  and,  undeterred  by  his  two 
L  cuttodj.  previous  repulses,   insisted   deter  minately    that 
iuLo-    Richard  should  be  restored;  but  Louis  haughtily 
and  doggedly  gave  a  peremptory  denial. — The 
intelligence  of  this  detention,  founded  upon  fraud, 
spread  rapidly  throughout  the  city.   A  general  in- 
surrection ensued ;  Rouen  was  in  a  state  of  siege ; 
the  house-doors  closed,  the  streets  blocked  up  by 
the  infuriated  populace,  the  storm-bells  boom- 
ing.    The  inhabitants  of  the  suburbs  swarmed 
in,  joining  the  citizens,  and  the  nobles  donned 
their    armour,    girt   their   swords,    and   mixed 
amongst  the  insurgents.    These  men  of  might 
probably  belonged  either  to  the  pure  Danishry, 
or  to  the  Danish  party;  for  the  popular  anger 
was  fiercely  directed  against  Bernard  and  the 
Regency — stigmatised  by  the  general  outcry  as 
perjured  traitors,  who  had  surrendered  their  So- 
vereign into  the  hands  of  the  enemy : — and  the 
crowd  having  vented  their  indignation,  rolled  on 
to  attack  the  King. 

Appalled  by  the  raging  multitude,  Louis  des- 
paired of  safety,  otherwise  than  through  Bernard's 


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ACCESSION  OP  THE  CAPETS.       365 

intervention.    Bernard  had  reason  to  fear  for  his  942-954 
own  life,  so  great  was  the  odium  he  had  incurred;  ^ZXZ^ 
yet  this  feeling  was  transient.     Clever  Bernard  942-943 
never  failed  to  fall  on  his  legs:  and,  after  the  first 
burst  was  over,  he  fully  regained  the  confidence 
of  all  the  contending  parties.    The  acute  grey- 
bearded  Statesman  instantly  sought  to  avail  him- 
self of  the  consternation  excited  in  Louis  by  the 
'  peril  which  the  latter  had  brought  upon  himself. 
In  reply  to  the   King's  message  he  forthwith 
suggested  that  Louis  must  come  forth,  restore  the 
young  Duke  to  Osmond,  and  crave  the  forgiveness 
of  the  Normans ;  no  other  mode  of  escape  was 
practicable.    If  the  opportunity  was  neglected, 
Bernard  could  not  save  him. 

.  This  declaration  inflicted  a  severe  mortifica- 
tion upon  the  Carlovingian  King,  for  the  acts  en- 
joined must  have  been  exceedingly  repugnant  to 
his  feelings;  but  the  sooner  the  penance  was  over 
the  better.  Louis  did  come  forth  with  the  young  Louis  ap- 
Prince,  and  presented  him  to  the  multitude,  reite- Swthe 

r  m  '  multitude 

rating  his  caresses  and  expressions  of  affection. —  aJJJ^d 
How  Louis  loathed  the  touch  of  the  warm  soft  ggjjjjj 
creature! — He  detested  the  family  resemblance m^r°r" 
which  endeared  the  comely  son  of  Guillaume  to 
Norman  loyalty.    In  the  sight  of  Louis,  the  Bas- 
tard was  hatefully  legitimated  by  his  likeness  to 
his  Pirate  fathers — the  blood  which  mantled  in 
those  youthful  cheeks  was  foul — the  bright  eyes 
of  the  tiger-cub  bespoke  his  innate  ferocity.    De- 


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366       LOUIS  D'OUTREMER,  LOTH  AIRE,  &C. 

W2-&54  spite  of  his  disgust,  Louis  gulped  the  humiliation. 

\ i_  He  was  supported  in  his  re-doubled  duplicities  by 

942-943  the  political  principles  which  his  conscience  never 
contested. — Every  fraud  was  fair  when  dealing 
with  a  Dane — Submissively  did  Louis  explain  his 
conduct  to  the  listening  Normans. — Guillaume's 
faithful  subjects  were  labouring  under  an  erro- 
neous impression:  the  young  Prince  was  not 
detained  as  a  captive: — nothing  like  it.  Louis 
simply  claimed  the  privilege  of  instructing  his 
Ward  in  the  art  of  government,  and  conveying 
to  the  youth  all  the  knowledge  which  might 
qualify  him  to  perform  the  duties  of  a  Ruler 
and  a  Lawgiver. 

The  supplications  of  Louis  were  miserably  ab- 
ject;— let  them  do  what  they  thought  fit;  pro- 
vided his  life  be  spared.  He  was  failing  with  fear, 
yet  retaining  all  his  presence  of  mind — bitterly  an- 
gered, yet  thoroughly  self-possessed ;  and,  though 
in  the  utmost  dread  of  death,  actively  planning 
for  the  future,  trusting  that  he  might  regain 
by  sagacity  what  he  had  lost  by  compulsion. 
The  boy  was  restored  to  the  Regents,  the  crowd 
dispersed,  and  the  tumult  was  silenced.  Louis, 
however,  could  not  be  reassured ;  for  though  he 
was  permitted  to  return  to  the  Palace,  which  he 
still  retained  as  a  home,  yet  the  Normans  would 
not  liberate  him,  and  he  continued  a  prisoner 
in  Rouen. — All  the  profit  which  he  had  gained 
by  his  wiles,  his  crimes,  his  policy  and  his  valour, 


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I 

I 
ACCESSION  OF  THE  CAPETS.  367  i 

seemed  to  be  lost-    Victorious  in  the  field,  but  ms-om  j 

defeated  by  the  rabble,  threatened  equally  by  \ — ^—^ 
danger  and  by  shame,  most  doubtful  as  to  his  942~m 
course,  yet  determined  to  temporize,  he  sent  for 
the  three  chief  members  of  the  Regency,  Oslac, 
Baoul  Torta,  and  Bernard  the  Dane*  Certain  of 
the  Prud'hommes  of  Rouen  were  associated  to  the 
Regents:  and,  whether  for  the  purpose  of  pre- 
serving secrecy,  or  of  ensuring  safety,  he  received 
them  in  an  upper  chamber. 

During  the  conference  which  ensued,  Louis  conference 
treated  Bernard  as  the  spokesman  of  the  Norman  Louis  and 

r  the  Nor- 

Community.    To  him,  still  the  man  most  univer-  ***  R°- 

*  gents. 

sally  respected  and  obeyed  by  all  parties,  he 
addressed  himself  in  particular,  demanding  coun- 
cil and  aid.  Bernard's  reply  was  courteous,  but 
peremptory.  Saving  the  King's  supremacy, — a 
submission  by  which  Richard  was  honoured, — 
King  and  Duke,  Duke  and  King,  must  meet  upon 
equal  terms.  Richard  must  hold  the  Terra 
Normannorum  even  as  his  Sire  and  his  Grand- 
sire  had  done  before  him.  The  King  of  France 
must  defend  the  Normans  against  all  men,  and, 
in  like  manner,  would  the  Normans  defend  the 
King,  rejoicing  in  the  protection  which  he  af- 
forded. Louis  conceded  all  that  was  asked — 
words,  words,  words; — whether  his  promises  were 
broader  or  narrower,  to  him  it  was  no  matter. 

Louis  kept  his  Court  brilliantly  at  Rouen, 
and  when  the  new  treaty  for  the  permanent 


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368        LOUIS  D'OUTREMER,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

W2-«m  settlement  of  the  constitutional  relations  between 
7lT\     [  Normandy  and  France  was  ratified,  a  large  num- 
ber  of  the  French  Bishops,  Counts,  and  Barons 
assembled  in  the  Palace  of  Rouen,  the  Norman 
chieftains  being  also  convened. 
Richard  Louis  then  and  there  granted  to  Richard  the 

fSSTsK-"  Terra  Normannorum,  to  be  held  by  hereditary 
L^ffi"1    right  from  generation  to  generation.     Richard 
land  to  him  again  performed  homage,  and  Louis  then  made 
principle  of  the  covenant  which  he  Jiad  previously  avoided. 
The  golden  shrines,  the  Gospel-book,  and  the  Holy 
Rood,  were  brought  forth :  and,  placing  his  hands 
upon  the  sacred  symbols,  Louis  solemnly  pro- 
nounced the  oath,  that  he  would  defend  the  Duke 
against  all  mortal  men ; — he  could  not  have  the 
slightest  difficulty  in  making  a  promise  which  he 
held  to  be  entirely  null. — The  French  Prelates 
and  Nobles  followed  the  King's  example,  but 
rather  reluctantly.     An  expression  is  employed, 
intimating  that  they  were  somewhat  restrained  by 
conscience ;  their  scruples,  however,  gave  way,  and 
they  swore  also.    The  youth  and  innocence  of 
Richard  imparted  a  marked  character  to  the  cere- 
mony; and  when  Louis  and  the  French  after- 
wards violated  their  pledge,  more  than  usual 
fies^r**"  indignation  was  excited  by  their  perjury. 
Sdtoeato        §  9.    However,  the  pacification  was  accepted, 
to  obtahT  an(*, in  appearance,  so  cordially,  that  Louis  con- 
tiondo?Ri-  tinued  to  reside  in  Rouen  as  pleasantly  as  if  it 
education,  were  his  own  City  to  all  intents.  We  collect  from 


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ACCESSION  OF  THE  CARETS.       369 

this  somewhat  preternatural  tranquillity  that,  the  9*2-951 
parties  being  nicely  balanced,  the  Christian  Danes  \ — * — I 
were  compelled  to  deal  with  Louis  as  their  ally  *42"~943 
against  the  Pagan  interest.    By  gentle  manage-* 
ment,  the  acute  Monarch  assuaged  the  anger  he 
had  excited :  and,  gaining  more  and  more  power, 
he  continued  to  negociate  with  Nobles  and  People, 
expatiating  on  the  advantages  which  would  result 
to  the  young  Duke  if  they  would  permit  him  to 
treat  the  young  Richard  as  his  own  son,  as  one 
of  the  royal  family. — Soundly  shall  he  be  trained 
to  think  and  to  act,  to  distinguish  and  to  judge, 
to  be  courteous  and  wise. — A  thousand  times 
more  will  young  Richard  learn  in  my  Palace  in 
France,  than  ever  he  can  acquire  in  Normandy. 

Mais  une  chose  vous  requier, 
Que  Richart  m'en  laisseiz  mener 
Por  estre  od  mei  tant  et  ester, 
Qu'il  ait  coneu  et  apris 
Ce  quest  honeur  al  siecle  et  pris. 

Qu'il  sache  un  cBUvre  bel  traiter, 
Bel  definer  e  dreit  jnger, 
Chose  oscure,  forte  et  couYerte, 
Gent  declairier  et  (aire  aperte. 
De  tote  la  riens  qui  est  faite 
Parlee,  dite  ne  retraite, 
Aura  engin  et  connoissance 
Mil  tanz  en  mes  palaiz  en  France, 
Qu'il  n'en  aureit  en  Normandie. 

The  pupil  of  glorious  Athelstane,  might,  as  an 
inducement  for  their  compliance  with  his  request, 
have  appealed  to  his  own  life  and  fortunes.    If 
VOL.  11.  bb 


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370        LOUIS  d'outremer,  LOTHAIRH,  &c. 

942-954  Louis  did  not  expatiate  upon  his  own  cultiva- 
,  -  «  •  ,  tion  and  proficiency  acquired  at  York,  yet  it  was 
942-943  unjversaiiy  tnown  how  well  his  Anglo-Saxon  edu- 
cation had  prospered;  and,  upon  thinking  men, 
his  silence  concerning  himself  might  render  his 
example  the  more  forcible. 

Louis  now  exerted  himself  to  restore  peace 
and  good  order.  He  commenced  a  circuit,  osten- 
sibly for  the  purpose  of  settling  the  government 
after  the  disturbances ;  and  proceeded,  in  the  first 
instance,  to  Evreux.  There  he  made  a  short 
stay,  compelling  the  inhabitants  to  return  to 
their  obedience,  and  render  fealty  to  the  young 
Richard : 

Feaute*  fait  prendre  de  toz 
Al  Due  Richart,  le  bel,  le  proz, 
Ses  dreiz  li  quiert  ansi  s'en  paine, 
Cam  si  ceo  est  ses  fiz  demeine. 

But  this  parental  assertion  of  Richard's  rights  was 
a  selfish  artifice.  The  strength  of  Hugh-le-Grand's 
party  was  in  Evreux,  therefore  all  that  Louis 
effected  in  appearance  for  his  adopted  son  was 
virtually  executed  for  his  own  benefit.  His  tole- 
ration also  of  the  Regency  was,  in  like  manner,  a 
consistent  portion  of  his  scheme.  If  Louis  might 
be  slightly  restrained  by  their  position,  it  was 
prudent  that  he  should  render  outward  respect  to 
an  authority  generally  advantageous  to  him,  and 
which  he  was  able  to  divert  for  his  own  advantage. 
So  warily  and  delicately  had  Louis  conducted 
himself,  that  the  young  Richard  was  never  ex- 


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ACCESSION   OF  THE   CAPETS.  371 

empted  from  the  wakeful  observation  which  Louis  ms-om 
characterized  as  paternal  care.    Osmond's  pupil  !Z2CZ1 
was  really  a  prisoner  at  large. — King  Louis  had  Poiitio 
promised  that  Richard  should  go  wherever  heLoriT'iie 
went,  even  as  though  Richard  were  his  son ;  and  &t  No*-* 


this  undertaking  he  fully  performed. 

The  resolute  though  tranquillizing  policy 
pursued  by  Louis,  was  calculated  to  gratify  both 
sections  of  the  Romanized  Northmen.  By  su- 
perseding the  power  of  Hugh-le-Grand  in  the 
Evrecin,  he  satisfied  his  own  voluntary  homagers 
through  whom  the  political  schism  had  origi- 
nated, whilst  he  never  manifested  any  displeasure 
against  the  individuals,  who,  in  the  first  instance, 
had  disdained  to  become  his  vassals.  The  favour  Double 
he  shewed  to  Yvo  de  Creil  testified  his  desire  of  Loukiuh 
keeping  on  good  terms  with  the  Normans  gene- 
rally. Yvo  held  the  extensive  lordship  of  Belesme 
in  the  Hiesmois ;  the  Castle  erected  there,  became 
the  head  of  his  Barony,  and,  in  the  next  gene- 
ration, furnished  the  family  surname ;  but  his 
domain  of  Creil  was  an  appendage  of  Couci, 
Bernard  of  Senlis  being  Yvo's  immediate  seigneur. 
Now  this  great  nobleman,  very  influential  in  the 
Terra  Normannorum,  and  connected  with  the 
Duchy  of  France,  in  which  Creil  was  situated, 
passed  into  the  French  service,  was  appointed 
Master  of  the  royal  Arbalisters,  and  will  appear 
hereafter  as  a  Royal  officer,  high  in  command. 

Louis  d'Outremer's  log-book  does    not  lie 

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372     LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

$42— 954  open  before  us,  nor  is  his  chart  unrolled,  yet  we 
XZXZZ  have  sufficient  information  concerning  his  track 
subti^943  to  ascertain  that  he  steered  his  course  ably; 
LouUwith  making  the  best  of  his  misadventures ;  ready  to 
mw.0T'  drop  down  any  favourable  current  into  which  he 
might  be  driven  by  an  adverse  gale. 

Louis  was  pre-eminently  endowed  with  the 
qualification  so  generally  rewarded  by  success, 
that  it  has  been  considered  as  the  peculiar  attri- 
bute of  great  men — a  ready  adaptability  to  cir- 
cumstances. Yet  he  holds  but  an  obscure  station 
in  the  annals  of  his  Kingdom  :  the  brightness  of 
his  gifts  being  clouded  by  his  misfortunes. 

His  talents  for  governing  were  signally  dis- 
played under  the  series  of  exigencies  which  he 
was  experiencing. — Kept  in  durance  by  the  justly 
excited  indignation  of  the  Normans,  subjected  to 
grievous  mortifications ;  deeply  irritated  by  the 
contradictions  he  had  sustained,  he  nevertheless 
avoided  harsh  measures,  and  sought  the  means  of 
conciliation. 

When  the  restraint,  imposed  by  the  revolters, 
was  removed,  Louis  frankly  prolonged  his  resi- 
dence amongst  the  pacified  insurgents  until  he 
became  habituated  to  them,  and  found  the  means 
of  identifying  himself  with  their  feelings.  He 
obtained  their  confidence  by  the  apparent  trust 
which  he  reposed  in  them. 

Again  convening  the  Nobles,  he  renewed  his 
pledges  that  the  foul  murder  of  Guillaume  Longue- 


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942-943 


•  agaim 
Flanders, 


ACCESSION  OF  THE   CAPETS.  373 

6p6e  should  be  fully  avenged. — Hitherto,  the  pro-  942-954 
mises  made  by  Louis  that  he  would  punish  Ar- 
nold's misdeeds  had  been  expressed  in  general 
terms.  -He  now  entered  into  details,  explaining 
the  plans  of  his  contemplated  campaign,  during 
which  he  proposed  that  their  exertions  should 
combine  with  his  own. 

Returning  to  Laon,  as  he  informed  them,  he  l<""»  con- 
would  summon  the  arridre  ban,  and  raising  all  SSJ&Sui 
the  forces  of  France  and  of  Burgundy — he  would  SJjjJjJSEf 
make  war  against  Arnoul,  and  reduce  the  barrier-  {2^™* 
fortresses  of  Flanders. — Arras,  Saint  Omer,  and  ^nttf1 
Furneus,  were  particularized, — together  with  a] 
fourth,  of  which  the  name  has  not  been  preserved. 
It  is  rather  remarkable  that  a  blank  is  left  for 
such  name  in  the  only  extant  manuscript  of  the 
Chronicler  who  has  preserved  the  fullest  state- 
ment of  the  King's  address :  as  though  the  Pen- 
man expected  he  might  recover  it.    If  this  blank 
can  be  supposed  to  have  been  left  by  the  Author, 
the  circumstance  assumes  importance  when  we 
shall  be  called  upon  to  value  the  testimony  of 
the  rich   narrative  due  to  the  Anglo-Norman 
Benoit,  who,  somewhat  conventionally,  we  deno- 
minate "  Benoit  de  Saint  More." — The  blank  in 
question  occurs  between  the  names  of  Furneus 
and  Saint  Omer. 

Thus,  as  Louis  explained  to  the  Assembly, 
would  he  wholly  humble  the  power  of  their 
detested  enemy.    Furthermore,  he  exhorted  the 


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374      LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

943—954  Bretons   and  the  Normans,   (whilst  he   should 

\ — ^ \  be  engaged  in  raising  his  forces,)  to  do  their  duty, 

943-943  pjgp^ug  t0  co-operate  in  avenging  their  lost 
Sovereign.  No  peace  or  truce  should  be  granted ; 
no  mercy  or  forbearance  would  he  extend  to 
Arnoul  the  Traitor.  Three  hundred  thousand 
marks  of  silver  should  not  buy  off  ArnouPs  de- 
served punishment.  Before  the  feast  of  Saint 
Gervais  the  perfidious  Count  should  be  undone, — 
"  and  Richard  shall  go  forward  with  me." 

deiXy  ro-~  P°Ur  *****  °ens  miUe  mar8  d'ar8ent 

news  his  N'en  aureit-il  treve  ni  pais 

For  th?re-  ^  °*  <lu'a  feste  de  BvaA  Gervais, 

S°  hiS'to  **e*  ff1*11*  homage  e  de  la  perte 

Laon- to  Li  ert  rendue  sa  deserte 

iffiiSr  Jtf »  com  a  1'*  deserrie, 

assent.  Vil  dealeiez  e  fei-mentie. — 

Richart  viendra  od  mei  avant. 

'Richart  viendra  od  mei  avant P — Against  this 
astounding  proposal,  not  a  voice  was  raised. 
Bernard  the  Dane,  Regents*  Nobles,  all  bowed 
assent :  and  the  people  of  Rouen  exhibited  the 
same  wonderful  complacency. — But  a  short  while 
since,  when  the  young  Prince,  though  in  his  own 
Palace,  in  the  Capital  of  Normandy  and  under  the 
safeguard  of  the  whole  Community,  had  been,  as 
they  apprehended,  fraudulently  coerced  by  his 
royal  Guardian,  they  were  inflamed  to  the  highest 
pitch  of  desperation ;  and  now,  they  allowed  the 
seducer  to  glide  away  in  possession  of  this  precious 


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942—943 


ACCESSION   OF  THE  CAPETS.  375 

pledge  for  the  express  purpose  of  removing  him  942-954 
into  the  heart  of  France,  and  immuring  him 
within  the  massive  walls  of  Laon's  impregnable 
tower.  It  is  pleaded  on  their  behalf  that  they 
yielded  to  his  bland  allurements  and  specious 
promises  : 

Od  si  faites  sedicions, 
Ed  od  teus  allocations, 
Les  a  deceits,  c'est  la  fin, 
Od  sei  enmeine  le  Meschin. 
Las!  tante  larme  en  est  ploree, 
Ainz  qu'il  veie  maiz  sa  contree 

But,  was  their  facility  to  be  thus  excused? — Had 
not  Louis  been  sufficiently  tested  and  tried  as  a 
deceiver? 

Are  we  to  conjecture,  that  when  Louis  so  un- 
expectedly propounded  his  request,  the  Normans 
were  stunned  by  the  sharpness  of  the  blow? — Yet 
it  is  difficult  to  believe  that  Bernard  the  Dane,  the 
toughest  relic  of  the  old  times,  could  have  been 
taken  by  surprize ;  and  impossible  to  suppose 
that  the  most  trusty  friend  of  Rollo  would  betray 
the  child  of  Guillaume  Longue-£p£e.  It  is  there* 
fore  needful  to  assume  the  existence  of  some 
powerful  motive  which  induced  this  strange  mu- 
tation of  opinion ;  and  a  solution  may,  perhaps, 
be  found  in  the  hypothesis,  that  the  Romanized 
Northmen  suspected  they  could  not  depend 
upon  Richard's  perseverance  in  Christianity. 
Such  a  misgiving  would  not  have  been  des- 
titute of  probability.    Guillaume  Longue-£p£e's 


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376      LOUIS  d'outremer,  loth  aire,  &c. 

942-954  instruction  had  opened  the  ears  of  the  facile 
^_JL_  boy  to  the  persuasions  of  Thormod.    Richard 
W2"^43  escaped  perversion,  yet  the  effects  of  the  teach- 
ing suggested  by  his  father  were  permanently 
discernible.    The  pliant  youth  became  so  tho- 
roughly versed  in  the   Danish  tongue  that  he 
spake  it  with  equal  fluency  as  the  Romance.    He 
was  renowned  for  this  accomplishment.    At  the 
close  of  his  long  reign  he  was  distinguished  as  one 
of  the  very  few  Normans  who  retained  a  know- 
ledge of  their  ancestral  language;  and,  throughout 
his  life,  he  always  appears  as  a  boon  hail-fellow, 
Probability  well  met  amongst  the  Danes.     Now  the  heathen 
Normans    or  heathenizing  party  being  still  numerous  and 
fortheuur- formidable,  the  Romanized  party  who  enjoyed 
chart  fiS1"  tita  ascendancy  at  Rouen  might  be  desirous  to 
poiwof    remove  the  young  Duke  beyond  the  sphere  of 
theDaniah-  Danish  power,  and  still  more  beyond  the  subtle 
dangers  of  the  moral  influence  which  the  Danishry 
exercised.     Laon  was  entirely  secure  against  a 
coup-de-main, — no  river  up  which  a  Danish  fleet 
could  sail,  flowed  through  the  surrounding  plains. 
No  Danish  Hosts  had  ever  nighed  the  Rock  of 
Laon  or  been  signalled  by  the  Warder  stationed 
on  the  topmost  turret  of  Laon's  huge  tower. — 
Louis  anyhow  would  educate  the  boy  as  beseem- 
ed a  Peer  of  France  and  a  Christian,  and  keep 
him  clear  from  Pagan  infection. 

Concomitant  circumstances  may  also  have 
been    admitted    as    diminishing   the   perils  to 


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ACCESSION   OF  THE  CAPETS.  377 

which  the  Minor  might  be  exposed  when   his  942-45* 
person  should  be  placed  in  the  actual  custody       - 
of  his  Royal  Guardian. — Laon,  though  distant  942-*43 
from  Rouen,  was  fairly  within  ken  of  Senlis, 
where  antient  Bernard,  the  trusty  Uncle  of  Guil- 
laume  Longue-6p£e,  now  usually  dwelt.    Richard  vidnitj  of 
would  be  under  Bernard's  shadow :   and  Couci, leSutl/16 
Count  Bernard's  stronghold,  —  the  stronghold 
wherein  Guillaume  Longue-£p£e,  when  crazed  by 
terror,  had  contemplated  of  taking  refuge,  was 
quite  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Laon. — Starting 
from  Laon,  and  refreshing  your  horse  at  Couci 
by  the  way,  you  might  reach  Senlis  between 
prime  and  evensong. 

These  ready  means  of  communication  with 
Count  Bernard,  that  affectionate  and  powerful 
kinsman,  so  prompt  for  action,  Hugh-le-Grand's 
liegeman,  a  member  of  the  Vermandois  family, 
and  therefore  radically   antagonistic  to  Louis, 
might  surely  be  valued  as  affording  some  secu- 
rity.— Closer  safeguards  had  also  been  provided 
When  the  royal  cavalcade,  defiling  beneath  the  RIchard 
Beauvoisin  gate,  moved  off  from  Rouen  to  France,  ^dlF' 
the  gazing  multitude  might  behold  Osmond  de  Y*oDdeJ 
Centvilles  riding  by  the  side  of  the  merry  boy's  Osmond  de 
horse,  and,  with  the  Tutor  and  the  Pupil  there 
was  also  the  Fortis  Marchio,  otherwise  the  For- 
margis,  the  Veteran  Yvo,  heading  the  king's  cross- 
bow men,  and  preparing  to  take  charge  of  the 
proud  Castle  in  which  the  young  Richard  was  to 


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378      LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

943-954  be  prepared  for  the  exercise  of  sovereign  power. 

""""!     \  Thus  would  the  Heir  of  Normandy  be  sure  to 

942-948  have  excellent  friends  about  him;   some  more 

distant,  some  nearer,  whose  fidelity  and  activity 

compensated  for  the  paucity  of  their  number. 

Whether  this  escort  had  been  conceded  to 

Norman  solicitude  or  proffered  by  the  cunning 

courtesy  of  the  French  King,  the  effect  of  the 

Lou*  an-   sedative,  thus  administered  to  the  popular  anxiety, 

the  No?-    must  have  been  the  same. — Louis  dealt  with  the 

man  autho- 

ritf**-^  Normans  in  a  masterly  way.  Bernard  may  have 
wno^<5"  dis^"1^  *be  King's  manoeuvres,  but*  for  the  pre- 
Bouen.  ^^  ^is  sagacity  could  not  serve  to  defeat  them. 
Bernard,  and  Oslac,  and  Raoul  Torta  had  been 
elided  from  the  government  without  any  visible 
effort.  Louis,  all  his  rights  and  privileges  coa- 
lescing,— Liegelord,  Suzerain,  Protector,  Guar- 
dian, Conqueror,  King, — had  become  supreme  in 
Normandy.  He  therefore  could  safely  depart, 
and  Bernard,  who  had  previously  acted  as  Gover- 
nor of  the  City,  being  put  aside,  that  most  im- 
portant office  was  entrusted  to  Count  Herlouin 
as  the  Royal  Lieutenant. 

Count  Herlouin  was  a  brave  soldier,  one  of 
Guillaume  Longue-£p£e's  best  friends,  and  ren- 
dered very  recommendable  to  the  Normans  by 
his  enmity  against  Arnoul.  Yet  there  were  those 
who  entertained  a  dislike  against  him  because 
it  was  held  that  he  had  brought  Guillaume 
Longue-£p£e  to  his  death.    Herlouin's  enemies 


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ACCESSION  OF  THE  CAPETS.  379 

argued  that  it  was  the  protection  he  had  obtained  942-954 
from  Guillaume  Longue-epee  in  the  Montreuil  ^dX 
affair  which  provoked  Arnoul  to  the  perpetration  942~948 
of  the  murder,  and  that  therefore  he  was  the 
original  cause  of  the  crime.    Without  denying 
the  fact  that  popular  unreason  may  have  cast 
this  undeserved  responsibility  upon  Herlouin,  we 
would  also  suppose  that  his  strenuous  adhesion  to 
Louis,  and  his  desertion  of  his  patron's  child,  may 
have  enhanced  the  aversion  to  which  he  ulti- 
mately fell  a  sacrifice; — and,  as  we  shall  find  in 
the  course  of  this  history,  he  perished  during  the 
crisis  when  his  services  were  most  needed  by  the 
French  king. 

§  10.    Hugh-le-Grand  held  off  cautiously  dur-  Hugh-ie- 
ing  these  first  stages  of  the  Norman  revolution,  lou?» 
a  revolution  ultimately  so  conducive  to  his  own  cautious 

and  mutu- 

aggrandizement  and  to  the  irreparable  detriment  anjinimi- 
of  the  King.  He  avoided  embroiling  himself  with 
the  Normans,  allowing  free  scope  of  action  to 
Louis;  for  although  Hugh  kept  up  his  relations 
in  Normandy,  yet  he  refrained  from  giving  any 
open  support  to  his  homagers,  and  not  only  per- 
mitted Louis  to  pursue  his  schemes  undisturbed, 
but  actually  made  a  formal  surrender  of  Evreux. 
The  apprehensions  which  Louis  entertained  con- 
cerning Hugh-le-Grand,  his  distrust  of  Hugh-le- 
Grand,  his  deep  resentment  for  the  injuries  he 
had  sustained  from  Hugh-le-Grand,  and,  most  tor- 
menting of  all,  the  drear  foreboding  that  he  had 


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380      LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

042—054  not  yet  come  to  the  worst  of  Hugh-le-  Grand — kept 
^ZZdX  him  in  constant  disquietude.  But  the  able  antago- 
942-043  njsts  were  wejj  matche(j  and  worthy  of  each  other. 
The  son  of  Charles-le-Simple  and  the  sire  of  Hugh 
Capet  were  equally  keen-sighted  and  agile: — lunge 
and  guard,  guard  and  lunge, — the  fencing  match 
continued  during  their  respective  lives.     Hugh- 
le- Grand's  temporary  tameness  was  considerately 
motived  according  to  the  maxims  of  his  family. 
Never  did  Hugh  really  recede,  and,  if  he  now  ap- 
peared to  halt  in  his  career,  he  had  slackened 
only  for  the  purpose  of  making  a  fresh  advance. 
When  practicable,  Hugh-le -Grand  always  pre* 
ferred  to  cover  his  usurpations  by  the  sanction  of 
legality,  and  he  had  various  objects  in  view,  which, 
so  long  as  there  was  a  King  in  France,  could  not 
be  effected  otherwise  than  through  that  King's 
instrumentality. 
Partition  of       The  sons  of  Herbert  of  Yermandois  were 
mandobin- bickering  about  the    partition    of  their  inhe- 
ritance,  to  which  an  allusion  has  been  previously 
made.    Hugh-le-Grand  was  much  interested  in 
this  transaction, — he  watched  his  nephews9  affairs 
as  well  as  his  own, — and  they  all  appeared  before 
Louis  when  holding  his  Court  at  Compiegne. 
see  voi.  i.        It  will  have  been  noticed  by  the  reader,  that 
pisao!   '  the  genealogical  table  of  the  succession  exhibits 
an  apparent  departure  from  the  usual  rule,  inas- 
much as  Albert  the  second  son  took  the  County 
of  Yermandois  and  assumed  his  father's  title, 


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ACCESSION  OP  TEE  CAPETS.  381 

and  Herbert  the  Handsome,  the  fourth  son,  wa-wa 
was  left,  according  to  the  original  scheme  of, — * — . 
allotment,  with  only  his  face  for  his  fortune,  ^^^ 
whilst  Eudes  the  eldest,  received  Amiens.  Now^Sei*0 
for  this,  there  was  sufficient  reason  —  Eudes 
was  more  active  than  Albert,  and  had  been 
already  put  in  possession  of  Amiens  by  his 
father.  If  Vermandois  was  the  prouder  domi- 
nion, Amiens  was  the  richest  of  the  shares. 
Amiens — urbs  inter  alias  eminens — maintained 
the  splendour  which  distinguished  her  during 
Julian's  flourishing  reign.  The  Counts  of  Amiens, 
who  date  from  Louis-le-D£bonnaire,  acquired  so 
much  power  that  they  might  almost  be  treated 
as  independent  Sovereigns.  But  the  Count  had 
a  rival  in  the  person  of  the  Bishop,  who  pos- 
sessed great  privileges,  and  was  lord  of  a  nume- 
rous body  of  military  tenants.  So  long  as  the 
Prelate  was  canonically  elected  by  Clergy  and 
People,  the  Citizens  would  find  in  the  Prelate  a 
protector  against  the  Count,  but  when  the  Sove- 
reign, as  at  this  period,  exercised  the  donative 
patronage,  this  usurpation  enabled  him  to  drop 
the  mitre  upon  the  head  of  any  serviceable  par- 
tizan,  and  thereby  appoint  a  permanent  Gover- 
nor, who,  protecting  the  interests  of  the  Crown, 
might  check  either  the  "feudal"  Lord  or  the 
Civic  municipality.  Those  who  discuss  the  vast 
question  of  the  Prerogative  and  the  Pontifi- 
cate, and  who  consider  the  pull  as  lying  merely 


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382      LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

942-954  between  Pope  and  King,  should  keep  such  facts  in 
[-  :  mind.  It  is  probable  that  Hugh-le-Grand  helped 
943-944  in  managing  to  establish  Albert,  who  was  of 
a  very  pacific  disposition,  in  the  county  of  Ver- 
mandois,  in  order  that  Eudes,  the  fighting  man, 
should  be  able  to  control  Louis :  whilst,  in  rela- 
tion to  Hugh's  more  immediate  territorial  con- 
cerns, the  transfer  to  him  of  Couci  and  its  appur- 
tenances, Creil  and  Thury,  may  have  required 
the  royal  confirmation. 
Louis  visits  §  11.  Great  familiarity  ensued  between  Louis 
Grand  at  and  Duke  Hugh,  an  affected  dismissal  of  all 
grudges.  Soon  after  Louis  had  quitted  Rouen, 
we  find  him  in  the  place  where  of  all  others 
we  should  least  look  for  him,  to  wit,  at 
Paris  a  portentous  event  in  those  times.  For, 
whereas,  according  to  the  current  of  modern 
ideas,  the  King  of  France  and  the  City  of 
Paris  are  now  naturally  suggestive  of  each 
other,  they  were  then  inevitably  repulsive.  No 
Carlovingian  Monarch  had  ever  been  seen  in 
Paris  since  Charles-le-Chauve.  Not  a  square 
toise  of  land  was  owned  by  Louis  in  the  future 
Metropolis.  At  Paris,  Louis  had  neither  house 
nor  home,  nor  right,  nor  power.  He  cotdd  not 
have  repaired  to  that  jealous  city  otherwise  than 
pursuant  to  the  Duke's  invitation :  nor  can  it  be 
supposed  that  he  lodged  elsewhere  than  in  the 
Duke's  palace,  situated,  as  French  antiquaries  tell 
us,  near  the  antient  Mofttier  of  Saint  Barthelemy. 


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ACCESSION  OF  THE  CAPETS.       383 

It  must  have  been  esteemed  a  signal  token  of  con-  wa-wa 

fidence  that  Louis  should  pay  such  a  visit.    Cau-  \ i_, 

tious  men  might  shake  their  heads  and  murmur :  M8-944 
— was  it  not  dangerous  for  Louis  to  enter  within 
the  walls,  and  expose  himself  to  the  perils  of  hav- 
ing the  portals  closed  and  the  doors  bolted  after 
he  had  passed  them? — Treachery,  however,  was 
not  to  be  apprehended  from  Hugh  at  this  junc- 
ture,— because  it  would  not  have  answered; — but 
the  residence  of  Louis  at  Paris  was  unexpectedly 
prolonged.  Louis,  suddenly  sickening,  languished 
throughout  the  summer,  and  could  not  move 
during  several  months.  People  believed  that  his 
blood  was  corrupted.  We  do  not  possess  any  in- 
formation concerning  the  nature  of  the  ailment, 
but  it  evidently  undermined  his  health — and  his 
strange  death  seems  to  have  been  preceded  by 
temporary  mental  hallucinations. 

The  era  upon  which  we  are  now  employed  Medical 
offers  a  brief  but  rather  remarkable  passage  in  S^ded0 

between 

the  history  of  mediaeval  therapeutics,  with  some  the  dergy 
bearing  upon  Church  and  State.  During  the**"", 
reign  of  King  Raoul,  and  amongst  the  nobles 
of  the  Court,  was  a  certain  Deroldus,  a  man  of 
high  rank  and  station — Vir  spectabilis  ac  pala- 
tinus — and  much  loved  by  the  King,  who,  having 
taken  orders,  and  acquired  great  skill  in  the 
healing  art,  became  Raoul's  body-physician.  The 
medical  profession  was,  during  this  era,  divided 
between  two  rival  classes  of  practitioners,  the 


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384       LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

942-054  Clergy  and  the  Jews.  Amongst  the  Hebrews 
^Z^ZH  we  may  quote  the  celebrated  Zedechias,  who, 
iT^rf*4  having  prescribed  for  Charles-le-Chauve  during 
bodkinf  -  ^is  ^^  iUness»  was  in  danger  of  his  own  life  in 
BishSPaSf  consequence  of  an  accident,  which,  were  it  retri- 
Amiens.  ^uted  upon  the  faculty  at  large  as  it  was  likely 
to  have  been  upon  him,  would  speedily  extinguish 
the  College,  namely,  the  sufferer  dying  under  his 
care.  The  medico-clerical  doctors  were  prohibited 
by  the  canons  of  the  Church  from  receiving  fees. 
Deroldus  therefore  never  put  his  hand  behind 
him  when  concluding  his  visit,  as  the  unscrupu- 
lous Zedechias  would  have  done,  nor  indeed  had 
he  any  call  to  do  so ;  for  he  was  no  loser  by  his 
conformity  to  the  decorum  of  the  cloth.  In 
some  way  or  another,  Church-property  was  the 
reserved  fund  upon  which  the  King  was  accus- 
tomed to  draw,  and  when  Physic  and  Divinity 
were  conjoined,  the  fees  were  generally  paid  in 
a  lump  by  some  "  good  piece  of  preferment,"  as 
the  same  (during  the  ante-reform  age)  used  to  be 
styled  in  the  official  language  of  His  Majesty's 
faithful  Commons,  when  addressing  the  Sovereign 
on  behalf  of  their  Chaplain  that  his  services  might 
be  rewarded  by  the  Crown — and  King  Raoul 
accordingly  nominated  Deroldus  to  the  great  See 
of  Amiens. 

Deroldus,  like  Zedechias,  lost  his  patient,  but 
the  opprobrium  of  the  Jew  became  the  luck  of 
the  Bishop.    We  will  not  suppose,  for  a  moment, 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  385 

that  the  successor  of  Raoul  felt  any  degree  of  9*2-95* 
obligation  towards  his  predecessor's  medical  at-  * — ^— ^ 
tendant:   however — be  that  as  it  may — when 
Louis,  whether  grateful  or  not,  was  called  to  the 
throne  by  the  demise  of  Raoul,  Bishop  Deroldus,  The  Bishop 
retaining  his  appointment  in  the  royal  house*  SUi,  the 
hold,  was  forthwith  received  into  the  King's  high  Saiemo. 
favour. 

Gerberga,  conjugally  antagonistic,  as  is  usual  in 
such  domestic  affairs,  patronized  a  learned  Leech 
of  Salerno,  whom  she  much  desired  to  call  in,  but 
Louis,  usually  so  conformable  to  his  wife's  wishes, 
was  obstinate  on  this  point,  and  would  not  give 
up  the  Bishop. — Louis  teased  the  grave  visitor  by 
seducing  him  into  a  dinner-conversation  before 
his  competitor,  thereby  exposing  his  comparative 
ignorance  of  surgery,  botany,  and  other  branches 
of  science.  The  puzzled  foreigner  was  provoked, 
and  a  pharmaceutical  duel  ensued,  appropriately 
fought  by  exchange  of  poisons.  Deroldus  tri- 
umphantly vindicated  his  skill  in  this  branch  of 
practice,  though  it  is  rather  doubtful  whether  he 
behaved  honourably.  The  unfortunate  Neapoli- 
tan, less  perfectly  versed  in  the  art,  afterwards 
carried  to  such  perfection  in  his  country,  was 
worsted  in  the  conflict.  The  subtle  venom — a 
powder,  it  seems,  administered  to  him  by  the 
Bishop  in  the  sauce-piquante  of  which  both 
partook, — assumed  the  shape  of  a  pill  when  it 
entered  his  veins,  and  ultimately  lodging  in  his 
vol.  11.  c  c 


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386        LOUIS  D'OUTREMER,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

942-904  left  foot,  he  was  compelled  to  submit  to  amputa- 
* — ^_  tion  as  the  only  means  of  saving  his  life ;  but 
943~"d44  further  details  would  be  irrelevant.    It  is  suffi- 
cient to  know  that  Zedechias  would  have  had  no 
chance  with  the  Bishop  had  he  been  driven  to 
deal  with  him. 

Hugh-le-Grand's  ducal  style  ran  proudly.  He 
wrote  himself— Hugo  excettentissimns  Franco- 
rum  Dux — nay,  sometimes  he  employed  a  form 
now  usually  considered  as  exclusively  appertain- 
ing to  royalty, — Hugo,  clementid  Omnipotentis 
Dei>  Francorum  Dux — and  he  held  the  noble 
Duchy  of  France  as  amply  as  his  father  before 
him.  Yet,  though  enjoying  unchallenged  posses- 
sion, his  title  was  not  so  perfect  as  he  could  desire. 
Partition  of  The  tenure  by  which  these  territorial  dignities  was 

Burgundy  *  ° 

aP0^foI|of  held  is  not  clearly  understood.    Usage  unques- 

d'ontre-    tionably  regulated  the  construction  of  the  written 

pp.ris3Simd  documents.     Large  expressions  do  not  always 

185'         comprehend  as  much  as  they  might  be  supposed 

to  include,  and  brief  phrases  may  convey  far  more 

than  the  words  would  appear  to  warrant.    We 

only  know  that  various  "great  Feudatories,"  in 

whose  lineage  counties  and  cities  are  known  to 

have  been  de  facto  hereditary,  did  acknowledge 

that  the  Sovereign  might  treat  their  patents  as 

revocable  at  pleasure.    The  grandson  of  Robert- 

le-Fort  was  therefore  neither  satisfied  with  the 

guarantee  which  the  muniments  of  his  Neustrian 

Duchy  afforded  him,  nor  certain  that,  supposing 

there  was  a  tribunal  competent  to  take  cogni- 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  387 

zance  of  the  question,  it  might  not  be  adjudged  942—954 
that  the  right  of  the  crown  was  insufficiently       : 
barred,  948-W4 

Much  less  contented  must  Hugh-le-Grand 
have  been  with  his  position  in  Burgundy.  Hugh's 
influence  as  Protector  had  enabled  him,  upon 
the  accession  of  Louis,  to  increase  his  paternal 
inheritance  by  the  addition  of  one-third  of  the 
Burgundian  kingdom:  but  nevertheless  his  dy- 
nastic position  did  not  content  him. 

The  scanty  information  we  possess  concerning 

this  powerful  and  opulent  territory  is  perplexingly 

deficient  in  precision.    We  know  that  Burgundy  The  three 

was  divided  into  three  Duchies,  but  we  cannot  Burgundy, 

ascertam  their  several  boundaries.     Hugh-le-  Bianc, 

0         Hugh-ie- 
Grand,  more  generally  known  in  Burgundy  byNo^wid 

the  colloquial  designation  of  Hugh-le-Blanc,  may 
be  considered  as  Duke  of  Langres. — Good  Hugh- 
le-Noir,  might  be  called  Duke  of  Avalon;  but 
Hugo  Niger,  though  colloquially  distinguished 
by  his  colour,  did  not  adopt  the  epithet  as  a 
diplomatic  identification ;  so  that  when  he  is 
mentioned  in  the  same  document  with  Hugh-le- 
Grand,  he  is  merely  noticed  as  the  alter  Hugo. 
— The  third  department  of  Burgundy  belonged 
to  Gilbert*  Hugh-le-Grand's  own  brother-in-law. 
This  last-named  Duke  connects  himself  with 
Norman  history.  From  Gilbert,  in  the  female  line, 
came  Renaud,  who  married  the  Adeliza  Judith, 
the  grand-daughter  of  Richard  Sans-peur.  Lastly, 

CC2 


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388     LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

942—964  over  and  above  these  three  Burgundian  Duchies, 

^ZXZZ[  there  was  a  fourth  Burgundian  "  Grand  Fief," 

wa~9*4  that  is  to  say,  Macon,  which  constituted  a  distinct 

County,  held  by  Leutaldus,  the  son  of  Alberic  of 

Narbonne,  a  true  friend  of  Louis  d'Outremer. 

concord  of       The  partition  between  the  three  Dukes  had 

the  Bur.  r 

SSt^L  ProsPered-  The  once  fiery  competitors  renounced 
GraV£-  t^eir  rival"es  5  and,  their  dissensions  haying  sub- 
ISS^sL  sided>  Hugh-le-Grand  took  the  lead  in  all  Bur- 
lead-  gundian  affairs.  This  union  of  interests,  and 
the  good  understanding  subsisting  between  him 
and  his  coparceners,  enhanced  his  general  influ- 
ence ;  but  the  prerogatives  of  the  Crown  in  Bur- 
gundy concurrent  with,  and  also  counteracting 
the  unquestionable  pre-eminence  of  Hugh,  were 
very  great.  Burgundy  was  still  treated  as  a 
separate  Realm  by  the  French  Kings — a  fact 
which  has  not  excited  sufficient  attention.  And 
the  King  of  France,  anointed  at  Laon,  seems 
to  have  possessed  a  greater  direct  jurisdiction 
over  Burgundy  than  he  could  claim  in  the  other 
provinces, — more  it  should  seem  than  in  any 
other  portion  of  the  Realm,  whether  North  or 
South  of  the  Loire. 

Antiquarian  research  being  baffled  by  the 
vagueness  of  the  Burgundian  records,  it  is  impos- 
sible to  ascertain  how  far  Royal  pretensions  con- 
flicted with  Ducal  rights;  but  Hugh-le-Grand 
was  determined  to  end  all  uncertainties  as  soon 
as  he  should  find  the  means,  and  to  close  all 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  389 

open  questions  on  his  own  behalf,  and  upon  the  942-954 
most  advantageous  terms.  XXZ^ 

We  know  not  what  kind  attentions  Louis,  943~M4 
when  lodged  in  Hugh's  Parisian  Palace,  may  have 
received  from  his  Host,  but  we  have  very  instruc- 
tive hints  as  to  the  moral  pressure  which  he  sus- 
tained. It  is  probable  that  some  concessions 
made  by  the  Sovereign  to  his  Tormentor  re- 
sulted from  policy,  a  conjecture,  however,  not 
excluding  the  certainty  that  many  more  were 
surrendered  to  irresistible  requests.  When  we 
shall  meet  Louis,  venting  his  indignation,  and 
telling  his  own  story,  then  we  shall  hear  him 
confess  how  deeply  he  resented  the  tyranny 
which  Hugh-le-Grand  was  used  to  exercise  over 
him.  However,  at  the  present  juncture,  his  good 
sense  not  only  restrained  him  from  manifesting 
any  discontent  when  he  assented  to  demands 
which  did  not  admit  of  a  nay-say,  but  also  in- 
duced him  to  add  a  grace  to  the  grant. 

So  much  worship  was  yet  rendered  to  Roy- 
alty, that  the  spiritual  relationship  contracted 
with  the  Sovereign  through  baptismal  sponsor- 
ship, was  esteemed  a  transcendant  honour.  We 
may  recollect  how  highly  Guillaume  Longue-epee 
had  appreciated  the  favour  which  invited  him  to 
present  a  royal  infant  at  the  font.  Gerberga, 
the  buxom  Matron,  had  just  enabled  Louis  to 
confer  the  like  compliment  upon  some  other  dis- 
tinguished personage,  and  Hugh-le-Grand  was 


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390        LOUIS  D'OUTREMEB,   LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

942—954  selected  as   the  infant's  godfather.    "Alerada" 

ZZXZ^  was  the  name  given  to  the  babe,  espoused  at  a 

W3~W4  very  early  age  to  Renaud  Count  of  Rheims  and 

Hngh-ie-   Rouci.    This  gossiprede  was  only  an  adornment 

BtlSdsgod-of  the  substantial  advantages  which  Hugh-le- 

Aierada     Grand  was  reaping,  but  the  distinction  magnified 

danghter.  him  before  the  crowd,  and  Louis  knew  better 

than  to  refuse  a  token  of  condescension  which 

imparted  strength  to  his  own  cause.    It  was 

thankfully  accepted  as  testifying  the  entente-car- 

diale  subsisting  between  the  Potentates. — Louis 

and  Hugh-le-Grand  were  exhibited  to  the  public 

walking  arm-in-arm. 

Further  The  confirmation  of  authority  which  Hugh- 

powers  %  9  ° 

g£n*«££gle-Grand  craved  in  his  dominions,  was  effected 
Froncye,and  ^7  Roy**  Precepts  or  Charters,  imparting  to  him 
of  b^^-  further  privileges,  so  as  to  coalesce  with  his  pre- 
jeotad  to    vious  rights  of  possession  and  of  inheritance. 
im<        Louis  appointed  the  Duke  to  be  his  perpetual 
Lieutenant  in  his  Duchy  of  France.     With  re- 
spect to  Burgundy,  the  whole  Province,  or,  as 
we  should  rather  say,  Kingdom,  was  subjected  to 
him,  Hugo  Dux,  Jttiam  Regis  ex  lavacro  sancto 
suscepit,  et  Hex  ei  Ducatum  Francice  delegavit, 
omnemque  Burgundiam  ipsiits  ditioni  subjecit: 
and  these  two  distinct  transactions,  presented  by 
the  Chronicler  in  connexion  with  the  sponsor- 
ship, the  latter  being  conferred  as  a  special  de- 
coration, were  construed  as  creating  him  Duke 
of  all  the  Gauls :  Hugo  Dux  in  magna  gratia 


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RICHABD  SANS  PEUR.  391 

Begi  habitus,  ejus  filiam  ex  saoro  lavacro  sus-  W2_wa 

cepit,  unde  et  eum  Rex  omnium  Gattiarum  Du-  ^Z^ZH 

cem  constitute.  wa-w* 

Our  information  concerning  the  quoted  instru-  important 

results  of 

ments  is  limited  to  the  curt  phrases  employed  by  the  cession 
Richerius  and  Frodoardus.  The  commentary  must  &****- 
be  sought  in  the  sequence  of  events.  We  can 
scarcely  doubt  but  that  all  the  rights  of  the 
Grown  within  the  territories  to  which  these  sin- 
gular documents  related,  were  virtually  trans- 
ferred to  Hugh-le-Grand.  In  the  Duchy  of  France 
or  the  County  of  Paris,  Hugh-le-Grand  had  no- 
thing beyond  the  regalities  to  desire,  and  both 
in  Burgundy  and  in  the  Duchy  he  now  became 
an  irremovable  Viceroy.  But  the  privileges  so 
obtained  by  Hugh-le-Grand,  produced  very  im- 
portant political  results,  both  present  and  future. 
Hugh  assumed  even  a  loftier  bearing  than  before; 
Burgundy  was  annexed  to  the  Duchy  of  France, 
and  passed  with  the  Duchy;  and  the  grant  thereof 
made  by  Hugh  Capet  to  his  son  Henri-le-Grand, 
severing  the  same  from  the  Crown,  created  the 
premier  Duchy  of  Christendom,  the  most  splendid 
appanage  which  a  Prince  of  the  third  Race  could 
enjoy — the  rival  of  the  Throne. 

Yet  Louis  may  have  been  the  more  willing, 
or  rather  the  less  reluctant  to  make  these  vast 
concessions,  upon  the  calculation  that  he  could 
now  afford  the  sacrifice ;  it  might  be  taken  as  a 
compensation  for  the  dividend  of  his  Royal  pre- 


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392         LOUIS  D'OUTREMEB,  LOTHAIRE,   &C. 

942-954  rogatives  relinquished  to  Hugh,  that  he  had, 
:       through  his  own  exertions,  won  a  full  equivalent 

94S-944  elsewhere.  Normandy  was,  under  every  aspect, 
a  glorious  acquisition.  Nobles  and  chieftains 
obedient,  the  people  docile,  Rouen  well  guarded, 
Hugh-le-Grand  as  well  contented  as  he  ever  could 
be  expected  to  be,  Danish  audacity  chastised,  the 
King  of  France,  laurelled  as  a  victor  in  the  bat- 
tle-field, Guillaume  Longue-epee  in  the  grave,  and 
his  son,  the  only  representative  of  Rollo's  race, 
safely  secluded  in  Ladn  Tower.  No  Carlovin- 
gian  monarch  had  been  so  triumphant  as  Louis 
within  the  memory  of  any  living  man,  or  far 
beyond :  and  Louis,  encouraged  by  his  successes, 
determined  to  re-plant  the  Eagle  standard  firmly 
beyond  the  Loire. 

Notwithstanding  the  submission  rendered  by 
the  Aquitanian  Princes  upon  the  accession  of 
Louis,  they  did  not  care  to  realise  the  notion 
of  a  King.  After  the  departure  of  Charles  the 
Simple,  these  haughty  chieftains  sternly  repu- 
diated the  authority  of  Raoul,  whose  usurped 
domination  they  treated  as  an  interregnum ;  but 
they  did  not  exhibit  any  corresponding  feeling 
of  loyalty  towards  Louis,  and  were  so  slack  in 
recognising  the  legitimate  Sovereign,  that,  in  the 
dates  of  their  charters,  the  Ducal  notaries  often 
forgot  to  insert  the  regnal  year.  Raymond  Pons, 
the  great  Marquis  of  Septimania  and  Count  of 
Toulouse,  though  not   actively  rebellious,  was 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  393 

prominent  amongst  the  slighters  of  the  Royal  942-954 
supremacy. — In  fact,  they  were  becoming  inde-  XHCZ^ 
pendent  Sovereigns.  944-945 

Louis,  having  recovered  strength,  though  the  Louis  ' 
grievous  malady  under  which  he  had  sickened  w^  the 

ill-  1  •  1     A  South  for 

continued  lurking  in  his  system,  moved  from  the  pur- 

0  "  pose  of  en- 

Paris  to  the  South:  and  Gerberga,  during  thegj^Wj 
royal  progress,  rode  with  her  Husband.  The  8UPremacJ- 
monition  issued  by  Louis  was  pacific,  but  Hugh, 
at  the  head  of  a  large  body  of  troops,  was  pre- 
pared to  enforce  obedience;  nor  did  the  pre- 
sence of  Gerberga  remove  the  possibility  of  hos- 
tilities—Gerberga  never  flinched  from  the  perils 
of  war. 

Raymond  and  the  other  Aquitanian  Nobles,  The  Aqut- 
Dukes,  and  Counts,  having  appeared  before  Louis  Princes 
at  Nevers,  he  gave  a  command  to  them  by  which  their  p*>- 

0  *  vinces,  and 

he  asserted  the  fullest  right  of  sovereignty  over  accept  re- 
the  Aquitanian  kingdom.  Required  to  surrender  th«wof- 
their  Provinces  into  his  hands,  they  complied 
implicitly :  whereupon  Louis,  in  the  plenitude  of 
his  prerogative,  issued  new  grants  for  the  ex- 
press purpose  of  testifying  that  the  authority  of 
the  Princes  proceeded  wholly  from  the  Grown. 
Whatever  powers  of  government  they  possessed, 
were  to  be  deemed  and  taken  as  exercised  on 
behalf  of  the  King,  and,  the  renewed  Charters 
being  accepted,  they  were  permitted  to  return 
home.  This  very  remarkable  transaction  affords 
the  best  commentary  upon  the  anxiety  manifested 


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394     louis  d'outbemeb,  lothaike,  &c. 

942-954  by  Hugh-le-Grand  to  obtain  such  securities  as 
]ZXZ^  could  bar  any  royal  right*  whilst  it  equally  exem- 
W4^945  plifies  the  marvellous  strength  inherent  in  the 
royal  authority.    The  Aquitanians  yielded  to  the 
moral  influence  inherent  in  the  crowned  and 
anointed  Monarch ; — had  they  resisted,  how  could 
Louis  have  enforced  his  demand  ? 
piam  §  12.    Louis,  in  all  his  transactions  with  the 

LiJotafor7  "  Pirates,"  conducted  himself  with  such  consistent 
hu^dl^S?  untruth,  that,  upon  the  first  impression  we  are 
Fi*n<ta».  inclined  to  disbelieve  every  promise  which  he 
made  to  them,  or  any  explanation  which  he  gave. 
Yet,  when  he  emphatically  declared  to  the  Nor- 
mans his  hostile  intentions  against  Arnoul,  we 
have  reason  to  suppose  he  was  in  earnest  His 
-  capacity,  recklessness  and  talents,  qualified  him 
for  a  conqueror ;  his  aspirations  were  great  and 
glorious;  schemes  of  aggrandisement  were  float- 
ing before  his  mind.  The  plan  of  the  Flemish 
campaign  which  he  had  detailed  before  the  Nor- 
man nobles,  sufficiently  proves  that  he  was  not 
indulging  in  empty  bravadoes:  he  had  consi- 
derately planned  the  hostile  invasion  of  Flanders. 
If  he  acquired  popularity  amongst  the  Normans 
by  punishing  Guillaume  Longue-epee's  murderer, 
well  and  good;  his  main  object  being  nevertheless 
to  effect  an  important  acquisition  of  territory.  The 
Counts  of  Flanders  were  not  so  personally  odious 
to  the  French  as  the  race  of  Rollo ;  but  the  pride 
of  the  Carlovingian  Sovereigns  had  been  deeply 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  395 

insulted  when  the  son  of  "  HimdrUrwacker"  had  942-954 
established  himself  in  the  Flemish  march-  and       : 
marsh-lands ;  and  though  Arnoul  was  the  grand-  9*4-945 
son  of  Charles-le-Chauve,  the  amours  and  ab-^^i; 
duction  of  Madam  Judith  were  awkward  anec-  6d2') 
dotes  in  the  family  history. 

If  we  examine  the  map,  we  shall  find  that 
a  line  drawn  from  Arras  to  Furneus  includes 
somewhat  more  than  the  modern  French  Flan- 
ders; Louis  d'Outremer  in  seeking  the  annex- 
ation of  these  opulent  tracts  to  his  domainal 
kingdom,  seems  to  have  anticipated,  though  with 
unequal  success,  the  plans  of  Louis  Quatorze.  The 
inclinations  of  the  French  people,  supported  by 
the  political  agency  at  his  disposal,  encouraged  his 
views  in  that  direction.  Opportunities  were  now 
arising  by  which,  without  any  exertion,  various 
desirable  possessions,  tending  greatly  to  his  ad- 
vantage, were  falling  into  his  power. 

The  inhabitants  of  Montigny,  grateful  perhaps     944 
for  their  deliverance  from  Serlo  the  Brigand,  were  uSto££& 


anxious  to  place  themselves  under  royal  protec-  Montigny 
tion,  and,  slaughtering  the  Vermandois  Com- rammicr 
mander,  they  gave  up  the  town  to  Louis.  In 
those  wars  of  small  things,  Montigny  was  not  to 
be  despised ;  but  a  far  more  important  item  was 
speedily  added  to  the  account.  Bishop  Deroldus 
had  been  silently  exerting  himself  on  behalf  of 
his  tutelary  Patient,  and  the  Citizens  of  Amiens, 
aided  by  the  Bishop's  military  tenants,  having 


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396      LOUIS  d'outremeb,  lothaire,  &c. 

942—954  ousted  the  stalwart  Eudes,  placed  themselves 
_i_^  under  the  obedience  of  the  crown.  Louis  deter- 
W4-w5  mined  to  grant  the  County  of  Amiens  to  Her- 
louin :  and  prepared  to  attack  the  Flemish  terri- 
tory in  right  earnest.  He  entered  the  City,  and, 
after  holding  a  council  with  the  inhabitants,  who 
seemed  to  be  cordially  well  inclined  towards  him, 
he  summoned  Herlouin,  the  Count -expectant, 
to  join  him  at  the  head  of  his  forces.  Arnoul, 
notwithstanding  the  gout,  summoned  his  lieges 
and  advanced  immediately  towards  Normandy, 
determined  to  be  the  assailant ;  and,  as  if  to  shew 
the  greater  despite  against  Herlouin,  he  was 
accompanied  by  Balzo,  Riulph's  avenger.  The 
Flemish  troops  were  intercepted  by  Herlouin.  A 
sharp  conflict  ensued,  Arnoul  was  defeated  and 
put  to  flight,  Balzo,  slain,  the  murderer's  hands, 
cut  off,  and  the  bloody  trophies  sent  by  Herlouin 
to  Rouen. 

Hogh-ie-         $13.     Fresh   troubles  for  Louis  were  ma- 
Grand's  , J 

constant  turmg,  all  of  the  same  quality,  wasting  away  the 
nanoeof  his  strength  of  the  monarchy;  and  all  caused,  or 
Franoe.  increased,  or  exasperated,  by  the  cautious,  yet  ever 
vigilant  agency  of  Hugh.  Ambition  is  most 
surely  successful  when  made  to  operate  by  com- 
bining her  blows  with  an  unintermitted  pressure, 
of  which  the  effects  become  sensible,  whenever 
accumulated  sufficiently  to  occasion  a  rift  in  the 
body  which  the  weight  is  crushing.  Bald  and 
petty  as  the  majority  of  the  incidents  constituting 


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RICHARD  SANS  PETJR.  397 

French  history  during  this  downward  progress  942-954 
may  appear,  it  is  absolutely  necessary  to  detail  \ — ^ — \ 
them.     We  must  pursue  the  revolution  minutely  W4-W5 
through  the  descending  stages,  and  stage  by  stage 
during  the  descent,  if  we  seek  to  ascertain  the 
process  which  conducted  the  wary  Founder  of 
the  third  dynasty  to  the  throne. 

The  regalities  which  Hugh  had  so  success- 
fully wrested  from  the  King  in  Burgundy  and  in 
France,  now  stimulated  him  to  make  further  ex- 
ertions in  Normandy.  The  claim  of  Hugh-le- 
Grand  over  Normandy  approximated  in  a  certain 
degree  to  an  hereditary  right.  Robert  Duke  of 
France,  when  the  conference  was  held  on  the 
Island  of  the  Epte,  was  felt  by  all,  to  be  the  su- 
perior of  King  Charles.  It  was  by  the  assent, 
and  under  the  protection  of  Duke  Robert,  that 
Rollo-Robert  had  been  settled  in  his  land ;  and 
the  conventional  pictorial  embellishment  which 
adorns  the  hide-bound  educational  volumette, 
King  Charles,  clad  in  his  royal  robes,  capsized  by 
the  Danish  soldier,  whilst  Duke  Robert  stands 
upright,  clad  in  full  plate  armour,  conveys  a 
truthful  impression  of  the  relative  position  of 
the  parties. 

In  consequence,  without  doubt,  of  this  feeling, 
Louis  when  he  first  planned  the  Norman  invasion, 
proposed  that,  the  Pirates  being  expelled,  he,  the 
King  of  France,  should  take  the  "Haute  Nor- 
mandie,"  or  all  the  territory  on  the  right  bank 


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398     LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

W2-9M  of  the  Seine,  whilst  to  the  Duke  of  France 
\ — i_,  should  appertain  the  "Basse  Normandie,"  or 
944-w*  Normandy  outre  Seine.  The  existence  of  such 
a  compact  explains  the  spontaneous  submission 
of  those  Normans,  who  turned  away  from  Louis 
to  Hugh.  Louis,  as  they  might  maintain,  had 
no  right  to  their  allegiance,  and  the  act,  however 
construed  with  respect  to  Richard,  gave  the 
Duke  of  France  a  title  to  the  country  of  which 
the  legitimacy  could  scarcely  be  distinguished 
from  the  title  of  the  King.  Upon  this  construc- 
tion, when  Hugh  entered  into  the  Evrecin,  he 
only  took  possession  of  his  own.  True  it  is,  that 
Hugh  ostensibly  abandoned  his  rights  in  Evreux ; 
but,  of  course,  he  reckoned  this  surrender  as  a 
deed  to  be  cancelled,  so  soon  as  any  opportunity 
should  arise. 

Hugh  was  called  upon  to  be  watchful,  for  in 
some  degree,  however  slight,  the  Garlovingian 
family  had  been  gaining  stability.  When  Charles 
expired  in  the  dungeon  of  Peronne,  Louis  was 
the  sole  throne-capable  representative  of  the  Car- 
lovingian  dynasty.  The  existence  of  that  branch 
depended  upon  his  single  life,  but  now  the  race 
was  reviving;  every  child  promised  by  productive 
Gerberga  diminished  the  chance  of  the  infant 
Capet;  and,  ere  the  expiration  of  the  year 
during  which  Gerberga  had  boldly  ridden  with 
Louis  to  Aquitaine,  there  were  evident  tokens 
that  such  an  event  might  be  again  confidently 
presaged. 


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OH 


RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  399 

Hugh-le-Grand  therefore  began  to  negociate  943-4)54 
actively  among  the  Nordmanni,  and  concluded  ^ZXZ^ 
a  treaty  with  them — pledges  given  and  pledges  °*4~W5 
taken  on  either  side, — a  transaction  implying  Grid's*" 
a  more    stringent    bond   than    mere    homage,  among* 

0  °      the  Nor- 

Moreover,  it  should  seem  that  this  alliance  com- 


prehended not  merely  both  the  Norman  parties, 
the  Romanized  Normans  and  the  Norman  Danishry, 
but  also  the  pure  Pagans.  Hugh's  adherents  thus 
became  numerous  and  formidable,  waiting  only 
the  word  of  command.  However,  there  was  a 
pause;  Hugh  did  not  begin  by  sounding  the 
trumpet  in  Normandy :  it  was  his  constant  prac- 
tice to  work  against  Louis  like  a  skilful  besieger, 
surrounding  him  with  parallels,  and  connecting 
these  parallels  by  zigzag  covered  ways,  and 
advancing  the  more  rapidly  because  he  did  not 
take  the  shortest  path.  Louis  and  Hugh  were 
equally  active,  but  the  former  unwarily  continued 
furnishing  his  antagonist  with  those  further  means 
of  annoyance,  which,  ultimately  coalescing  with 
the  efforts  of  the  Normans,  not  only  deprived  him 
of  Normandy,  but  accelerated  the  ruin  of  the 
Carlovingian  dynasty. 

§  14.    It  will  be  recollected  that,  not  very  Q0arrei 
long  since,  a  pacification  had  been  concluded  Lo^nd 
between  the  two  brothers-in-law,  Otho  and  Louis,  menteAy 
through  the  intervention  of  Guillaume  Longue-  Hugh. 
£pee,  greatly  to  Gerberga's   satisfaction.     But 
there  never  was  a  truthful  transaction  in  the 
Luegen-feld  commonwealth,  and  Louis    main- 


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400       LOUIS   D'OUTREMER,   LOTHAIRE,   &C. 

942—964  tained  his  pretensions  to  Lotharingia. — All  Char- 
lemagne's Empire  belonged  to  him.     He  was 
Charlemagne's  descendant,  and  his  brother-in-law, 
tionscon-  the  Saxon,  an  intruder; — and  now,  that  Louis 
Lomune.    had  occupied  Normandy,  his  success  in  reinte- 
266>«        grating  his  kingdom  in  the  Western  quarters, 
rendered  him  the  more  desirous  to  win  back  the 
noble  territory  of  which  he  had  been  deprived 
in  the  East. 

Louis  had  concurred  in  the  appointment  of 
Otho, — Gerberga's  son  by  her  first  husband,  Gil- 
bert the  bold  swimmer, — to  his  father's  Duchy. 
He  assented  willingly  to  the  family  compromise, 
Death  of    and  abandoned  his  rights  in  favour  of  his  step- 

the  young  °  r 

Dnkeotho,  son .  i>ut  the  young  Duke  died,  having  scarcely 
Sf !cSSSd  held  k*s  dominion  two  years.  Otho  thereupon 
the  Red.  ^eate j  the  feud  as  vacant,  and  in  his  gift,  and  he 
accordingly  granted  the  Duchy  to  Conrad  the 
Red,  the  son  of  Werner  Count  of  Worms  and 
Spires,  bold  and  wise,  but  who  had  no  heritable 
claim.  Louis  was  provoked,  and  sent  his  agents 
into  Lotharingia  for  the  purpose  of  treating 
with  the  discontented  nobles,  and  exciting  them 
against  King  Otho.  In  this  transaction  Louis 
conducted  himself  with  equal  want  of  honesty 
and  of  discretion  :  he  intrigued  with  Count  Ma- 
nasses,  Hugh-le-Grand's  liegeman,  taking  him 
into  his  confidence,  speaking  most  disrespectfully 
of  Otho,  and  branding  the  brother  of  his  affec- 
tionate wife  as  a  perjured  traitor. 

A  family  quarrel  ensued:  Otho  discovered  the 


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EICHARD  SANS  PEUB.  401 

emissaries  of  Louis,  and  cast  them  into  prison.  0*2-8*4 
Hugh-le-Grand  had  now  an  adequate  reason  for  ^ZXZX 
swervingawayfromLouis,andpreparedtorecom.  wi"w 
mence  military  operations  against  him.  King 
and  Duke  began  to  compete  for  Otho's  alliance. 
Louis  dispatched  his  ambassadors  to  the  German 
King :  and  the  representatives  of  the  King  of 
France  and  of  the  Duke  of  France,  severally 
presented  themselves  before  Otho,  holding  his 
Court  at  Aix-la-Chapelle  in  Charlemagne's  eagle- 
crowned  palace,  as  though  he  were  their  common 
superior.  Count  Manasses  revealed  the  French 
King's  slanders  in  the  full  presence  of  the  as* 
sembly;  the  ambassadors  of  Louis  were  dis- 
missed contumeliously,  Count  Manasses  and  his 
colleagues  received  into  high  favour ;  and  Otho 
associated  himself  to  Hugh-le-Grand,  prohibiting 
his  lieges  from  giving  any  aid  to  the  King.  No 
open  hostilities  ensued,  but  this  episodical  squab- 
ble revived  the  jealousies  between  Germany  and 
France,  and,  for  a  time,  had  an  unfavourable  in- 
fluence upon  the  affairs  of  Louis.  The  affectionate 
Gerberga  laboured  earnestly  for  the  purpose  of 
effecting  a  reconciliation  between  her  husband 
and  her  brother ;  the  rancour  was  mitigated,  and, 
personally,  Otho  and  Louis  became  sincere  friends, 
yet  the  political  rivalry  between  the  Saxon  suc- 
cessors of  Charlemagne  in  Germany  and  the  Heirs 
of  Charlemagne  in  France,  subsisted  until  the 
extinction  of  the  Dynasty. 

VOL.  II.  D  D 


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402         LOUIS  D*OUTBEMER,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

W2—964        §  15.    The  superabundant  kindness  displayed 
- — * —  by  Louis  towards  Richard  whilst  abiding  under 

Oil    915 

Richard  in  the  immediate  observation  of  the  Normans  at 
of  lIml"  Rouen,  can  only  be  designated  as  outrageous 
hypocrisy :  but,  when  Richard  had  been  removed 
to  Laon,  Louis  continued  to  treat  him  mildly; 
nor  was  any  tendency  to  harshness  manifested 
Richard  remained  under  the  tutorial  care  of  the 
wise  Osmond,  having  for  his  companions  the  other 
noble  youths  trained  in  the  King's  House,  and, 
conjointly  with  them,  he  performed  the  honour- 
able  servitude  of  waiting  at  the  Royal  table. 
This  kindness  was  politic :  Louis  had  lulled  the 
apprehensions  of  the  Normans  when  they  placidly 
permitted  the  transfer  of  Richard  from  Rouen 
Palace  to  Laon  Donjon.  Even  a  report  tending 
to  excite  a  doubt  concerning  the  boy's  safety, 
might  rouse  their  apparently  dormant  loyalty. 

When  Louis  had  possessed  himself  of  the 
young  Duke's  person,  he  exposed  himself  to 
grievous  temptations.  He  had  practically  rean- 
nexed  the  Terra  Normannorum  to  the  Kingdom 
of  France.  So  long  as  Richard  could  be  retained 
in  captivity,  the  Guardian  Regent  was  in  no  great 
danger  of  being  evicted :  and,  if  Richard,  being 
in  captivity,  should  die  childless — and  was  there 
much  chance  that  he  could  die  any  other  way? — 
then  the  detested  race  of  Rollo  would  be  extinct, 
and  the  Kings  of  France  would  hold  the  land 
for  evermore. 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  403 

If  such  can  be  conjectured  as  the  inward  943-954 
thoughts  of  Louis,  there  were  outward  advisers,  . — ■ — . 

911    915 

who,  soon  after  the  boy  had  been  safely  lodged  Arnonl  ex_ 
in  Laon  tower,  were  suggesting  that  he  should  ^nhonM 
avail  himself,  to  the  utmost  extent,  of  the  advan- 
tage he  had  gained.  Arnoul  was  haunted  with  the 
recollection  of  his  crime  and  the  fear  of  punish- 
ment :  the  whole  Norman  nation  might  unite  in 
seeking  to  avenge  the  blood  of  their  Prince. 
The  Governor  of  Rouen,  Herlouin,  high  in  the 
King's  favour,  was  Arnoul's  particular  and  de- 
clared enemy :  and,  if  the  faithful  vassal  had  dis- 
played his  affection  towards  the  murdered  Guil- 
laume,  by  mangling  Balzo's  corpse,  what  might 
not  Arnoul  himself  expect  should  any  chance 
place  him  within  the  reach  of  Herlouin?  Arnoul 
was  not  without  some  apprehension  of  the  King's 
power,  should  he  be  supported  by  the  Normans  in 
his  enterprizes  against  the  rich  Flemish  towns, 
and  therefore  sought  a  reconciliation.  He  pro- 
ceeded with  his  usual  astuteness. — Arnoul  was 
most  anxious  to  appear  before  Louis  and  make 
his  peace.  He  would  have  repaired  to  Louis 
in  person,  but  his  inveterate  complaint,  his  tor- 
menting "  podagre,"  kept  him  at  home. 

Arnoul's  ambassadors  made  great  efforts  on 
his  behalf  Louis  having  presented  himself  to 
the  Normans  as  the  avenger  of  the  murdered 
Duke,  it  was  needful  that  appearances  should 
be  saved,  and  a  decent  deceit  continued,  to 

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404      LOUIS  d'outbemeb,  lothaire,  &c. 

942—954  prevent  the  artifice  from  being  too  clearly  ex- 
~^  posed.  The  Count  of  Flanders  declared  he  would 
944-945  prove  his  innocence  by  submitting  to  the  ordeal- 
trial  in  any  form — the  glowing  iron,  the  scalding 
caldron,  or  the  deep-chilling  pool — but  his  main 
object  was  to  combine  with  the  King  for  the 
expulsion  of  their  common  enemy,  the  Norman 
Pirates. — Was  it  not  a  disgrace  that  the  Neu- 
strian  territory  should  be  thus  usurped  by  the 
foul  Barbarian?  The  tenure  of  the  Flanders 
March-lands  only  bound  Arnoul  to  defend  his 
country  against  the  Danes ; — from  all  other  ser- 
vice the  Lord-Marcher  was  free.  But  Arnoul 
was  willing  to  encrease  that  service ;  he  would  aid 
King  Louis  whenever  he  should  require,  and  also 
render  an  annual  tribute  of  ten  pounds  of  gold 
to  his  Seigneur's  Treasury.  Moreover,  the  Ambas- 
sadors enlarged  upon  the  affronts  which  Louis 
had  sustained  at  Rouen. — Would  he  bear  in 
patience  the  disgrace  inflicted  by  the  Rebels? — 
Could  he  ever  be  sure  of  his  own  kingdom  or 
his  own  life,  if  the  now  caged  cub-wolf  were  let 
loose  to  roam  at  large  ? 
Lwrfa  The  King's  Counsellors  received  these  sugges- 

mpndaod  tions  &vourably,  persuading  Louis  to  unite  with 
SSrteItar"   Flanders  against  the  Northmen;  nor  did  they 
Lw>n-       shrink  from  exhorting  Louis  to  detain  the  young 
Richard  in  perpetual  captivity.    Forcibly  were 
these  appeals  addressed  to  Louis  as  a  statesman. 
That  Louis  should  seek  to  preserve  his  conquest 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR..  405 

was  a  desire   which  human  nature  could  not  m-m 
abandon,  and  the  detention  of  the  young  Prince  ZZXZ^ 
might  be  represented  as  affording  the  means  of  •4*-W5 
effecting  that  end  in  the  most  merciful  way.    A 
rigid  policy  might,  in  effect,  prove  most  conso- 
nant to  humanity.     He  contented  himself  for  the 
present  with  charging  Osmond  that,  unless  by 
his,  the  King's,  special  permission,  Richard  was 
never  to  go  beyond  the  city-walls. 

This  constraint  was  ungracious  and  severe. 
Which  of  the  two,  Pupil  or  Tutor,  Osmond  or 
Richard,  was  most  annoyed  by  the  humiliating 
arrest,  it  would  be  hard  to  say.  Penned  up  in 
Laon,  how  could  the  young  Duke  receive  due 
training  in  the  accomplishments  so  needed  for  the 
adornment  of  his  rank,  the  sports  of  stream,  or 
wood  or  field  ?  It  was  not  from  the  lesson-book 
that  the  Bachelor  could  learn  them. 

However  attenuated  his  Royal  Estate,  the 
Rex  Francorum  was  still  the  Supreme  Judge 
of  his  People,  Leader  of  the  Nation,  Lord  of  the 
Land.  He  had  ceased  to  manifest  himself  as  their 
Legislator :  no  Capitular  was  issued  in  the  Sove- 
reign's name  for  the  general  government  of  the 
Realm,  yet  the  King  still  gave  the  law  betweea 
man  and  man,  judged  the  right  and  redressed 
the  wrong.  Louis  administering  justice  beneath, 
the  antique  canopy  in  his  only  city  of  Laon,  might 
feel  that,  despite  of  his  misfortunes,  he  was  not 
an  unworthy  representative  of  the  great  Emperor.. 


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406      LOUIS  d'outbemer,  lothaire,  &c. 

942-854  Now  it  chanced  that  in  the  calm  autumn  season, 

. — * — \  when  the  fresh  air  and  the  clear  sky  invited  to 

944-946  sport  and  pleasure,  Louis  was  compelled  to  deny 

himself  the  recreation  he  would  so  gladly  have 

enjoyed — he  had  to  labour  in  his  calling,  being 

required  to  employ  himself  in  the  Tribunal.    It 

was  the  Session-day  of  the  King's  High  Court,  a 

busy  day  of  contention  and  vexation ;  the  jostling 

litigants  crowding  the  Hall,  each  Suitor  impatient 

to  plead  his  plea,  and  each  Pleader  loud  and 

fluent.    Stunning  was  the  strife  of  tongues,  and 

when  the  Sovereign  took  his  Seat,  it  was  plain 

that  many  an  hour  must  wear  away,  before  the 

Osmond     Royal  Judge  could  rise.  Osmond  could  not  resist 

and  Rich-  *  ° 

thti^at?  *^e  temptation  of  disobeying  the  irksome  injunc- 
"■*■  tion — the  King  set  fast  upon  the  bench — when 
could  such  a  chance  recur? — so  he  minded  not 
the  breaking  of  bounds,  but  rode  forth  with  the 
boy.  Much  did  Richard  need  good  practice  in 
the  art  of  falconry,  how  to  fly  the  gentle  bird, 
to  loose  the  leash  and  sound  the  lure. — The  day 
was  long,  the  sport  delightful,  and  the  long  day 
ended  ere  the  truants  had  returned. 

The  Court  broke  up,  and  the  first  intelligence 
with  which  Gerberga  greeted  her  husband,  wor- 
ried by  his  weary  work,  was  that  Osmond  and 
the  boy  were  absent  from  Laon. — Evening  drew 
on,  had  they  not  escaped? — the  King  fretted 
in  extreme  anxiety.  Spitfire  Gerberga  exasper- 
ated her  husband's  impatience,  reproaching  him 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  407 

with  his  carelessness  in  leaving  the  prisoners  fe*-w* 
unguarded;  and  Louis  continued  silent  for  very 
rage,  until  Osmond  and  Richard,  having  returned 
without  apprehension,  were  brought  before  him. 

Louis,  overcome  by  passion,  assailed  the  of* 
fenders  with  bitter  threats  and  disgraceful  con- 
tumely. Osmond,  the  "vile  fool/'  was  threatened 
with  the  loss  of  his  eyes.  Scurrilous  as  the  Ian-  Angwof 
guage  employed  by  Louis  towards  Osmond  might  threatens 
be,  his  vituperations  of  Richard  were  even  more  ■»*  *«■*- 
ungenerous.  Louis  insulted  the  child  by  de- 
grading his  mother,  bestowing  upon  Espriota  the 
worst  name  which  can  be  applied  to  woman,  a 
lewd  harlot,  who  enhanced  her  guilt  by  seducing 
Guillaume  Longue-epee  from  his  lawful  consort. 
If  the  Bastard  ever  repeated  the  attempt  of 
escape,  he  should  be  effectually  secured,  laid  fast 
like  a  log.  The  warning  monument  of  the 
Merovingian  princes  in  the  Abbey  of  Jumi&ges 
foreshadowed  his  destiny — he  was  threatened 
with  the  horrible  operation  which  state  prisoners 
sustained  by  the  commands  of  those  whose  con- 
sciences forbade  them  from  shedding  blood,  yet 
allowed  them  to  inflict  a  living  death, — the 
stiffening  of  the  victim's  sinews  by  the  actual 
cautery.  Osmond  and  Richard  were  in  danger  of 
life  and  limb,  and  Louis  in  a  paroxysm  of  indig- 
nation shouted  that  he  cared  not  if  all  the  world 
should  know  it.  Additional  Warders  were  ap- 
pointed ;  and  the  two  French  knights,  Gerard  and 


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408     Louis  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

942-#a  Rosceline,  were  toldto  consider  themselves  person* 
\ — * — \  ally  responsible  for  Richard's  safe  custody.  If  he 
944-W5  evaded,  they  might  expect  to  be  burnt  or  hanged, 
§  16.  Through  this  undignified  outbreak, 
Richard  was  ultimately  saved.  When  Louis  de- 
clared his  wish  that  the  perils  impending  over  the 
Heir  of  Normandy  should  be  universally  known, 
his  anger  threw  him  off  his  guard. — The  brief  fury 
made  his  foot  slip,  and  the  slip  ultimately  brought 
on  his  fall. — Osmond  easily  found  the  means  of 
conveying  the  intelligence  to  Couci,  the  friendly 
Castle  of  Bernard  de  Senlis.  The  wary  and 
powerful  kinsman  transmitted  the  intelligence 
to  Bernard  the  Dane :  and,  repeated  by  the  grey- 
bearded  Chieftain,  the  sad  report  was  rapidly 
diffused  throughout  Rouen  and  the  Terra  Nor- 
mannorum,  exciting  deep  indignation  and  deeper 
terror. 

Diligently  did  the  Normans  counsel  amongst 
themselves  how  they  might  best  guide  their 
course,  but  no  earthly  succour  could  be  found. 
Herlouin,  now  wholly  devoted  to  Louis,  and  the 
insolent  French  garrison,  retained  Rouen  in 
bondage.  Any  attempt  to  deliver  Richard  from 
Laon  Tower  by  force,  was  utterly  hopeless — who 
could  batter  the  citadel's  walls? — any  insurrec- 
tion against  the  royal  authority  would  be  worse 
than  futile.  Richard  was  the  hostage  for  the  obe- 
dience of  the  Normans.  The  mere  rumour  of  any 
insurrectional  movement  reaching  Laon  would 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  409 

have  been  the  signal  for  summoning  the  Execu-  94*-*m 
tioner  and  his  Assistants  to  lay  hands  upon. — - — > 
Richard.  Normandy  therefore  continued  out- 
wardly tranquil,  and  yet  the  Normans  had  found 
the  means  of  testifying  their  sentiments  most 
impressively  and  forcibly :  submitting  themselves 
to  the  Oppressor,  they  sought  aid  in  prayer. 

During  three  days,  a  Solemn  Fast  was  observed  JJJJ,1*^" 
throughout  the  Terra  Normannorum,  processions  EJ  ^J1* 
pacing  along  the  streets  and  highways,  thejft^11*1 
doleful  litanies  resounding,  alms  amply  bestowed 
and  masses  said  and  sung;  and,  month  after  month, 
was  the  Fast  repeated,  and  the  intercession  made. 
It  was  not  within  the  power  of  Louis  to  prohibit 
these  religious  observances,  neither  were  they 
susceptible  of  misconstruction.  Every  verse  of 
each  penitential  psalm  brought  Richard  before  the 
people's  mind ;  they  were  helping  him  in  the  only 
way  they  could,  and  their  supplications  testified 
that  they  were  prepared  and  ready  to  give  him 
succour  in  any  other  way,  when  way  should 
open: — "Le  bon  temps  viendra"  thought  many 
besides  Bernard. 

Indeed,  all  parties  were  kept  in  check. 
Louis  held  up  the  dart,  but  dared  not  strike, 
restrained  perhaps  by  compunction,  and  in  some 
degree  by  fear,  whilst  Osmond  sedulously  at- 
tended to  the  education  of  the  intelligent  and 
docile  Richard.  But  no  help  came.  Time  wore 
away  heavily.     The  sense  of  danger  increased, 


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410     Louis  d'outremeb,  lothaibe,  &e. 

943-954  until,  at  length,  the  anxiety  became  unbearable 
— * — .  to  the  imaginative  boy.     His  earnest  entreaties 

ft  11    ftlfl 

induced  Osmond  to  attempt  his  rescue;  and 
there  was  one  in  that  dungeon-tower  with  whom 
Osmond  could  well  mature  his  schemes,  the  noble 
Yvo  de  Creil,  the  renowned  father  of  Guillaume 
de  Belesme. 
fyn2i05s  §  *^#  Hitherto,  the  young  Richard  had  con- 
Sci^tag  tinued  in  the  enjoyment  of  exuberant  health. 
bealth#  Gerberga  used  to  hate  him  for  his  good  looks ; 
but  now,  as  he  waited  at  the  royal  board,  many 
symptoms  of  declining  vigour  began  to  be  dis- 
cernible. His  ruddy  cheeks  were  pale  and 
wan,  his  hitherto  cheerful  countenance,  triste 
and  worn.  When  he  presented  the  cup  the  wary 
Queen  was  compelled  to  observe  how  thin  his 
poor  hands  were  becoming,  and  his  plump  and 
rounded  limbs  were  falling  away.  Richard's 
ghastliness  could  not  efface  Lothaire's  ugly  frec- 
kles, nor  did  the  shrinking  of  Richard's  members 
straighten  the  legs  of  crook-shanked  Lothaire ; 
but  the  contrast  between  the  two  lads  was  in 
some  degree  diminished,  and  so  far  Gerberga  may 
have  rejoiced  therein.  However,  more  weighty 
matters  could  not  fail  to  be  brought  before  her 
mind.  Richard  was  sickening  for  want  of  fresh  air 
and  exercise — what  course  ought  to  be  pursued? 
Richard  declined  rapidly, — food  does  not  nourish 
the  gentle  Bachelor,  nor  sleep  refresh  him,  said 
all  who  saw  him, — he  could  hardly  stand  for  very 


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BICHABD  SANS  FEUB.  411 

weakness;  and  took  to  his  bed,  from  which  it  943-954 
seemed  he  never  could  be  enabled  to  rise.  ,-  « ■  ', 

It  would  have  been  a  moral  miracle  if  Louis  944~W5 
and  Gerberga  had  not  speculated  eagerly  upon 
the  probable  consequences  of  Richard's  death. — 
Louis  received  important  advantages  from  Rich- 
ard's life.  The  Normans  were  held  fast  by  the 
grip  which  Louis  had  upon  Richard,  and,  Richard 
dying,  that  resulting  security  would  be  lost. — 
On  the  other  hand,  if  Richard  did  die,  then  there 
would  be  an  end  of  Norman  sovereignty,  and 
Louis  would  obtain  his  full  intent,  without  the 
discomfort  of  committing  any  act  which  con- 
science might  whisper  to  be  a  crime. 

Louis  therefore,  in  conjunction  with  Ger- 
berga— or,  far  more  probably,  Gerberga  taking 
the  lead — formed  a  scheme  of  which  the  deve* 
lopement,  reserved  for  the  Capets,  exercised  in 
future  ages  a  most  powerful  effect  upon  the 
French  Monarchy — the  creation  of  appanages. — 
Three  sons  already  had  Louis  by  Gerberga,  and 
she  was  promising  more.  According  to  the  prin- 
ciples hitherto  prevailing  in  the  Carlovingian 
Monarchy,  the  rights  of  primogeniture  were 
never  exclusive ;  the  younger  branches  had  some 
provision.  But  there  was  no  longer  stuff  enough 
to  continue  the  system  of  partition ;  the  morsel 
was  too  scanty  to  be  divisible.  The  less  they 
would  have  to  share,  the  more  fiercely  they 
would  dispute ;  a  quarrel  between  Lothaire  and 


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412      LOUIS  d'outremeb,  lothaire,  &c. 

W2-854  his  brothers  for  the  city  of  Laon  would  extinguish 
,— — .the  dynasty. — Supposing,  however,  that  Nor- 
!^j^!f  mandy  should  escheat  to  the  crown  by  Richard's 
ri?«^d°n"  death  without  issue,  an  event,  which  humanly 
L<JS£niid  speaking  seemed  to  be  almost  inevitable,  then  and 
deetSSSi  in  such  case,  could  not  the  universal  aspiration  of 
mwdyrtiiii  the  Normans,  that  their  country  should  be  pre- 
ap^ag^  served  as  one  State  under  one  Ruler,  be  rendered 

for  a  Son  of 

France,  subservient  to  the  best  interests  of  France  ?  A 
son  of  Louis  and  Gerberga  might  become  their 
Duke,  and  the  Normans  be  allowed  to  retain  the 
show  of  independence  within  their  own  borders, 
without  impairing  the  stability  of  the  French 
Monarchy. 

The  symptoms  of  Richard's  danger  became 
more  threatening — doleful  were  the  lamentations 
of  his  attendants;  and  Osmond  never  departed 
from  the  scene  of  sadness — so  soon  to  be  closed 
by  the  young  Prince's  death. 

Meanwhile  the  King  and  the  Queen  were 
absorbed  in  joyful  expectations.  They  treated 
the  reversion  as  indefeasible;  as  for  Gerberga 
she  could  not  enjoy  a  moment's  tranquillity  until 
the  glad  intelligence  should  be  brought  to  her, — 
incessant  were  her  inquiries  at  the  sufferer's  door 
— is  he  only  dying?  All  the  French  fully  par- 
ticipated in  the  belief  that  Richard  was  about  to 
breathe  his  last.  What  possible  reason  could 
they  have  to  doubt  the  fact,  or  deem  that  the 
debility   was   feigned? — Nor    was   the    debility 


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RICHARD   SANS  PEUR.  413 

feigned : — no  artifice  could  have  blanched  Rich-  942-954 
ard's  rosy  hue  or  wasted  his  comely  frame.    Yet  _^_ 
though  the  whole  was  a  sham,  the  symptoms  W4-945 
were  real,  the  results  of  resolute  self-denial.    Os- 
mond's hint,  "  make  yourself  ill,"  was  spiritedly 
and  patiently  carried  out  by  Richard;  he  "made 
himself  ill'9  in  right  earnest,  stinting  himself  of 
food,  and  denying  himself  his  needful  rest ;  and 
so  he  persevered  until  the  continued  abstinence 
brought  on  positive  danger; — he  was  clemmed 
by  self-imposed  vigils  and  starvation. 

The  sorrow  of  the  sick  room  had  filled  the 
Palatial  Castle  with  hilarity,  and  the  King's  grand 
banquet,  celebrated  on  the  evening  when  Richard 
seemed  to  be  at  his  last  gasp,  was  the  public 
manifestation  of  this  feeling.  All  Laon,  so  to 
speak,  had  been  bidden  to  the  feast,  the  Streets 
and  Places  were  deserted.  Whether  as  guests, 
or  as  attendants,  or  as  spectators,  all  the  inha- 
bitants had  been  drawn  away  by  the  festivity. 
During  the  progress  of  Richard's  illness  the 
Warders  had  gradually  relaxed  in  their  diligence, 
and  now,  if  Richard  had  not  actually  expired,  he 
was  as  good  as  dead,  and  therefore,  joining  the 
general  merriment,  they  relieved  themselves  from 
their  duty  altogether. 

The    auspicious  moment   had  arrived,  and  Richard's 
Osmond  seized  it.    Brief  were  his  and  Richard's  from  1*°°- 
orisons  invoking  the  help  of  Saint  Leonard,  the 
captive's  Liberator — and  ere  King  Louis  and 


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414       LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

943-964  Queen   Gerberga   had  risen   from  the   board, 
Osmond  and  his  precious  charge  were  safely 


W4~W5  lodged  in  Couci  Tower. — The  commemoration  of 
the  feat  is  found  in  the  symbolical  bearing,  the 
wings  displayed,  the  honoured  heraldry  of  the 
Cent-villes  family;  and  if  we  enquire  how  the 
escape  was  effected,  we  shall  be  told,  that  Osmond 
adopted  the  very  device  through  which  Ogiva 
rescued  the  infant  Louis.  He  had  wrapped  the 
boy  in  a  truss  of  forage,  and  thus  conveying 
him  into  the  stable,  both  mounted  the  horse, — 
and  off. 

§  18.  Couci  was  reached  speedily,  where  the 
discreet  Chatelain  gladly  received  the  young  Rich- 
ard into  his  care.  Osmond  continued  coursing  on 
to  Senlis,  where  he  arrived  before  the  grey  of  the 
morning.  The  sudden  apparition  of  Osmond  ex- 
hausted by  anxiety  and  fatigue  appalled  Count 
Bernard ;  but  the  feelings  of  surprize  and  alarm 
were  speedily  and  joyfully  removed  by  the  in- 
formation of  the  rescue.  Who  was  to  be  their 
champion  ?  There  was  but  one,  Duke  Hugh. — 
Soon  as  the  morning  broke  did  old  Bernard  de 
Senlis  consequently  bestride  his  courser,  and 
accompanied  by  the  smallest  number  of  attend- 
ants, ride  straight  forward  to  Hugh-le-Grand  at 
Paris. 

Bernard  did  not  however  make  more  haste 
than  good  speed,  for  he  bethought  himself  as  he 
journeyed,  how  he  must  deal  with  his  crafty  Liege- 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  415 

lord.    Abstractedly  from  the  general  condition  w-m 
of  those  times,  that  no  man  trusted  his  brother,  Z3ZZ 
there  was  a  special  reason  why  the  Count  of^^5 
Senlis  needed  to  be  cautious  when  treating  with  Jjjjjj^ 
the  son  of  King  Robert.  Bernard  suspected  that,  £s£5£d 
efficient  as  Hugh-le-Grand's    aid  would  be  in 
supporting  the  cause  of  the  legitimate  Norman 
Duke,  it  would  not  be  a  superfluous  caution  to 
protect  the  young  Prince  against  such  a  Pro- 
tector.—  Should  young  Richard's  enlargement 
produce  no  better  effect  than  an  exchange  be-  v  v 

tween  the  Tower  of  Laon  and  Duke  Hugh's 
Palace  at  Paris,  small  would  be  the  gain. 

We  now  enter  into  a  strange  and  complicated  « 
series  of  intrigues  amply  detailed,  yet  blindly  told. 
The  confused  narrative  of  the  communications 
which  ensued  between  the  parties  concerned,  is 
however  in  some  degree  elucidated  by  the  subse- 
quent events,  and,  acting  like  impatient  visitors, 
who,  provoked  by  the  intricacy  of  a  garden  maze, 
force  their  way  through  the  quickset  walls,  we 
shall  at  length  arrive  at  the  sought-for  centre 
of  the  labyrinth,  the  entire  emancipation  of  Nor- 
mandy,— that  most  important  passage  in  the 
annals  of  the  French,  slurred  over  by  their  his- 
torians, and  blurred  by  the  garrulous  eloquence 
of  the  Norman  Herodotus. 

Negotia- 

The  conversation  with  Hugh-le-Grand  wastfoMbe- 

°  tween  Ber- 

opened  by  Bernard  de  Senlis.  He  commenced  by  gjj*^ 
a  few  politic  ambages,  or, — to  speak  more  plainly,  S2Snd« 
—lies.    What  the  Count  professed  to  seek  was  ™£5t'* 


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416      LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

942-954  the  advice  of  Duke  Hugh.    The  young  Richard 
\ — ^_  was   in  great   peril,  still  incarcerated   by  the 
944"~945  French  King;   and  now  he  claimed  Hugh-le- 
G rand's  advice ;  how  could  the  Captive  be  best 
freed?    Hugh  broke  out  in  loud  exclamations 
against  the  wicked  King's  perfidy.  Could  Richard 
be  delivered,  Hugh  would  employ  every  exertion 
for  his  restoration.    Instantly  did  Bernard  clench 
the  offer,  and,  throwing  himself  at  his  Seigneur's 
feet,  he  disclosed  the  circumstances  of  the  young 
Duke's  rescue,  and  craved  that  Hugh  would  con- 
firm the  voluntary  promise  by  his  solemn  oath. 
The  Relics, — so  painfully  rendered  the  habitual 
#    witnesses  of  untruth  and  fraud, — were  brought 
forth  as  usual,  and  the  oath  being  sworn,  Ber- 
nard hastened  back  to  Couci  as  speedily  as  he 
had  ridden  to  Paris,  but  in  a  very  different  guise, 
surrounded  by  a  noble  escort,  and,  fondly  em- 
bracing his  nephew,  the  boy  was  removed  to 
Senlis,  where  he  abode  until  the  period  of  his 
restoration  arrived. 
Loa£i0His       $  ^.  &erard  an(l  Rosceline,  the  unfortunate 
to  dfec?"*  Warders,  were  the  first  to  experience  the  King's 
tw/of'sJu  indignation.    Louis  placed  them  in  close  confine- 
qhard-       ment  and  threatened  them  with  death — an  unpro- 
fitable ebullition  of  anger,  and  a  useless  severity, 
had  he  inflicted  the  punishment. — Osmond  owed 
them  nothing ;  Louis  might  have  burned  them 
or  hanged  them,  Osmond  would  not  have  cared. 
Louis  was  driven  to  despair  by  the  calamity. 
In  the  conduct  of  the  Norman  enterprize,  he  had 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  417 

deserved  great  praise  and  incurred  heavy  cen-  942.954 
sure.  At  the  onset,  the  Warrior's  exertions  and  _  : 
the  Statesman's  craft  had  been  amply  rewarded  944-W5 
with  success,  and  now  all  his  wiles  and  toils  were 
wasted,  all  the  fruits  of  the  glorious  "battle  of 
the  rescue"  lost.  Richard's  guardian  had  dis- 
closed himself  as  Richard's  most  dire  enemy. 
The  amicable  occupation  of  Nomandy  was  exhi- 
bited under  the  true  but  odious  aspect  of  a 
conquest,  effected  by  a  clever,  but  disgusting, 
combination  of  force  and  deceit.  His  character 
was  gone :  and  this  consideration  unquestionably 
decided  his  future  conduct  Dissimulation  was 
useless,  he  discarded  all  quibbles  and  pretences : 
Normandy  was  his,  and  he  would  defend  his 
dominion  with  the  sword.  But  he  could  not 
disguise  to  himself  that  the  escape  of  the  young 
Pretender  would  prove  a  great  annoyance. 
Never  could  the  title  of  Louis  be  secure,  so  long 
as  young  Richard  was  at  liberty. 

The  first  endeavours  of  Louis,  counselled  by 
wise  Gerberga,  were  therefore  directed  for  the 
purpose  of  recapturing  the  young  prince.  A  con- 
fidential messenger  was  dispatched  to  the  Duke 
of  France,  praying  the  Senior  that  he  would  exer- 
cise his  authority  over  his  Homager,  and  compel 
Bernard  de  Senlis  to  restore  the  ward  whom 
Osmond  had  "stolen;"  a  degrading  expression, 
but  strictly  warranted  even  by  our  old  English 
common  law.  Hugh-le-Grand  answered  grimly, 
vol.  11.  k  e 


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418        LOUIS  D'OUTREMER,   LOTHAIRE,   &C. 

942—954  No  such  thing  will  I  do ;  I  will  not  expel  Count 

\ ^_1  Bernard  from  Couci  and  Senlis,  or  from  Creil, 

hTm^  or  ^om  Thuri,  nor  distrain  him  to  surrender  his 
S™tT"  (^ear  asphew.     And  not  merely  did  Hugh  refuse, 
SS&    *>u*  h*>  forthwith,  defied  the  King. 
sui^BdJr*0       This  act  rendered  Louis  exceedingly  anxious, 
the  K»g!°  -dreading  possibly  lest  the  defiance  given  by  Hugh 
should  be  the  signal  of  inveterate  hostility.  Louis 
possessed  a  most  discomforting  knowledge  of  the 
consequences  which  had  ensued  to  his  father 
from  the  dvfidatio,  the  casting  of  the  hawm  at 
Soissons.   Whether  Hugh  performed  this  symbo- 
lical ceremony  or  not,  the  intent  of  the  speaker 
was  the  same.    In  this  stress,  Louis  turned  again 
to  Arnoul,  and,  for  once  in  his  life,  Arnoul  was 
SrtwS?**  free  from  gout  when  he  was  wanted.    A  clandes- 
cSlJt^r-  tine  conference  took  place  between  Louis  and  the 
SbLSU.  Count  of  Flanders  at  "  Restibulis,"  an  obscure 
U8"        village  in  the  Vermandois,  which  has  wholly  dis- 
appeared from  the  map.     Arnoul  advised  that 
Hugh-le-Grand  should  be  brought  over,  or  rather, 
bought  over,  by  the  so-often  contemplated  cession 
of  the  Basse  Normandie.  Arnold's  arguments  were 
plausible.  Louis,  surrendering  Normandy  "beyond 
the  Seine,"  would  only  renounce  a  territory  which 
he  could  not  retain  without  difficulty,  and  thus, 
freed  from  the  burthen,  be  the  better  enabled  to 
defend  the  Haute  Normandie  on  this  side  the 
river ;  but  the  greatest  gain  to  both  parties  would 
be  found  in  the  extinction  of  the  Norman  Corn- 


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RICHARD   SANS  PEUR.  419 

monwealth.     Once   divided,    Normandy   would  wa-w* 
cease  to  exist.   Doubts  might  certainly  be  raised,       - 
whether  such  an  accession  of  power  obtained  by  H4^946 
Hugh-le-Grand  under  the  pressure  of  circum- 
stances might  not  prove  somewhat  disadvanta- 
geous to  the  King,  yet  it  was  the  most  eligible 
compromise,  and  Louis  prepared  to  pursue  this 
plan,  but  making,  of  course,   the  accustomed 
mental  reservation,  that,  if  it  were  needful,  Duke 
Hugh  should  be  deceived. 

Having  therefore  determined,  as  suggested  ^^noe 
by  Arnoul,  that  he  would  bid  high  for  Hugh- ^j^* 
le-Grand's  co-operation,  a  second  summons  was^Boarg 
issued,  repeating  the  injunction  that  Hugh  was  to  Croix" 
repair  to  the  King  upon  his  faith  and  liegeance ; 
and  a  reverend  deputation  of  Bishops  conveyed 
the  mandate  to  the  Duke  of  France.    Louis  now 
appears  stationed  at  Compiegne,  where,  royally 
crowned,   he   was   accustomed  to  receive   the 
homage  of  his  lieges.    A  pleasant  place  also  for 
recreation    was    Compiegne:    there    were    the 
King's  stables,  the  King's  kennel,  and  the  King's 
mews.    Louis  carried  his  head  high,  nevertheless 
it  seemed  that,  when  dealing  with  the  Duke  of 
France  the  King  could  hardly  decide  whether  he 
was  addressing  a  superior  or  an  inferior ;  for  the 
message  was  conveyed  somewhat  timidly,  though 
speaking  the  language  of  command.    More  re* 
liance  was  placed  upon  the  influence  of  the 
Bishops  who  presented  the  Precept,  than  on  the 

EE2 


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420       LOUIS  d'outbemee,  lothaire,  &c. 

942—954  potency  of  parchment  and  seal.  Hugh  complied, 
— ^_  though  proudly  asserting  his  independence ;  he 
W4~~045  would  come  because  it  pleased  him  to  come. 

Not  therefore  would  Hugh  repair  to  the 
Palace,  where  he  might  have  had  to  linger  at  the 
portal  of  the  presence-chamber  until  the  stately 
Usher  should  be  pleased  to  open  the  door.  The 
King  was  necessitated  to  go  forth  and  meet  the 
Duke,  and  the  interview  ensued,  as  between  man 
and  man,  at  the  Bourg  de  la  Croix.  Hugh-le- 
Grand  was  surly  and  disrespectful.  Why  or 
wherefore — he  asked — had  he  been  summoned  ? 
there  he  was,  yet  merely  because  he  wished  to 
render  due  respect  to  the  venerable  Bishops  who 
had  solicited  him.  Louis  was,  on  his  part,  pe- 
remptory and  ungracious,  repeating  the  words 
he  had  previously  employed.  Hugh -le- Grand 
must  restore  the  ward,  Richard,  whom  Osmond 
had  "stolen."  Hugh's  answer  was  fully  to  the 
purpose;  he  could  not  compel  the  restitution 
except  by  a  forcible  seizure ;  an  assertion  hardly 
susceptible  of  a  denial.  Louis  then  urged  the 
tempting  proposition  for  the  partition  of  Nor- 
mandy upon  the  most  favourable  terms.  Louis 
would  not  insist  upon  an  equal  division,  share 
and  share  alike.  Hugh  should  have  the  better 
portion,  more  extensive  than  the  King's  land  on 
this  side  the  Seine,  whilst  the  inestimable  advan- 
tage accruing  to  both  of  them  would  be  the  com- 
plete suppression  of  the  Pirate  sovereignty. 


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RICHARD   SANS   PEUR.  421 

Hugh  immediately  accepted  the  offer,  can-  943-954 
celling  all  his  engagements  in  favour  of  the  young  1     «     t 
Richard: — they    were    not   worth    a   thought;  w4-946 
Richard  was  the  son  of  Guillaume  Longue-^pee, 
grandson  of  the  robber  Rollo.    Who  could  dream 
there  was  any  obligation  to  observe  a  covenant 
entered  into  for  the  benefit  of  a  Dane?    Hugh 
and  Louis  then  determined  the  plan  of  invasion  ;— 
Whilst  Louis  advanced  to  Rouen,  Hugh  should  t™** 


be- 


tween 


march  concurrently  to  Bayeux  and  reduce  that  Jjj*  g£ 
stronghold ;  —  these    simultaneous    movements  tfonSln&r. 
would  completely  liberate  France  from  the  proud  mandy# 
and  insolent  Northmen;    scattering  them  like 
drift  to  Denmark  beyond  the  sea — curse  all  who 
hold  with  them — curse  them  all ! 

If  the  encouraging  promises  previously  made 
by  Hugh-le-Grand  to  Bernard  de  Senlis,  that 
he  would  support  the  young  Richard  had  been 
rapidly  promulgated  amongst  the  Normans,  the 
news  of  his  subsequent  tergiversation  now  reached 
the  Normans,  and  Bernard  even  more  speedily. 
It  came  in  letters,  it  came  in  talk,  and  Bernard  Bernard  re- 
burnt  with  indignation.    Rapidly,  as  was  theW^- 
Veteran's  wont,  he  rode  away  to  Paris.     Facing  ^,^J; 
the  Duke,  the  respect  due  to  the  Liege-lord  re-  fi? ff^S 
strained,  for  a  brief  interval,  the  outraged  Vassal's  JU^ & 
tongue.    But  this  reticence  could  not  last.    Ber- chard* 
nard  mingled  rebukes  with  warnings,  upbraiding 
the  Duke's  treachery  and  sneering  at  his  folly. — 
The  Duke  of  France  was  working  to  strengthen 
his  royal  rival.     Would  the  Carlovingian  refrain 


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422      LOUIS  d'outremeb,  lothaire,  &c. 

942-om  from  resuming  the  ceded  Provinces  as  soon  as  he 

\ — * — "  could  exert  the  power  ? — With  some  degree  of 

0U-W5  contrition  Hugh-le-Grand  confessed  the  charge, 

scarcely  attempting  to  excuse  himself     He  had 

made  the  covenant  with  King  Louis,  and  the 

covenant  he  would  keep,  provided  the  King 

proved  true  to  him ;  but,  should  Louis  endeavour 

to   over-reach    the    Duke,    then  the   covenant 

should  be  held  as  null. 

The  two  §  20.    Further  consultations  ensued  between 

E^^upon  Bernard  de  Senlis  and  Bernard  the  Dane,  and  the 

separating  vivacious  plot  budded  forth  into  a  new  ramifi- 

Hugh-le-  * 

Grand      cation.    Acute  as  were  the  two  Bernards,  they 

from  Louis.  '  » 

could  not  discover  whether,  on  the  whole,  Hugh- 
le-6rand  anticipated  more  advantage  by  helping 
Richard  than  by  acting  in  combination  with  the 
King.  But  they  fully  ascertained  that  the  pre- 
posterous alliance  between  the  King  of  France 
and  the  Duke  of  France  held  them  together  only 
by  a  thread.  Let  Hugh  receive  any  rebuff  from 
Louis,  let  any  suspicion  be  excited  in  Duke 
Hugh's  mind,  and  the  confederacy  would  be  at 
an  end.  For  the  purpose,  therefore,  of  gaining  the 
positions  which  would  respectively  enable  them 
to  embarrass  Louis  and  embroil  him  with  Hugh, 
the  associate  Statesmen  adopted  a  further  inge- 
nious device.  It  was  settled  between  these  two 
venerable  intriguers,  that,  whenever  the  contin- 
gency for  action  arose,  Bernard  the  Frenchman 
should  deceive  the  King  by  truth,  that  is  to  say, 
appearing  openly  in  his  real  character  as  the 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  423 

King's  enemy,  whilst  Bernard  the  Norman  should  943-954 
make  a  demonstration  of  being  the  King's  friend : ,-  Z.~» 
not    merely    separating   themselves,    but   even  W4-*45 
carrying  on  war  against  each  other,  should  occa- 
sion require ;  and  each  arranged  his  part  accord- 
ingly. 

Bernard  de  Senlis,  whose  strength  was  in  the 
Isle  of  France,  planned  to  make  a  diversion  in 
favour  of  the  Norman  cause,  by  directing  his 
attack  against  the  core  of  the  King's  dominions. 
For  this  purpose  he  formed  an  alliance  with 
Thibaut   le   Tricheur,  whose   power  had  been  Thibet 

16  Tri« 

rapidly  increasing  since  the  death  of  Herbert  of  chear'con- 
Vermandois.     Thibaut  enjoyed  the  distinction  of  with  b»- 
bearing  the  worst  character  m  France,  being  serf** 
also   one   of  her  greatest  potentates ;  for  it  is 
said  that  about  this  period  five  noble  Counties 
obeyed  him  as  their  Lord — Tours  and  Meaux, 
and  Beauvais,  and  Blois,  and  Chartres;  and  with, 
him,  Bernard  de  Senlis  formed  an  alliance.    But 
so  thoroughly  rotten  were  such  compacts,  that, 
although    this  co-operation  was  proposed  and 
accepted  for  the  benefit  of  Richard,  Thibaut  was 
planning,  under  the  influence  of  the  implacable 
step-mother  Liutgarda,  that  it  should,  somehow 
or  other,  tend  to  Richard's  harm. 

Bernard  the  Dane,  honest  after  his  fashion,  BerMidin- 

1  ,  •«  •  •  •        1  •  irite§the 

and  praiseworthily  consistent  in  pursuing  his  great  ^*  £*- 
object — the  young  Richard's  restoration — availed  *°d- 
himself  of  the  results  produced  by  the  dubious 


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424        LOUIS  D'OUTREMER,  LOTHAIRE,   &C. 

942-964  policy  which  Guillaume  Longue-epee  had  adopted 
. — * — .  towards  the  conclusion  of  his  reign.  When  Guil- 
944-946  jaume  jja(j  settled  Harold  in  the  Cotentin  for  the 
purpose  of  counterpoising  the  Romane  interest 
by  the  Danish  power,  he  had  also  secured  the 
alliance,  not  merely  of  a  political  partizan,  but  of 
a  trusty  friend.  We  can,  on  the  whole,  hardly  find 
the  match  of  Harold  Blaatand  in  this  historical 
era;  but  the  honest  though  unscrupulous  Sea- 
king  had  cruised  away,  and  he  was  now  in  his 
own  realm.  To  Harold  therefore  Bernard  imme- 
diately applied  himself,  conveying  to  him  the 
intelligence  of  Richard's  rescue — a  joyful  event, 
however  miserably  darkened  by  the  usurpation  of 
the  Heir's  inheritance — and  inviting  him  over  for 
the  purpose  of  supporting  the  rights  of  the  orphan 
Sovereign.  Harold  immediately  responded.  He 
launched  his  keels  and  hoisted  his  sails  prepara- 
tory to  a  new  passage  of  arms. 
944  J  21.    Armorica  was  at  this  period  suffering 

B^torte  severely  under  the  chronic  plague  of  the  Celtic 
Bp«ng«r- race — inveterate  dissension. — Alain  Barbe-torte 
of  Anno-   was  no  longer  the  wild  man  of  the  woods,  wielding 
attract  the  his  club  against  the  brute  beasts,  yet  instead  of 
drawing  his  sword  against  the  enemies  of  his 
people,  he  was  now  raging  against  his  old  friend 
Juhel  Berenger. — Beudic,  the  Count  of  Cornou- 
aille,  became  mixed  up  in  the  quarrel — He  was 
one  of  the  powerful  obscure,  concerning  whom, 
as  is  the  case  with  many  of  his  contemporaries, 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  425 

we  know  nothing  more  than  the  sound  of  their  W2-w* 
names  in  the  dynastic  genealogies.    At  this  junc-  . — * — > 
ture  the  Danes  were  directing  their  course  to- 
wards the  confines  of  the  Terra  Normannorum, 
and  they  appeared  close  upon  Britanny  when 
the  civil  war  began.     It  would  have  been  as 
preternatural  in  an  antient  Ostman  as  in  a  mo- 
dern Milesian,  to  witness  an  affray  and  abstain 
from  joining  in  it,  whether  there  was  any  chance 
of  profiting  by  the  turmoil,  or  whether  there  was 
no  such  chance.    But,  in  the  present  case,  over 
and  above  their  general  delight  in  pugnacity,  the 
Danes  had  a  special  incitement, — the  desire  of 
visiting  upon  Alain  Barbe-torte  the  affronts  they 
had  received  from  him,  when,  after  his  return 
from  the  greater  Britain,  he  had  regained  his 
Land. 

The  first  port  made  by  the  Danes  was  the  port 
of  D61. — Disgracefully  had  the  Northmen  been 
worsted  at  the  drunken,  bride-ale  there ;  and  now 
they  more  than  compensated  themselves  for  the 
shame.  They  surprized  the  City,  perpetrating 
their  habitual  atrocities.  Ddl  was  at  this  era  a 
very  important  See,  contesting  the  Metropolitan 
rights  of  Tours.  The  unlucky  Bishop  retreated 
to  his  Cathedral,  indulging  the  vain  fancy  that 
the  sanctity  of  the  structure  would  repel  the 
Pagans ;  but  such  numbers  of  the  panic-struck 
flock  poured  in  after  their  Pastor,  that  he  was 
deplorably  suffocated  in  the  crowd.   The  Bretons 


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426     louis  d'outremer,  lothaibe,  &c. 

942-954  rallied,  regained  the  City,  and,  chasing  the  North- 
men to  the  water's  edge,  boarded  the  "Long 
Dragons,"  and  slaughtered  the  crews — an  enter- 
prise worthy  of  Alain  Barbe-torte's  best  days.  No 
permanent  advantage  however  resulted  to  the 
Breyzad  cause.  Further  conflicts  ensued,  in  which 
the  Bretons  were  thoroughly  defeated.  Again 
the  victorious  Danes  spread  themselves  over  the 
whole  breadth  of  Armorica.  Whether  they  cap- 
tured Nantes  or  not  is  somewhat  doubtful,  the 
fact  depending  upon  the  critic's  delight — a  various 
reading.  The  annals  of  this  interesting  nation 
and  country  are  so  exceedingly  scanty  that  each 
minute  event  commands  more  than  usual  atten- 
tion when  presented  amidst  the  dearth  of  details. 
However,  it  is  certain,  that  the  Danes  continued 
masters  of  Armorica  during  many  years.  Alain 
Barbe-torte  was  enabled  to  expel  the  enemy :  but 
the  Bretons  emigrated  in  large  numbers;  and  this 
occupation  of  the  country,  which  was  reiterated 
in  the  times  of  Alain's  successors,  unquestionably 
accelerated  the  decline  of  Breyzad  nationality. 

Harold,  however,  re-established  his  head- 
quarters at  Cherbourg,  where  he  awaited  the 
summons  of  Bernard  during  more  than  two  years. 
But  the  Danes,  whether  Harold's  followers  or 
independent  adventurers,  occupied  various  strong- 
holds in  Normandy,  and  encouraged  the  popula- 
tions who  were  preparing  to  reject  the  royal 
authority. 


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944-945 

Alarm  < 

the 


RICHABD  SANS  PEUR.  427 

§  22.     Harold  Blaatand's  invasion,  followed  942-954 
by  the  brilliant  successes  which  the  Danes  were 
obtaining,  gave  great  alarm  to  Louis. — Sufficient 
reason  had  he  for  consternation ;  much  more  was  gjj^jf  £/ 
threatened  than  the  loss  of  Rouen  and  the  Terra  y^roos 
Normannorum.    Since  the  reign  of  Charles-le-  ^ETby 
Simple,  the  Gauls  had  been  spared,  but  at  the  homB* 
expense  of  England.  England  now,  however,  was 
recovering  strength :  the  battle  of  Brunnaburgh 
had  given  a  staggering  blow  to  the  Raven  standard. 
The  "magnificent  Edmund,"  the  Uncle  of  Louis, 
Ogiva's  brother,  had  subdued  the  "five  Burghs'* 
— that  most  formidable  Danish  confederation; 
nay,  had  expelled  the  Northmen  from  the  whole 
Mercian  region. 

The  obstruction  thus  given  to  the  stream  of 
devastation  might  very  possibly  repel  the  flood 
into  the  earlier  channel,  and  France  again  become 
a  Danish  battle-field.    Louis,  therefore,  rousing  Louis  de- 
all  the  energies  of  his  Realm,  determined  for  oppose  the 

Danish  in- 

action.     The  Count  of  Flanders  had  hitherto  de-  ™*on» mnd 

to  keep 

cidedly  rejected  all  compromise  with  the  Count  £°™^y 
of  Montreuil.  So  long  as  the  envious  grudges ttoB* 
subsisted  between  Herlouin  and  Arnoul,  Louis 
could  not  satisfactorily  avail  himself  of  their 
services,  and  his  first  motion  therefore  was  to 
effect  a  reconciliation  between  them.  This  mea- 
sure proved  very  advantageous.  Herlouin  had 
kept  Rouen  quiet — a  great  test  of  his  talent : — 
and  Arnoul,  now  exceeding  fourscore  years  of 
age,  came  forward  with  marvellous  vigour. 


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428        LOUIS  D'OUTREMER,  LOTHATRE,  &C. 

»42-954        Most  energetically  did  Louis  commence  his 
IIZXZ^  aggressive  operations  against  Normandy.     Again 
i^T^of  and  again  have  we  to  remark  the  strange  flashes 
by°theandy  °f  power  exercised  by  the  occupant  of  the  tottering 
FronchMd  throne.   Much  assistance  in  this  case  was  afforded 
foreeJ!h     by  the   Bishops,  who   abounded  in  the  camp, 
heading  their  military  levies.  It  was  their  duty  as 
subjects  that  they  should  furnish  their  quota  of 
troops,  and  equally  against  their  duty  as  Christian 
Priests  to  shoulder  their  lances  in  war:  but  secu- 
larly was  gaining  fast  upon  the  Church ;  and  the 
spectacle  of  the  two  fighting  Archbishops,  Hugh, 
the  quondam  Parvulus,  and  the  active  Artaldus — 
could  not  fail  to  offer  a  deleterious  example. 

Arnoul,  neither  limping,  nor  halting,  nor  com- 
plaining of  the  gout,  came  on  with  his  sturdy 
squadrons — none  could  surpass  the  Fleming  in 
those  days.    The  muster  of  the  combined  forces, 
French  and  Flemish,  probably  took  place  on  the 
border,  in  or  near  the  Ponthieu  territory,  whence 
they  marched  to  Rouen,  taking  the  south-west 
Arque*      route.    Arnoul's  contingent  constituted  the  van- 
Arnoui.7    guard  of  the  royal  army.    Arques,  which  had 
ce«  opens  offered  such  a  stubborn  resistance  in  Rollo's  time, 

the  coun- 

try  to  the    was  the  barrier  of  the  Terra  Normannorum  on 

French. 

the  north-east.  This  stronghold  was  occupied  by 
the  insurgents,  but  they  lacked  the  pluck  of  the 
old  Berserker  garrison.  Arnoul  assailed  the 
Normans,  and,  having  completely  routed  them, 
marched  forward,  clearing  the  way  for  the  King. 
The  battle  of  Arques  decided  the  campaign. 


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RICHARD   SANS  PEUR.  429 

Louis  followed  up  the  success,  leading  on  the  wa-w 
French,  who  prosecuted  the  war  with  unwonted  ,  ■  «     > 
fierceness.     All  their  traditional  hatred  was  re-  W4~945 
vived  against  the  fierce  Normans,  the  false  Nor- 
mans, the  filthy  Normans ;  the  French  were  re- 
paying the   affronts   and  injuries   which   their 
ancestors  had  sustained.    The  troops  of  Louis 
expanded  over  the  Pays  de  Caux,  burning  and 
destroying  all  before  them;  the  inhabitants  fleeing 
away  in  terror,  utterly  unable  to  stand  against 
the  fury  of  the  invaders. 

Concurrently  with  these  operations,  Hugh-le-  Hu*h-ie- 
Grand,  crossing  the  Seine,  probably  below  Paris,  ten  Franca 
pursued  his  course  through  the  Evrecin.  Ad-J^™1* 
vancing  towards  the  north-western  districts,  seven 
hundred  full-armed  knights  constituted  the  centre 
of  his  formidable  army,  principally  raised  from  the 
Duchy  of  France,  and  recruited  by  the  Burgun- 
dian  levies.  The  Burgundian  Prelates  also  con- 
tributed their  forces.  Under  other  circumstances 
very  many  of  the  Normans  might  have  sided  with 
Hugh ;  but  it  was  now  evident  that  he  was  com* 
bining  with  Louis  in  the  scheme  of  partition  in- 
tended to  terminate  the  political  existence  of 
Normandy.  Throughout  the  whole  of  this  con- 
test, all  other  feelings  were  merged  in  the  uni- 
versal determination,  which  pledged  the  Norman 
people  to  maintain  the  unity  of  the  Norman 
Monarchy.  Hence,  an  obstinate  resistance  was 
offered  to  Hugh  in  the  once  friendly  Evrecin. 


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430     LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

943-dM  The  Hiesmois  also  rejected  the  Duke,  and  beat 
ZHXIZ^  him  off. 

bTm^  ^e  c^e*  f°rtress  °f  *he  Pagus  Oarimensis, 
^2?be"  *^e  renowned  castle  of  Falaise,  claiming  Julius 
Baycm.  Qmsai  ag  her  founder,  is  not  distinctly  mentioned 
in  the  narrative.  However  we  can  scarcely  doubt 
but  the  point  d'appui  afforded  by  Falaise,  and 
the  rocky  /ells  from  which  the  name  is  derived, 
aided  the  sturdy  warriors  of  the  regions  in 
foiling  the  invader.  Hugh  and  his  troops  fully 
emulated  the  cruel  vigour  displayed  by  Louis; 
they  infested  the  whole  country  as  far  as  the 
Mont  Saint  Michel :  and  the  Duke,  having  fought 
his  way  onwards,  presented  himself  before  Bayeux. 
We  have  good  reasons  for  conjecturing  that 
Harold  Blaatand's  men  had  thrown  themselves 
into  this  Danish  city.  It  was  foreseen,  from  the 
onset,  that  the  acquisition  of  Bayeux  would  prove 
a  difficult  enterprize ;  and  this  probably,  was  one 
of  the  reasons  which  induced  King  Louis  to  fur- 
nish Hugh  with  occupation  by  the  promise,  that, 
should  he  win  the  place,  the  conquest  should  be 
his  own.  Bayeux  was,  in  fact,  valiantly  defended, 
and  Hugh's  protracted  operations  seemed  to  have 
been  limited  to  a  blockade. 
2Td£L-  $  ^'  ^e  country  suffered  dreadfully.  Louis 
j*icintfor  and  Hugh  acting  in  union,  or  at  least  acting 
botoii!0*0  wfth  a  common  intent,  were  too  strong  for  the 
Normans.  Bernard  the  Dane  therefore  now  felt 
himself  committed  to  the  full   extent  of  the 


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RICHARD   SANS  PEUR.  431 

scheme  propounded  by  him  to  his  namesake  of  942-4*54 
Senlis.  Louis  must  be  lulled  by  a  show  of^XZX 
complete  submission,  and  brought  into  Rouen ; —  W1  m 
means  might  then  be  found  to  baffle  him,  entrap 
him,  may  be,  enthral  him.  Nevertheless  Bernard's 
object  at  the  present  crisis  was  to  effect  a  speedy 
termination  of  the  distressing  warfare  which  the 
French  were  waging  against  the  Normans,  not 
merely  in  the  spirit  of  conquest,  but  of  vengeance. 
— Stout-hearted  Bernard  never  doubted  of  suc- 
cess. He  relied  upon  the  ample  resources  he 
could  command.  Harold  Blaatand  was  always  in 
readiness.  Let  Bernard  but  give  the  word,  and 
the  Danes — the  prime  Pagan  Danes  —  would 
gird  themselves  for  the  liberation  of  Guillaume 
Longue-epee's  land.  Bernard  could  count  the 
swords  which  would  clash  and  the  bucklers  which 
would  be  raised. 

Our  English  proverb,  "diamond  cut  diamond," 
is  emphatically  localized  by  a  French  parallel 
adage,  "&  Normand,  Normand  et  demi" — Of  the 
Normand  et  demi,  the  Grey-beard  Bernard  was 
the  absolute  personification :  his  task  required  an 
extra  allowance  of  subtlety,  inasmuch  as  his  plot 
involved  a  double  contrivance.  Louis  was  to  be 
enticed  to  lead  himself  into  the  snare,  and  the 
Normans  were  to  be  enticed  to  spread  the  snare, 
by  submitting  to  a  course  apparently  so  dangerous, 
that,  were  it  suggested  in  the  first  instance,  they 
would  assuredly  refuse  to  incur  a  risk  calculated, 


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432     LOUIS  d'outremer,  lotiiaire,  &c. 

042-054  as  they  would  think,  to  bring  on  their  ruin.  It  was 
\ — ^_s  in  such  intricacies  that  Bernard's  soul  delighted, 
944"~*46  and  he  began  with  the  cheerfulness  of  a  May- 
game.  Indeed  the  triumph  of  gaining  an  advantage 
by  superior  astuteness,  unquestionably  prompted 
no  small  proportion  of  the  crookedness  which 
distinguishes  this  era.    The  pleasures  of  imagi- 
nation not  unfrequently  instigate  the  sinner  by 
giving  a  zest  to  sin.    The  absence  of  the  excite- 
ment resulting  from  the  danger  of  the  constable's 
staff,  has  a  share  in  making  the  clever  rogue  feel 
flat  in  any  honest  calling. 
Bernard  Bernard,  professing  to  speak  the  sentiments 

to  act  in     of  the  Normans,  but  without  having  had  any  com- 

the  name  of 

the  nop.    munications  with  them  on  the  subject,  opened  a 

mans,  offers  *  * 

12£Jiknb~  negotiation  with  Louis  in  the  character  of  a  Ple- 


nipotentiary, earnestly  beseeching  him  to  spare 
the  country.  Why  should  King  Louis  waste  and 
destroy  the  domain  which  was  his  own  ?  Beady 
were  the  Normans  to  enter  into  his  obedience, 
and  bow  to  the  King's  august  supremacy.  Their 
Bernard     delusion  had  been  dispelled.    Normandy  depre- 

invites  %        •  %  i  • 

Louis  to    cated  the  calamity  denounced  against  the  land 

Rouen,  of-  . 

jjjjjjg*  whose  Ruler  was  a  child.  Normandy  needed  a 
Judge,  a  Protector,  and  a  King,  nay,  a  Crowned 
and  Imperial  Sovereign.  The  Normans  craved  the 
King's  mercy.  Let  him  stay  the  chastising  sword, 
so  that  the  plough  should  speed  again,  and  the 
people  live  in  quiet;  and  therefore  Bernard 
urged  him  to  repair  to  Rouen  with  his  Bishops, 


tional  sur- 
render. 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  433 

and  his  Courtiers,  and  his  Court,  and  his  Princes;  9*2-9*4 
and,  if  wise  Gerberga  rode  beside  the  King,  the  ^ZZZZi 
greater  would  be  their  joy. — Leave  the  little 
one  safe  at  Senlis,  quoth  Bernard — enough  are 
three  arrows  and  a  musket-hawk,  for  such  a  lad 
as  he: 

Moult  souffroms  bien  ceste  fiee — 
Que  Dan  Bernart  l'ait  a  Saint-Liz: 
Trop  est  encore  aasez  petiz; 
De  treis  fleches  e  d'un  moechet 
Doit  aasez  avoir  tel  valet. 

In  opening  this  negotiation  with  Louis  for 
surrendering  the  Capital,  Bernard  acted  entirely 
upon  his  individual  responsibility.  The  Normans 
had  not  any  knowledge  of  the  transaction  until 
Louis  was  marching  towards  Rouen  at  the  head 
of  an  army,  reckoned  in  round  numbers,  at  ten 
thousand  men.  Therefore,  when  the  Normans 
received  the  information  that  the  King  though 
promising  peace  had  required  their  unconditional 
surrender,  nay,  that  Richard  was  to  be  completely 
discarded,  great  was  their  grief,  greater  their 
surprise.  The  conduct  of  Bernard  appeared  in- 
conceivable to  them.  Through  Bernard's  agency 
they  saw  the  young  Richard  contemptuously  dis- 
inherited, and  Louis  brought  in  by  Bernard's 
counsel.  Bernard  the  Dane,  young  Richard's 
guardian,  recklessly  abandoning  the  Infant's 
rights, — all  was  lost! 
vox.-  n,  p  f 


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434      LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

942—054  Helas!  oomme  sont  a  deuil  menez 

-      *  Nul  comfort  ont  ne  nul  conseille 

fi11   pi5  Moult  ont  de  Bernard  grant  merveille. 

Deseritez,  est  a  sa  vie, 

L'enfant  Richard  de  Normandie! 

Some  alleviation  however  was  practically  im- 
parted by  the  conduct  of  Louis  and  his  army : 
the  devastation  of  the  country  was  immediately 
stayed:  the  villains  returned  to  their  cottages, 
the  cattle  were  driven  back  to  the  fields,  the 
plough  sped  again. — Amidst  all  their  anxiety, 
the  Normans  could  not  really  make  up  their 
minds  to  distrust  old  Bernard;  therefore  no 
murmur  was  uttered,  no  demur  made. 

§  24.  From  whatever  quarter  of  the  Haute 
Normandie,  Louis  could  approach  Rouen,  the  City 
was  protected  by  the  thick-grown  forests  consti- 
tuting the  country's  pride.  On  and  on  he  pro- 
ceeded, quite  unmolested.  The  Normans  were  true 
to  old  Bernard's  bidding,  but  had  they  been  de- 
termined upon  resistance,  the  march  would  have 
been  very  perilous ;  the  tangled  and  massy  zones 
of  thickets  and  trees  affording  such  ample  am- 
bushments  against  an  enemy.  Those  forests  were 
the  more  important  in  a  military  point  of  view, 
as  being  the  barrier  against  France.  Nor  could 
any  other  communication  be  had  to  or  from 
Paris  otherwise  than  upon  the  tracks  penetrating 
these  living  circumvallations.  On  the  East,  the 
traveller  had  to  encounter  the  renowned  "Foresta 


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RICHARD  SAKS  PEUR.  435 

de  Leonibus,"  a  locality  with  which  we  have,  so  m*-*m 
to  speak,  become  personally  acquainted.  On 
the  North,  Rouen  was  covered  by  the  woodlands 
composing  the  ForSt  Verte,  still  marked  on  the 
map,  and  the  Forit  de  Bichorel,  of  which  the 
greater  portions  have  been  long  since  essarted, 
through  which  Louis  had  to  descend  from  the 
Flemish  border.  These  outstretching  woods  were 
conjoined,  or  nearly  so,  to  the  forest  of  Lions 
and  its  growths,  and  had  also  to  be  traversed 
by  those  who  proceeded  Rouen-ward  from  Paris; 
and  all  the  main  roads,  as  well  from  the  Northern 
parts  as  those  running  through  the  forest  of  lions, 
joined  the  great  thoroughfares  which  led  to  the 
Porte  Beauvoisine  athwart  the  rich  and  verdant 
open  meads  spreading  between  the  woodland 
margins  and  the  City-walls. — These  fields  con- 
stituted a  noted  and  much-admired  feature  of 
the  environs. 

All  that  Bernard  promised  to  Louis  con-  lo^s  en. 
cerning  the  hearty  welcome  he  should  receive un 
at  Rouen,  was  fully  realised  to  eye  and  ear. — 
When  Rouen  was  scarcely  discernible  in  the 
far  distance,  Louis  received  his  merry  greeting, 
spoken  from  every  church-  and  chapel-tower, 
which  boasted  of  a  belL — And  when  Louis  drew 
nearer,  then  arose  the  full-toned  solemn  chant, 
swelling  in  the  air  as  he  rode  along  the  road. 
And  when,  ambling  through  the  pleasant  mea- 
dows, he  came  close  upon  the  Porte  Beauvoisine, 

FF2 


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436       LOUIS  D'OUTREMEB,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

942-954  he  was  prevented  by  the  long  processions  of  the 

\ i_  Clergy  robed  according  to  their  order  and  de-» 

0il  m  gree, — Archbishop  and  Canons  in  their  richly- 
broidered  copes,  holy  banners  borne  aloft,  and 
gold  and  silver  censers  swinging; — and  lastly, 
thicker  and  denser  as  he  advanced,  but  most  of 
all,  after  passing  beneath  the  well-known  arch- 
way he  entered  the  narrow  street,  the  vast 
crowd  hailing  him  as  King. — A  blessing  on 
their  honest  voices ! — had  they  dared,  they  would 
have  toppled  him  into  the  Seine,  rushing  with 
delight  to  the  river's  banks,  enraptured  with  the 
sport  of  seeing  and  hearing  him  fall  splash  into 
the  water,  struggling,  sinking,  shrieking,  drown-* 
ing  :  and  truly  if  Louis,  according  to  the  popular 
code  of  retribution,  had  to  be  punished  for  his 
inward  thoughts,  this  treatment  would  have 
served  him  right :  he  was  just  as  eager  for  their 
destruction. 

When  Louis  had,  after  the  Battle  of  the 
Rescue,  made  his  glorious  entry  through  that 
same  Forte  Beauvoisine,  he  was  in  some  degree 
enabled  to  excuse  his  assumption  of  authority 
by  asserting  a  species  of  vicarial  right,  consequent 
upon  the  non-age  of  Guillaume  Longue-£p6e's 
Heir. — No  need  now  for  such  delicacies  and  pre- 
tences. He  was  Lord  and  Master. — Yet,  great 
as  was  the  success,  the  triumph  would  have  been 
comparatively  insipid,  had  it  not  been  accom- 
panied by  the  anticipation  of  sweet  revenge. 


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BICHABD  SANS  PEUB*  437 

How  had  these  Normans  and  their  Ancestors  912-954 
insulted  and  enslaved  the  French,  rendered  them  _ : 
tributary,  robbed  the  Monarchy ! — Here  in  Rouen  944-W5 
had  he  been  villainized,  disgraced,  hooted,  im- 
prisoned, bullied,  degraded ! — Here  had  they  put 
him  in  fear  of  death,  compelled  him  to  display 
his  cowardice,  shamed  him  before  the  world ! — 
Was  not  the  roar  of  the  multitude  when  they 
compelled  him  to  eome  out  with  the  vile  bastard, 
yet  sounding  in  his  ears  ?    And  with  these  recol- 
lections fermenting  in  his  brain,  Louis  made  his 
stately  entry  into  Rollo's  Palace,  and  feasted  in 
Rollo's  Hall. 

Outrageously  riotous  was  the  banquet  on  the  The  fe«t 
evening  of  that  joyous  day.    Whether  by  chance  pai«oe  on 
or  by  intent,  the  worst  and  most  debauched  of  his  *** 
Camp  were  assembled  at  the  Board,  and  it  was  ent,y- 
the  custom  of  the  French,  as  told  by  themselves 
in  the  tone  of  nations  who  glory  in  their  own 
vices — and  what  nation  is  there  which  does  not  ? 
— to  lengthen  such  feastings  late  into  the  night, 
revelling  in  the  enjoyment  of  their  rude  and 
scoffing  talk,  and  their  gibes,  and  their  jeers, 
and  their  scurrilous  merriment,  at  the  expense 
of  all  the  world  and  of  themselves. 

Without  stroke  stricken — sans  coup  ferir — 
Rouen  was  virtually  a  city  taken  by  storm,  and  the 
discourse  which  passed  amongst  this  boisterous 
crew  was  such  as  might  have  ensued  had  they 
won  the  Norman  capital  by  force  of  arms.    In- 


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438      LOUIS  d'outreher,  lothaire,  &c. 

W2-954  toxicated  equally  by  success  and  by  intemper- 

\ ^_  ance,  the  language  into  which  Louis  was  betrayed 

m-w*  disgraced  his  exalted  station.  The  threats  he 
poured  forth  against  the  Normans  proclaimed 
the  full  extent  of  his  previous  abasement.  Had 
it  not  been  for  his  own  confessions,  no  one  but 
himself  could  have  known  the  unseemly  secret, 
that  his  accusing  conscience  made  him  feel  the 
insults  of  the  mob  so  keenly  and  so  deeply.  He 
boasted  he  had  stamped  upon  the  Pirate's  nest — 
now  shall  the  sons  be  punished  for  the  insolence 
of  their  filthy  forefathers.  If  perchance  permitted 
to  abide  in  the  land,  let  them  rot  each  day  in  mi- 
sery— "our  subjects,  our  tributaries,  our  slaves." 
The  ban-  The  jovial  companions  whom  Louis  addressed, 
triumph,  responded  most  cordially  to  these  sentiments,  and 
reckoned,  like  their  Sovereign,  upon  the  gains  of 
their  enterprise.  Rouen  had  been  exempted  from 
the  dire  calamities  consequent  upon  a  successful 
assault. — The  comely  women  had  not  been  aban- 
doned to  the  lust  of  the  captors ; — no  wealthy 
burghers  tortured  into  the  surrender  of  their 
hoarded  gold ; — no  houses  sacked  or  fired ; — no 
Rebels  strung  up,  and  their  broad  lands  granted 
to  the  Conquerors. — Such  were  the  accustomed 
concomitants  of  successes  like  those  which  the 
French  had  obtained;  therefore,  although  the 
gratification  was  postponed,  yet  the  victors  antici- 
pated ample  satisfaction  when  the  season  of 
fruition  should  arrive. 


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BICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  439 

A  tranquil  morrow  ensued; — the  soldiery  wa-JK* 
entered  upon  their  garrison  duty.  Instinctive  ,  »  ""» 
prudence  restrained  the  inhabitants.  All  parties  m  M5 
were  consistent  dissemblers,  and  pitched  their 
notes  in  harmony.  The  invitation  which  Bernard 
had  given  to  the  King  was  his  own  device— the 
Normans  had  no  share  in  it.  Not  a  word  in 
his  address  had  been  prompted  by  them,  not  a 
thought  was  theirs ;  yet,  though  filled  with  per* 
plexity,  they  could  not  renounce  their  traditional 
trust  in  Bernard.  Therefore  Bernard  professed  to 
explain,  on  their  behalf,  the  reasons  inducing  their 
ready  submission  to  the  Carlovingian  supremacy : 
and,  when  required  by  him  to  take  their  part  in 
the  drama,  the  Leaders  and  Nobles  spoke  ac- 
cording to  the  cue  which  the  chief  actor  gave. 

Bernard  solemnly  declared  to  Louis  that  the  Bernard 
Normans,  taught  wisdom  by  experience,  now  Normans 
entirely  renounced  that  boy  whom  Osmond  had  JJJJJ^ £f 
stolen  away — they  had  in  nowise  sought  his  ™J*« *° 
liberation — he  was  gone,  and  they  were  rid  of 
him.    Let  the  Count  of  Senlis  appoint  Richard 
to  be  his  heir — they  would  have  none  of  him  if 
they  could  help.    Wretched  is  the  realm  whose 
ruler  is  a  child. — Not  were  the  Normans  dis- 
loyally unmindful  of  past  sorrows;  yet  these  sor- 
rows were  irreparable.     Arnoul's  treachery  had 
deprived  them  of  their  Duke  and  defender ;  but, 
by  accepting  Louis  as  their  King  and  their  de- 
fender, they  accomplished  a  fortunate  exchange* 


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440       LOUIS  P'OUTREMER,   LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

W2-954  Hitherto  had  they  obeyed  the  progeny  of  Rollo, 
HZXIZ!  now  would  they  be  ruled  by  Charlemagne's  im- 
944-M*  per jaj  race — no  ionger  vassals  of  a  minor  power, 
but  members  of  an  Empire.    The  pride  of  Louis 
was  gratified  by  an  explanation  thus  motived.   It 
might  be  accepted  as  an  apology  for  the  affronts 
offered  to  his  Dynasty,  and,  without  placing  any 
trust  in  their  professions,  or  mitigating  his  intent 
of  bringing  Normandy  into  servitude,  he  graci- 
ously accepted  the  submission  thus  made. 
Bernard  §  25.    Bernard's  work,    however,  was  only 

hismachi-  beginning.  In  order  to  comprehend  the  deve- 
SSslnd  l°Pement  °f  h*s  elaborately  complicated  plot,  it 
GraYat  must  ke  borne  in  mind,  that  though  his  firm 
Tariance'  expectation  of  ultimately  entrapping  Louis  was 
grounded  upon  Harold  Blaatand's  co-operation, 
yet  the  immediate  object  he  sought,  was  the 
dissolution  of  the  confederacy  between  the  Duke 
of  all  the  Gauls  and  the  French  King.  Ber- 
nard courted  his  Royal  master — for  such  he 
fully  acknowledged  Louis  to  be— cleverly  and 
assiduously.  Foremost  did  Bernard  stand  as  he 
presented  himself  in  the  royal  circle,  fresh  and 
ruddy,  nobly  attired  in  his  costly  damask  robe, 
over  which  his  long  grey  beard  was  flowing. 
Despite  of  Bernard's  age,  none  more  jovial  than 
he.  His  agreeable  gifts, — humble  tokens  of  affec- 
tionate obedience — were  pleasantly  welcomed  by 
the  Sovereign.  Ample  supplies  of  wine  came  in 
from  Bernard's  stores,  and  copiously  was  that 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUft.  441 

wine  poured  out  at  the  Monarch's  festive  table.  0*2-95* 
The  rich  spiced   claret  was  excellent,  and  de-  — * — > 
lighted  the  King.    He  quaffed  enough,  and  more  944~945 
than  enough;  and  his  brightening  countenance 
shewed  it. — Merry  were  the  King's  words,  and 
merry  was  his  heart;   every  vein  in  his  head 
throbbed  with  good  liquor. 

The  effect  of  the  potations  had  been  atten- 
tively watched  by  the  Norman  guests :— though 
they  kept  their  wits,  they  partook  of  the  mazer- 
cup  quite  as  freely,— and  when  the  King  was 
thoroughly  mellow,  Bernard,  motioning  away  the 
others,  slid  up,  and  sat  next  to  him  on  the  high 
dais  at  the  head  of  the  table. 

The  persuasions  with  which  Bernard  plied  The  Ban- 
the  King,  for  the  purpose  of  exciting  him  against  Normans 
Hugh-le-Grand,  were  offered  and  repeated  at^fj°his 
various  opportune  seasons.    His  argumentations  2Sjudi" 
were  supported  by  the  Norman  nobles,  with  many 
variations  in  the  passages  of  their  discourses, 
but  always  consistently  adhering  to  the  theme. 
These  clever  machinators  all  agreed  in  seeking  to 
anger  the  King  against  his  own  conduct,  holding 
up  a  mirror  before  him  which  reflected  his  coun- 
tenance in  the  character  which  they  sought  he 
should  ascribe  to  himself, — a  witless  prodigal. 

Most  inexpedient — as  Bernard  urged — was  the 
treaty  which  Louis  had  concluded  with  Hugh, 
admitting  that  insatiate  rival  as  a  partner  in  the 
Terra  Normannorum,  increasing  the  strong  man's 
strength,   and  imparting  additional  powers  of 


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442       LOUIS  D'OUTREMER,   L0THAIRE,  &C. 

us-954  mischief  to  his  most  potent  enemy. — Hugh,  so 
#— * — .  full  of  hatred  and  envy,  cruel  and  proud. — Hugh 

All    Ptfi 

seeking  the  King's  destruction,  aye,  and  for  ever. 
—Hugh  Duke  of  all  the  Gauls. — Hugh  peerlessly 
potent,  whose  shadow  overspread  the  realm. 

How  full  of  warning,  continued  Bernard,  was 
the  testimony  borne  by  common  speech  to  Hugh's 
transcendancy ! — The  epithet  which  the  universal 
consent  of  Christendom  had  hitherto  exclusively 
appropriated  to  the  great  Emperor,  was  now  no 
longer  the  prerogative  distinction  of  his  memory. 
Charles-le-Magne  was  matched  by  Hughrle- 
Magne — he  shared  the  distinction  with  a  com* 
petitor — would  not  the  son  of  King  Robert  be 
placed  by  posterity  in  the  same  rank  of  worthies 
as  the  son  of  Pepin — the  Founder  of  the  Dynasty  ? 
"Carolus  Magnus"  and  "Hugo  Magnus"  in- 
cluded in  the  same  category ;  and  truly  did  the 
Lord  of  Paris,  ruling  half  the  realm,  deserve  this 
honour. 

The  taunts  were  grievous  to  Louis.  But 
there  was  another  important  element  in  the 
transaction,  which,  when  descanted  upon  by 
Bernard,  darted  through  him  with  a  con-* 
sciousness  not  less  painful,  of  the  mischief  he 
had  occasioned  to  himself  by  his  rashness  and 
his  ignorance.  Louis  had  entirely  neglected  to 
calculate  the  value  of  the  subsidy  promised  to 
his  inveterate  enemy.  Austrasia  contained  the 
chief  demesnial  towns  and  cities,  and  almost  all 
the  palaces  of  the  Carlovingian  Sovereigns.    The 


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RICHARD  SANS  FEUlt.  448 

west  and  far  west  of  the  Seine  had  rarely  been  w-85* 
visited  by  them :  even  at  Rouen  they  were  almost 
strangers.  It  is  more  than  doubtful  whether 
Louis  had  ever  extended  his  progresses  beyond 
the  Evrecin  and  the  Roumois, — the  Pagus  in- 
cluding the  Capital, — or  crossed  the  bounding 
Risle.  No  accurate  knowledge  of  the  country 
could  be  acquired  otherwise  than  by  sojourn  and 
experience ;  and  though  Louis  was  familiar  with 
'the  Haute  Normandie,  he  was  totally  unac- 
quainted with  the  wide-spread  territories  he  had 
granted  away  to  his  consuming  competitor. 

Bernard,  a  consummate  adept  in  the  art  of  Extent  and 

•  •  •  ,  value  of 

ingeniously  tormenting,  rang  the  changes  upongeBaate 
the  details  evidencing  the  importance  of  the  ceded  ^pro- 
provinces,  proving  the  delusion  under  which  Louis  f^f  £y 
had  laboured  when  he  struck  his  blind  bargain,  g^"*6" 
Louis  had  shut  his  eyes  when  he  opened  his  hand. 
Bernard  overwhelmed  the  King  with  disagree- 
able information  concerning  the  countries  he 
was   annexing  to   Hugh-le-Grand's   duchy. — A 
ready  tongue,  a  keen  sight,  and  a  pregnant  wit, 
were  amongst  the  many  gifts  of  Bernard;  and  the 
clever  old  crafty  blade  spoke  out  with  all  the 
fluency  arising  from  a  thorough  knowledge  of 
his  subject,  warmed  by  the  energy  of  a  deeply- 
interested  partisan,  enjoying  at  the  same  time 
the  dear  delight — so  exquisite  even  when  profit- 
less— of  teasing.    He  reckoned  the  countries  and 
named  the  towns ;  pointed  at  the  hills,  and  called 
attention  to  the  waters ;  travelling  with  Louis,  in 


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444       LOUIS  D'OUTREMER,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

043-954  imagination,  over  the  splendid  dominions  he  was 
*Z~C^  sacrificing, — the  whole  breadth  of  the  Evrecin,  and 
W4~4H5  thence  unto  Sees — Lisieux,  and  the  Lieuvin ;  the 
Hiesmois  and  the  Cinglais,  Bayeux  and  the  Bessin; 
Coutances,  and  the  Cotentin ;  the  secluded  Valley 
of  Mortaigne,  graced  by  the  only  natural  cascade 
which  antient  France — France  by  herself  France 
— contains;  and  then  down  to  Domfront;  and 
then  up  to  Avranches,  from  whence  you  look 
forward  and  onwards  to  the  Archangel's  Mount, 
and  the  sands,  and  the  bay,  and  the  rolling  waves ; 
— Normandie-oultre-Seine,  fertilized  by  the  in- 
tersecting streams,  where  the  ports  are  most  apt 
for  commerce,  and  fit  for  defence; — Normandy 
beyond  the  Seine,  peopled  by  the  most  prudent 
and  powerful  chieftains,  and  the  most  valiant  race, 
so  preeminent  for  their  endowments  of  body  and 
Bernard     mind. — Had  such  a  thing  been  ever  heard  of,  that 
Nodn^L    any  Prince,  not  being  demented,  should  do  as  he, 
with  his1"8  King  Louis,  had  done — sport  away  ten  thousand 
denoe."      fighting  men,  and  place  them  at  the  disposal  of 
his  direst  enemy;  and  when  the  Normans  chimed 
into  the  concerto  they  mocked  Louis  with  the 
same  taunting  melodies,  summing  up  the  results 
by  the  employment  of  colloquial  expressions,  be- 
longing to  that  emphatic  class  of  terms,  not  ren- 
dered substantially  less  truthy  by  exaggeration,— 
Louis  had  not  retained  one-seventh  part  of  the 
Terra  Normannorum ;  be  had  not  left  for  him- 
self threepenny-worth  a  year. 

The  Norman  nobles  having  thus  engaged  in 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  445 

the  discussion,  the  arguments  expanded,  for  they  w-m 
presented  themselves  as  complainants,  who,  by       ~ 
the  sacrifice  of  their  interests,  had  been  deeply  944-*M* 
aggrieved.    If  Louis  thought  fit  to  despoil  himself 
of  the  dominion,  that  was  his  own  concern ;  but 
Normandy  belonged  to  the  Normans,  and  it  be- 
hoved them  that  they  should  take  due  care  of 
themselves. 

It  was  the  fundamental  principle,  that  the  The  Nor- 
Norman  State  was  one  and  indivisible.  Whoever  w»2 th? 

partition  of 

might  be  Normandy's  Ruler,  the  integrity  of  the  Duchy. 
Normandy  must  be  preserved.  A  partition  of 
the  Terra  Normannorum  would  ruin  the  whole. 
The  strength  of  the  Haute  Normandie  was  found 
in  the  Basse  Normandie,  which  Louis  had  so 
wastefully  abandoned.  Rouen  was  provisioned 
from  and  through  three  of  the  ceded  districts — 
one  inland,  two  maritime — the  Hiesmois,  the  Co- 
tentin,  and  the  Bessin;  and,  if  the  supplies  which 
they  afforded  were  cut  of£  the  deprivation  would 
be  a  death-blow  to  Rouen's  prosperity.  The 
remonstrance  was  wound  up  by  an  unexpected 
menace.  Should  Louis  persevere  in  his  intention 
of  making  the  cession,  the  Normans  would  act  for 
themselves.  They  would  put  out  to  sea,  reach  Den* 
mark,  rally  the  Danskermen, — return, — establish 
a  Frankish  Danelagh; — and,  fairlyrid  of  Louis  and 
of  Hugh,  be  their  own  masters  in  their  own  land. 
In  the  main,  all  these  political  and  statistical 
views  and  statements  were   accurate ;    yet  no 


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446      LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

»u-*m  deception  more  insidious  than  truth  told  frau- 
dulently. Bernard  and  his  Chorus  were  not 
enlightening  Louis  with  the  intent  of  enabling 
him  to  guard  against  the  consequences  resulting 
from  his  imprudence,  but  in  order  that,  perplexed 
in  judgment,  his  conduct  might  bring  on  a  rupture 
between  him  and  his  formidable  ally. 

Hugh  had  declared  to  Bernard,  that  if  Louis 
broke  faith  with  him  he  would  sever  himself  from 
the  deceiver ;  and  it  could  not  be  doubted  but 
that  he  would  be  as  good  as  his  word. 

They  succeeded,  for  the  worried  Sovereign, 
unable  to  extricate  himself,  solicited  the  counsel 
Look,       of  his  betrayers.     Pursuant  to  the  scheme  con- 
ization cocted  at  Senlis,  an  immediate  recall  of  the 
mans,™-    concession  sd  unadvisably  made,  was  suggested 
fadnmhd    ky  Bernard  the  Dane,  as  the  only  practicable 
to  Hugh,    remedy.     Louis  was  thus  placed  between  the 
horns  of  a  dilemma.    If  he  followed  this  advice, 
he  might  greatly  fear  that  the  disappointed  Hugh 
would  openly  become  a  desperate  enemy.    Even 
to  rescind  a  parchment  grant  would,  under  any 
circumstances,  have  been  a  very  hazardous  pro* 
eeeding;  but  Hugh  was  now  actively  employed  in 
reducing  the  grant  into  possession,  and  it  was 
a  desperate  venture  to  snatch  the  morsel  from 
the  jaws  of  the  devourer.    If  Louis  did  not  make 
the  venture,  he  could  not  conceal  to  himself  that 
Hugh,  as  much  an  enemy  as  ever,  would,  sooner 
or  later  meet  him  with  vastly  augmented  re- 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  447 

sources.  The  King's  choice  was,  however,  support-  942-954 
ed  by  the  courage  of  despair,  and  he  elected  the  1-  ;     * 
plan  of  revocation.    If  he  refused,  the  Normans  0i4-W 
would  assuredly  turn  against  him,  and  therefore 
he  made  the  plunge.    Two  Knights,  in  due  form 
of  law,  bore  the  message  to  the  Vassal,  preparing 
themselves  to  be  enabled  to  "  bear  record,"  should 
he  prove  contumacious;  and  Hugh-le-Grand  was 
strictly  enjoined,  not  only  to  raise  the  siege  of 
Bayeux  within  the  term  of  three  days,  but  also 
to  evacuate  the  whole  Oultre-Seine  territory. 

Silenced  by  surprise,  Hugh  broke  that  silence, 
exclaiming,  "It  is  the  crafty  two  who  have 
worked  upon  the  King." — Fierce  anger  ensued. 
Loudly  inveighing  against  the  King's  treachery, 
he  unquestionably  bethought  himself  of  revenge. 
But  the  name  of  the  King  possessed  a  magical 
power.  Hugh-le-Grand,  at  the  head  of  his  troops, 
Duke  of  France  and  of  Burgundy,  and  of  all 
the  Gauls,  dared  not  contravene  the  royal  com- 
mand. The  retreat  was  sounded,  and  he  forth- 
with marched  back  to  Paris,  his  good  city. 

Negotiations  however  recommenced  speedily. 
Louis,  almost  startled  at  his  own  audacity,  ex* 
cused  himself  to  Hugh,  upon  the  ground  that 
he  could  not  resist  the  inflexible  will  of  the 
Normans. — All  plans  of  dismemberment  must 
be  renounced — the  Normans  would  submit  only 
to  one  Sovereign. 

Bernard,  the  Count  of  Senlis,  next  presented 


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448      LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

«43~9M  himself  to  Hugh  at  Paris — the  old  man  making 
^_^_  the  journey  with  his  habitual  fiery  speed, — He 
v*4^*6  earnestly  urged  the  Duke  to  support  the  young 
Richard's  cause;  Hugh-le-Grand  however,  hesi- 
tated,   probably  wishing  to   consider  how    he 
might  render  the  support  of  Richard  profitable 
to  himself;   and,  for  the  present,  the  general 
tranquillity  remained  undisturbed. 
Normandy        §  26.     Louis,  established  in  the  Norman  capi- 

apparently 

thD~ngtaa  **^  M  muc^  ^8  home  as  Compiegne  or  Laon,  had 
bj  Louis.  now  attained  the  culminating  point  of  his  power; 
he  luxuriated  in  the  successes  he  had  gained. — 
Hitherto,  it  was  merely  the  prestige  of  royalty 
which  had  enabled  the  crowned  son  of  Charles- 
le-Simple  to  resist  the  uncrowned  son  of  King 
Robert;  but  the  territorial  acquisitions  which 
rewarded  his  exertions,  were  turning  the  balance 
of  power.  Could  Hugh-le-Grand's  Paris,  pent  up 
on  the  narrow  island  in  the  shallows  of  the  Seine, 
really  compete  with  the  commandingRouen,  strong 
in  her  ramparts,  and  watered  by  the  tidal  stream  ? 
The  scanty  remnant  of  territory  which  Louis 
had  hitherto  ruled,  scarcely  extending  beyond  the 
horizon  seen  from  the  tower  of  Laon,  now  ex- 
panded to  the  furthest  maritime  borders  of  the 
northern  Gauls  ? — Louis  might  boast  that  he  had 
healed  the  wound  which  the  Kingdom  had  re* 
ceived.  He  had  crushed  the  Pirates.  Had  he, 
instead  of  being  a  Conqueror,  governed  the 
Normans  and  ruled  over  Normandy,  by  the  un- 


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RICHARD    SANS    PEUft.  449 

qualified  right  of  ancestorial  inheritance,  the 
People  and  the  Country  could  not  have  been 
more  thoroughly  his  own. 

Their  dutiful  obedience  bordered  upon  ser- 
vility. "Not  a  Prince,  or  a  Baron,"  as  the 
Trouveur  tells,  "  who  did  not  bow  before  him, — . 
all  subjected  to  Charlemagne's  Heir."  None 
eould  contradict  the  King  of  France,  —  none 
oppose  him. — Nay,  they  dared  not  gainsay  even 
the  meanest  Frenchman  who  had  followed  the 
King. — The  omen  of  his  keeping  his  seat  on 
the  curvetting  steed  seemed  to  have  been  com- 
pletely fulfilled. 

§  27.     But  this  could  not  last.    His  luck  had  Collapse 
turned. — When  the  Master  is  about  to  lay  on  d'Outrem*^* 

prosperity. 

the  last  feather — then  ought  the  Horse  to  kick, 
but  not  till  then.  If  the  Horse  misses  the 
moment,  you  break  his  back,  and  he  is  done  for ; 
but  if  his  nostril  smells  your  approach,  then, 
dear  Good  Master,  look  to  his  ears,  and  lighten 
the  burthen,  or  you  are  flung. — The  "mass-, 
book,"  "  rowned  in  the  lug "  of  Jeannie  Geddes 
the  loose  limmer,  followed  by  the  stool  hurled 
at  the  Chaplain's  head,  capsized  the  Scottish 
Prelacy. — The  sight  of  the  Seven  English  Bishops 
boating  to  the  Tower  drove  out  the  Stuart 
Dynasty. 

Increasing  gloom  succeeded  to  the  factitious 
cordiality  which  prevailed  when  Louis  entered 
upon  the  government.     Possibly,  no  prominent 
vol.  ir.  o  G 


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450      LOUIS  d'outrbmer,  loth  a  ire,  &c. 

&42—Q64  act  of  oppression  could  be  quoted,  but  Louis 
never  pretended  to  sympathise  with  his  new 
subjects.  He  never  could  forget  the  shame  they 
made  him  sustain.  Drenched  with  ignominy 
by  the  Rebels,  he  was  possessed  with  the  Spirit 
of  hatred  against  the  People  over  whom  he 
had  won  the  sovereign  power. 
Absolute  As  Duke  of  Normandy,  that  power  was  un- 

Kukin     controlled.    The  law  of  Normandy  was  breast- 

Normandy. 

law.  To  this,  the  primary  element  of  autocrasy, 
he  added  the  rights  of  conquest,  and  Louis  dealt 
according  to  his  discretion  in  the  administration 
of  the  country,  altering  and  changing  as  pleased 
him  best.  The  easy  task  of  exercising  uncon- 
trolled self-will  required  no  adviser:  neverthe- 
less, it  was  an  urgent  necessity  that  he  should 
obtain  the  aid  of  some  trustworthy  Minister  for 
the  management  of  the  public  revenues  and  the 
Ducal  domains.  —  Count  Herlouin  must  have 
known  Rouen  thoroughly;  but  it  should  seem 
that  he  was  employed  in  military  service.  Ber- 
nard the  Dane  was  too  powerful  to  be  trusted  in 
the  royal  Cabinet.  Gerberga  could  in  every 
way  assist  her  husband,  but  he  had  left 
her  in  command  at  Laon :  besides  which, 
at  this  time,  it  would  have  been  attended  with 
great  personal  inconvenience,  and  perhaps  danger 
to  the  nation,  had  she  attempted  so  long  a 
journey.  Louis  therefore  made  a  choice,  which, 
at  first  view,  appears  dictated  by  prudence,  and 


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RICHARD    SANS    PBUR.  451 

justified  by  expediency.      He  selected  that  ex-  M2-«64 
perienced  Statesman,  with  whose  name  we  have  , — * — > 
become  very  familiar,  though  as  yet  we  havens 
not  heard  anything  concerning  his  idiosyncrasies :  S^*110 
and  Raoul  Torta,  albeit  the  antient  colleague  of  Seto.™1" 
Oslac  and  of  Bernard  the  Dane,  was  now  most 
willing  to  accept  office  under  the  Carlovingian 
Monarch,   who    appointed   this    new  favourite, 
Treasurer  and  Seneschal  of  Rouen. 

Hitherto,  however  frequently  the  name  of 
Raoul  has  appeared  in  our  history,  no  facts  or 
circumstances  are  recorded  concerning  him 
whereby  we  are  enabled  to  estimate  his  cha- 
racter: but,  when  enjoying  the  confidence  of 
Louis,  he  is  exhibited  to  us  as  a  stern,  able,  and 
merciless  financier,  whose  local  influence  sup- 
ported him  in  the  exercise  of  his  delegated 
power.  The  laws  and  customs  of  Normandy  Absence  of 
are  enveloped  in  dim  obscurity,  until  the  light  is  tian  con- 
reflected  upon   them  from  England.      Antece-  «u*y  laws 

and  cu»- 

dently  to  the  accession  of  William  the  Bastard,  *™*<*, 

y  a  Normandy. 

we  do  not  possess  any  information,  beyond  the 
smallest  crumbs  and  mites,  whether  concerning 
the  territorial  economy  of  the  Duchy  which 
sent  us  the  Conqueror,  or  the  privileges, 
rights,  duties,  or  burdens  of  the  various  classes 
of  society.  We  must  therefore  guide  ourselves 
mainly  by  the  indications  collected  from  subse- 
quent events.  These  lead  us  to  suppose,  that, 
at  the  period  when  Louis  occupied  Normandy, 

OG2 


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452      LOUIS  d'outrbmer,  loth  aire,  &c. 

M3—964  the  fisherman  could  cast  his  net,  and  the  rustic 
, — "— n  sportsman  spread  his  snare,  more  freely  than 
in  the  next  generation,  when  great  inroads 
were  made,  or  at  least  attempted,  upon  the  rights 
of  the  villainage.  Probably  also,  the  common 
enjoyment  of  the  extensive  unappropriated  lands 
was  not  jealously  restricted.  The  administration 
of  justice  was  rigid,  and  the  Sovereign's  pre- 
rogative uncontrolled ;  though  it  does  not  appear 
that  the  Peasantry,  if  guiltless  of  actual  trespass, 
Were  often  brought  into  contact  with  the  Ducal 
officers.  Our  knowledge  relating  to  the  material 
resources  of  the  country  is  equally  scanty,  yet 
the  general  tenor  of  history  implies  a  flourishing 
condition  amongst  the  agricultural  population,' — 
the  thankful  praises  bestowed  upon  the  national 
prosperity,  and  the  complaints  of  the  transient 
evils  by  which  that  prosperity  was  injuriously 
affected,  conjointly  leading  us  to  this  conclusion. 
Heavy  But  Raoul  Torta's  administration  was  marked 

p»edby  by  vexatious  novelties.  A  heavy  direct  tax 
Torta.  imposed  upon  the  land,  crippled  the  Lord  and 
the  Vassal ; — and  the  new  Minister  also  exacted 
various  corv£es  unknown  before.  Towards  Louis, 
Raoul  did  his  duty  faithfully.  The  Royal  coffers 
were  replenished,  and  the  military  expenditure 
which  Louis  was  now  able  to  encounter,  affords 
us  in  some  degree  the  means  of  estimating 
Raoul's  talents  for  raising  the  supplies.  His 
services  were  most  valuable  to  the  Sovereign  at 


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RICHARD    SANS   PEUR.  453 

the  same  time  that  he  became  the  object  of  04&-*64 
universal  detestation.  Though  the  father  of  a 
Bishop,  Raoul  was  singularly  disinclined  to- 
wards the  clergy,  conducting  himself  as  though 
churches,  and,  consequently,  churchmen,  were 
superfluities.  The  people  cried  out  shame, 
Raoul  was  worse  than  any  Saracen,  but  Raoul  Ecde«a«ti- 

'  cal  building* 

troubled  himself  not  by  any  popular  cry.     The  J^SJjjJy11 
fortifications  of  Rouen  were  dilapidated ;  Raoul  **■■ 
quarried   for   their   restoration    at    small    cost. 
Most  of  the  Monasteries  and  consecrated  edi- 
fices on  the  borders  of  the  Seine  had  been  in- 
jured or  ruined  during  the  Danish  incursions. 
Sound  or  damaged,   Raoul   swept  them  away, 
employing  the  materials  in  the   repairs.     The 
blow  fell  heavily   upon  Jumi£ges.      Guillaume  Jumi*ge»— 
Longue  -  epee's    meagre   kindness   to  Jumi^ges  tiauy  re- 
had    excited    more    liberal    contributors:  —  the 
claustral    buildings     had    been    extended    and 
the  Church  completed.      These  structures  were 
forthwith    demolished,    and    Raoul's    workmen 
who  had   reached   the   topmost  summits  were 
wielding  pickaxe  and  crowbar  when  the  "wise 
clerk  Clement "  opened  his  purse  and  redeemed 
the  two  noble  Towers  by  paying  their  value — 
and,  thanks  to  Clement's  liberality,  we  now  be- 
hold them,  together  with  some  fragments  of  the 
Basilica  as  rebuilt  by  Lanfranc,  standing  firm, 
though  pitifully  degraded  as  Hand-book  show- 
ruins,  adorning  a  trim  flower-garden. — Would 


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454      LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

94S-064  that  the  desecration  had  been  rendered  less 
nauseous  by  employing  the  relics  of  the  choir  as 
a  pig-stye, — for  that  would  be  reality,  thought 
we, — when  reading  the  poesies  and  ejaculations 
scrawled  upon  the  fool's  album,  the  walls. 

§  28.  Nations  will  draw  and  drag  heavy 
loads  with  marvellous  patience,  provided  they 
be  not  fretted  bv  the  harness.  The  fiscal  exac- 
tions  of  the  intrusive  government  were  very 
grievous,  yet  insignificant  when  compared  to 
the  constant  irritation  arising  from  the  shameless 
impudence  of  the  French  roisterers  who  swarmed 

Discontent  in  the  City.      The  vilest  French  varlet  domi- 

occaaioned  y 

amonmt  nee  red  over  the  Norman.  A  foreign  usurpation, 
the^7-  Sa^n£  even  un(*er  ^e  most  mitigated  form, 
French  Id! was  exacerbated  to  the  highest  degree  by  the 
<iiery.  rapacity  and  insolence  of  the  victorious  party. 
The  worst  passions  of  human  nature,  excited 
by  the  subjugation  of  an  enemy  equally  detested 
and  despised,  had  been  left  ungratified.  Nor- 
mandy in  general,  and  Rouen  in  particular, 
abounded  with  every  object  which  we  are 
tempted  to  covet  from  our  neighbour.  Accord- 
ing to  the  usages  of  war,  most  or  all  these 
stimulants  of  sinful  appetite  might  have  been 
appropriated  by  the  French  as  their  legitimate 
prize-booty.  They  therefore  felt  universally  pro- 
voked by  the  persuasion,  that  they  sustained 
gross  injustice,  so  long  as  they  were  kept  out 
of  anything  which  the  Normans  enjoyed— their 


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RICHARD    SANS    PBUR.  455 

lands  and  their  houses,  their  cattle  and  kine,  ett-e&t 
their  daughters  and  wives. 

To  the  French  army,  the  subjugation  of 
Normandy  had  hitherto  proved  an  unsatisfactory 
and  tantalizing  triumph :  they  had  not  even 
reaped  the  baleful  harvest  of  pillage  and  plunder. 
The  successes  crowning  their  Sovereign's  enter- 
prise, were  wholly  profitless  to  those  through 
whose  exertions  he  had  obtained  them, —  and  The 

soldiery 

they  assailed  him  loudly  with  mutinous  com- complain 

J  J  that  the 

plaints  that  he  had  treated  them  most  scurvily.  KiD*>*» 

*  #  J    not  given 

Nothing  except  their  meat  and  drink  had  they  Jjj^1* 
got  from   the    King,    and   they   insisted   upon*""1 
their  due  reward. 

We  may  easily  reproduce  the  arguments  by 
which  the  growling  soldiery  convinced  them- 
selves that  the  claims  they  preferred  were 
grounded  upon  policy — nay,  upon  justice.  Nor- 
mandy, according  to  their  construction,  had  been 
re-transferred  to  the  French  by  conquest:  the 
ancestors  of  the  Normans  had  rendered  the 
Neustrian  lands  their  own  by  the  sword;  and 
the  descendants  of  the  conquerors  lost  their 
lands  because  their  swords  had  failed  to  defend 
the  usurpation.  On  the  recent  approach  of  the 
invading  army  the  Normans  had  made  an  un- 
conditional surrender.  In  the  same  manner, 
therefore,  as  the  Arch-pirate  Rollo  had  divided 
the  lands  of  the  evicted  Franks  amongst  his 
Pirate  gang,  so  was  it  the  duty  of  Louis,  by  a 


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456      louis  d'outreMbr,  loth  a  ire,  &c. 

94&-064  like  partition,  to  reward  his  faithful  lieges  out  of 
the  robbers'  spoil.  The  Danes  had  no  legal  title. 
— They  and  their  descendants,  from  generation 
to  generation,  were  aliens, — and  Louis,  confirming 
his  dominion  by  ejecting  his  natural  enemies, 
would,  at  the  same  time,  effect  a  righteous  retri- 
bution. 
j^^.  Louis  could  not  condemn  such  reasonings  of 
fatetLre"  his  followers,  even  had  he  sought  to  do  so.  On 
hSfory.  his  lips  and  in  his  heart,  his  and  their  views  were 
identical.  Entertaining  the  same  opinions,  he 
had  declared  them.  Who  cotild  forget  the 
enthusiasm  of  vengeance  which  had  animated 
him  during  the  debauch,  when  he  rattled  the 
chains  he  destined  for  the  Normans,  and  swung 
the  scorpions  with  which  he  would  scourge 
them?  No  good  whatever  would  have  been 
gained  if  the  Normans,  seeking  a  remission 
of  the  hard  sentence  passed  upon  them,  had 
appealed  from  Louis  drunk  to  Louis  sober. 
Bacchus  had  done  his  duty.  The  wine  had 
brought  out  the  truth.  Louis  had  opened  his 
mind  with  cruel  sincerity.  His  indignation  was 
not  feigned,  nor  his  desire  of  avenging  his  dis* 
grace  either.  He  had  manifested  that  dire  intent 
which  he  would  effectuate  as  far  as  practicable, 
and  whenever  he  could  dare. 

It  would  not  have  been  prudent,  nor  indeed 
was  it  needful,  that  Louis  should  give  any  direct 
sanction  to  the  scheme  of  appropriation.     The 


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BICHARD    SANS    FBtfB.  457 

French  proceeded  upon  the  general  understand- 
ing which  prevails,  when,  in  the  merciless  conflict 
waged  between  Race  and  Race,  the  stronger  ex- 
trudes the  weaker  beyond  the  pale  of  "  civiliza- 
tion/9— In  its  present  sense,  that  fatal  word  dates 
only  from  yesterday,  but  the  doctrine  which  it 
now  connotes,  is  the  running  commentary  of 
history.  Had  not  Charlemagne  acted  upon  this 
principle  gloriously  when  rooting  out  Sclavonian 
or  Saxon ;  or  Cromwell  exterminating  the 
Milesian  ?  Kelt  or  Caffre,  Colonist  or  Crusader, 
it  is  just  the  same. 

§  29.     It  was  reckoned  in  round  numbers  Bernard 
that  a  thousand  French  knights  might  be  compe-  the** 
tently  enfeoffed  out  of  the  Norman  possessions.  ^Jg*" 
The  French  therefore  commenced  a  survey  of  *"«• 
the  country,  riding  the  boundaries,  inspecting 
the  towns  and  vills,  picking  and  choosing,  and 
otherwise  arranging  the  division  of  the  Norman 
lands.     Assuredly,  there  was  no  one  Norman 
whose  domains  were  eyed  more  earnestly  than 
old  Bernard's.     The  seizure  of  his  estates  would 
be  the  beginning  of  the  end.     Bernard  over- 
thrown,   all    Normandy  would    be    paralyzed. 
Bernard  treated  like  a  traitor,  whether  in  posse 
or  in  esse,  what  Norman  could  dare  to  resist? 
Employing    therefore    the    vile    expression    so 
familiar    during    the    Elizabethan    era    in    the 
purlieus  of  corrupted  Whitehall,  it  was  quite 
according  to  the  proper  order  of  things  that 


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458      LOUIS  d'outrbmkr,  lothaire,  &c. 

94a-9M  Bernard  should  be  the  first  whom  some  greedy 
r— *—j  French  Courtier-knight  "  begged  "  of  the  King. 
Promises  and  concessions  of  the  like  nature, 
or  hopes  of  obtaining  them,  now  became  rife ;  and 
the  unease  thereby  occasioned  was  exceedingly 
enhanced,  when  general  belief  superadded  the 
intelligence  that  the  King  had  not  only  decreed 
to  enrich  the  dominant  race  with  the  Norman 
wealth,  but  that  he  would  abandon  the  Norman 
women  to  the  conquerors. 
Rmiott  Extravagant  as  such  an  anticipation  may  ap- 

^Jdto  Pear»  **  wou^  be  difficult  to  deny  but  that  there 
th^Sc^1  may  have  been  some  authority  for  the  rumour, 
IHUU^  some  living  germ,  however  minute,  from  which 
n^L?16  ^  spread  so  widely.  Evil  reports  propagate 
themselves,  like  the  blight-fungus,  in  geometrical 
progression ;  a  single  microscopic  globule  multi- 
plying by  division,  until  it  poisons  every  root, 
and  every  stem,  and  every  leaf  in  the  field. 
The  brilliant  profligacy  which  we  admire  as 
characterizing  the  "  Age  of  Chivalry "  had  not 
begun  to  dawn;  yet  it  cannot  be  considered 
as  a  calumny  on  the  French  national  spirit, 
nor  otherwise  than  a  due  tribute  to  the  Norman 
fair  ones,  if  we  suppose  that  their  charms  had 
won  them  wooers, — aye,  and  successful  wooers, 
— from  amongst  the  flourishing  garrison.  We 
can  readily  imagine  how  the  King's  gallant 
knights  discreetly  exulted  or  merrily  complained 
that  they  had  been  the  tempted  as  well  as  the 


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RICHARD    SANS   PBUR.  459 

tempters.     Nor  can  we  reject  an  equally  pro-  wa-sw 
bable  but  more  grievous  supposition,  that  cases 
occurred  in  which  the  military  licence  of  senti- 
ment,  as   well  as  the   rough    courting   of  the 
French,  degenerated  into  brutal  violence. 

The  wretched  annals  of  the  "Holy  wars" 
fully  warrant  this  last  supposition.  Such  acts 
may  not  have  been  directly  authorized  by  Louis ; 
but,  if  the  ungracious  Ruler,  in  whom  all  judicial 
power  was  concentrated,  withheld  redress,  the 
outrages  would  have  been  legalized  by  im- 
punity. 

Lastly,  it  would  have  been  consonant  to  the 
Law  of  Conquest,  had  many  of  the  fair  Daughters 
of  the  Norman  nobles  been  enjoined  to  espouse 
the  King's  military  followers;  nay,  many  a 
Widow,  smiling  or  tearful,  well  inherited  or 
amply  endowed,  could  scarcely  forfeit  the  privi- 
lege or  escape  the  danger  of  being  embraced  in 
the  same  category.  The  vague  and  general  sus- 
picion of  the  possibility  that  the  victors  should 
thus  enforce  their  right,  would  have  been  suf- 
ficient to  suggest  a  conspiracy  against  the  wanton 
oppressors:  but  these  distressing  anticipations 
acquired  a  peculiar  sting  from  their  specific  ap- 
plication to  the  most  eminent  individual  amongst 
the  Norman  community.  Greyheaded  Bernard's  Bernard's 
young  and  beautiful  wife  was  conspicuously  rakrV" 
attractive;  and  it  was  universally  believed  that  out 
she  would  become  the    enforced   paramour  of 

I 


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460      LOUIS  d'outrembr,  lothaire,  &c. 

the  impudent  knight  to  whom  Bernard's  do* 
mains  had  been  graciously  granted. 

The  veritable  existence  of  such  an  outrageous 
concession  is  scarcely  possible ;  -but  that  Bernard's 
Lady  should  become  the  subject  of  much  inde- 
corous talk,  is  a  circumstance  of  which  the  high 
probability  may  be  readily  admitted;  and  if 
French  flesh  and  blood  actually  resisted  the 
temptation  of  desiring  to  appropriate  the  cele- 
brated beauty,  we  may  easily  understand  the  bad 
jokes  which  circulated  concerning  her,  as  thrown 
away  upon  the  Greybeard. — "  Win  her  and  wear 
her"  may  have  been  the  King's  ready  reply, 
when,  perchance,  the  successful  petitioner  for 
Bernard's  estates  facetiously  inquired  whether 
she  should  pass  amongst  the  appurtenances  of 
the  lands. 

These  imminent  apprehensions  of  spoliation 
and  dishonour,  excited  universal  dismay  and 
terror.  Bernard's  wife, — as  we  are  told, — wrung 
her  hands  and  tore  her  hair;  she  would  flee 
beyond  the  seas,  or  find  protection  in  a  Monas- 
tery. Under  the  same  influences,  we  have 
reason  to  suppose,  from  the  age  which  Espriota's 
wise  and  valiant  son  had  attained  when  he  first 
appears  in  history,  that  Guillaume  Longue-£p£e's 
Relict,  more  collected  and  provident,  adopted  the 
course  of  seeking  her  second  protector — steady 
Sperling,  the  rich  miller. 

A  general  insurrection  would  have  immedi- 


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RICHARD    SANS    PBUR.  461 

ately  ensued   had   not  the    fermentation  been 
checked    by    old    Bernard.  — "  Le    ban    temps 
triendra." — The  good  time  for  casting  off  the  t^^^T 
yoke  was  no  longer  coming.     The  good  time  j^to*" 
had  come.     As  is  usually  the  case,  not  exactly  2w  French. 
such  a  good  time  as  the  expectants  could  have 
wished,  yet  sufficiently   opportune  for  accom- 
plishing the  work  of  liberation,   provided  the 
resources  possessed  by  the  Normans  could  be 
brought  to   bear  effectually  upon  the    enemy. 
Bernard's   influence    tranquillized   the    Nobles, 
and  they  curbed  the  impatience  of  the  villainage, 
preventing  any  premature  explosion. 

§  30.     The  key  of  Bernard's  operations,  mili-  Bernard 
tary  and  political,  was  Harold  Blaatand's  camp,  organizes 

*~«  11  hi*  plane 

wherever  that  Camp  might  be;  and  a  plot  wasfortrinp- 

ing  Louis  in 

now  organized  by  the  confederate  accomplices co^^ 
for  the  purpose  of  entangling  the  King  in  a0"* 
direct  conflict  with  the  Danes.  In  these  machi- 
nations, Bernard  the  Dane,  and  the  Normans 
generally, — Bernard  de  Senlis,  and  the  Verman- 
dois  interest, — Thibaut  le  Tricheur  and  Liut- 
garda,  —  and  Hugh  -  le  -  Grand,  all  concurred. 
Hugh-le-Grand  entered  heartily  into  the  Nor- 
man cause,  convinced  that  it  would  be  best  for 
him  to  renounce  all  pretensions  to  Normandy 
beyond  the  Seine,  and  to  win  the  cordial  alliance 
of  the  Normans,  by  supporting  the  House  of 
Rollo.  The  Normans  might  have  contented 
themselves  with  the  complete  extrusion  of  the 


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462        LOUIS    D'OUTREMRR,    LOTH  AIRE,    &C. 

043-064  French,  accompanied  by  a  solemn  renunciation 
of  all  the  onerous  rights  in  and  over  Normandy 
which  Louis  had  usurped  or  claimed ;  but  Hugh- 
le-Grand  was  peculiarly  anxious  to  make  a  cap- 
ture of  the  King's  person.  He  was  labouring  for 
the  attainment  of  a  great  object  which  he  could 
not  otherwise  expect  to  accomplish,  and  the  lan- 
guage he  employed  when  the  design  was  brought 
to  a  satisfactory  conclusion,  was  such,  as  to  shew 
that  he  felt  himself  under  obligations  to  the 
Normans  for  the  help  they  gave.  And  in  truth 
he  deserved  it. 

Sullen  tranquillity  prevailed.  Louis  how- 
ever, well  convinced  that, — like  Thurmod  the 
type  of  the  nation,  —  the  crouching  Norman 
would  make  a  spring  upon  him,  should  he 
ever  be  found  off  his  guard,  continued  stationed 
at  Rouen  watching  the  state  of  affairs  so  jealously, 
that  when  Gerberga  for  the  tenth  or  twelfth 
time  was  again  en  gSsine  at  Laon,  he,  pay- 
ing a  hasty  visit  to  the  bedside,  returned  to 
Rouen  as  soon  as  the  poor  feeble  baby  "Car- 
loraan"  had  been  christened.  Notwithstand- 
ing the  briefness  of  the  span  of  life  allotted  to 
the  infant  Prince,  he  was  destined  to  be  com- 
memorated in  an  important  passage  of  his 
father's  history. 

Inasmuch  as  the  success  of  the  whole  scheme 
depended  upon  the  coup  de  main  to  be  accom- 
plished by  Harold  Blaatand,  it  was  needful,  that 


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RICHARD    SANS    PBUR.  463 

whilst  preparing  for  the  invasion  of  Normandy,  Ma-aw 
Louis  should  be  furnished  with  occupation  else-  , — * — » 

Old    015 

where,  so  that  he  might  be  compelled  to  divide  his 
forces,  and  withdraw  from  the  Norman  Capital. — 
Hugh-le-Grand  threw  off  all  reserve.  Joined  by 
Bernard  de  Senlis,  the  assailants  suddenly  burst 
into  the  ever-harassed  Diocese  of  Rheims.  Mon- 
tigny,  that  recent  reacquisition  so  much  prized 
by  Louis,  was  insufficiently  guarded ;  Compiegne,  compiepie 
tempting  and  pleasant,  wholly  undefended; — <kred. 
and  these  were  the  points  against  which  the 
Confederates  first  directed  their  annoying  hos- 
tilities.— The  better  day,  the  better  deed. — On  « April, 

J1  m  946. 

Easter   Sunday,   Montigny   was    occupied    &nd*£j^£d 
burnt.     They  then  dashed  at  Compiegne,  break-  ^Tb^ 
ing  open  the  Treasure -chamber  and  clearing Montigny- 
out  the  regalia.     In  a  literal  sense  therefore, 
Louis    was   now   sceptreless   and    crownless. — 
Severe  was  the  loss,  yet  even  more  mortifying 
another  insult  which  he  experienced  immediately 
afterwards.     When  Bernard  enjoyed  himself  at 
Compiegne,  he  fancied  the  King's  hounds,  and 
the  King's  horses,  and  the  King's  sporting  gear. 
So  Compiegne  had  to  mourn  another  raid,  for 
Bernard  emptied  the  King's  mews,  the  King's 
kennels,  and  the  King's  stables. 

This  was  insufferable. — Louis  could  not  pos-  Loom  qmt» 

*  Rouen,  ana 


sibly   sit   quiet   at   Rouen;    and  having,   as  it™^*f 

,  theconf 
dor***. 


against 

appears,  dismantled  certain  portions  of  the  forti-  fc^ 


fications   which   would   assist  the   Normans  in 


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464      LOUIS  d'outrbmkr,  lothaire,  &c. 

M&-«64  making  fight  if  they  ventured  to  become  re- 
bellious during  his  absence,  he  collected  his 
forces  and  entered  the  Vermandois,  which  he 
ravaged  cruelly.  Archbishop  Hugh,  whom, — 
through  our  long  acquaintance  with  him  since 
his  boyhood, — we  shall  hardly  be  able  to  help 
calling  the  "  Parvulus "  to  the  end  of  his  days, 
Was  in  possession  of  Rheims,  Artaldus  being 
expelled  from  See  and  City.  Louis  again  took 
up  the  old  quarrel,  and  having  summoned  Count 
Arnoui  and  Herlouin,  he  laid  siege  to  Rheims,  pil- 
laging Champagne,  which,  though  Saint  Remy's 
Patrimony,  was  not  indulged  with  any  immunity. 
Harold  §  31.     Whilst  Louis,  thus  enticed  away,  was 

begins  the  compelled  to  waste  his  strength  in  an  un~ 
uveranoe.  profitable  expedition,  Harold  Blaatand  began  the 
taawre-    war  of  deliverance. —  Had  Guillaume  Longue* 

suiting  to  v 

him  from    £p£e  granted  the  bold  and  massy  peninsula  of 
^™^e  Cornouaille  to  Blaatand  with  the  express  intent 
that  the  Danish  settlement  should  command  all 
Normandy,  he  could  not  have  selected  a  posi- 
Haroid      tion  better  calculated  to  answer  that  object.    The 
head-        tradition  assigning  the  foundation  of  "  Cssaris 
2foer-    a  Burgus "  to  the  Roman  Hero  may  be  doubtful, 
but  though  the  opinion  that  he  there  prepared 
for  the  conquest  of  Britain  cannot  be  accepted 
as  an  historical  fact,  it  evidences  the  popular 
appreciation  of  the  importance   possessed  by  a 
position,  giving  the  mastery   over  all  the  ad- 
joining coasts,  whether  by  land  or  sea. 


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RICHARD    SANS    PRUR.  465 

At  Cherbourg,   therefore,   Harold  fixed  his  042—954 
head-quarters,  whilst  a  squadron  of  the  Danish  , — * — > 

^  ^  044-046 

fleet  assembled  at  Barfleur,  which,  during  the  The  ee- 
mediaeval   period,   was    one    of   the    most    fre-tEcDive 

entered  by 

quented  ports  of  Normandy.     The  vessels  then*  Danish 

*  *  J  squadron. 

sailed  round  to  the  estuary  of  the  Dive,  the 
stream  which  divides  the  Lieuvin  from  the 
Bessin,  the  latter  being  the  district  immediately 
adjoining  the  Baillage  of  Caen. 

The  whole  of  this  coast  has  sustained  great 
alterations.  To  the  west  of  the  Dive,  pirogues 
and  semi-fossilized  human  bones  have  been  ex- 
cavated at  a  depth  of  more  than  twenty  feet; 
and,  above  them,  the  ploughshare  discloses  the 
memorials  of  comparatively  recent  generations, 
coins  of  the  Antonines,  and  other  relics,  dating 
from    the    Empire.      It    has    been    calculated  ?«»* ■*- 

*  terations 

that  the  alluvial  soil  deposited  by  the  agency 
of  the  adjoining  rivers,  raises  the  surface  of 
the  coarse  meadows  under  which  these  objects 
have  been  discovered,  at  the  rate  of  about 
half  a  foot  in  each  hundred  years.  The  river 
Dive,  now  sluggish  and  narrow,  and  flowing  to 
the  east  of  the  salt-marshes  of  Corbon, — the 
latter  almost  desiccated  at  present, —  then  fell 
into  the  open  sea  at  Bavent,  near  Troarn,  above 
Warville.  It  was  up  to  Bavent  that  the  Danish 
vessels  sailed.  The  shore  has  advanced  more 
than  ten  English  miles  beyond  the  points  which 
marked  the  mouth  of  the  river,  so  late  as  the 
vol.  11.  h  u 


on  the 
coast. 


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466      LOUIS  d'outrembr,  lothaire,  &c. 

942—0M  twelfth  century.     These  local  details,  not  unim- 

, — * — >  portant  to   the   geologist,   acquire   considerable 

historical  value  as  evidencing  the  accuracy  of  the 

narrative  whence  they  are  collected  or  deduced. 

Portion  of        At  Corbon,  on  the  left  qt  western  bank  of 

the  Danish 

""ygaar  the  Dive,  in  a  situation  protected  by  the  salt- 


the  salt- 
marshes 
Corbon. 


marshes  of  inga,  but  nigh  to  a  convenient  ford,  the  Danish 


Standard  was  raised.      Bayeux  had  already  re- 
ceived Harold  as  a  Commander,  perhaps  as  a 
Sovereign.      His  advent  had  been  hailed  as  a 
general  jubilee. — No  need  to  kindle  the  beacons 
General     or    send    round    the    summons.      From    every 
theinha-    district  and  region  beyond  the  Seine  the  Nor- 
No^mtir   mans   cro^d^  in. — High  and  low,  gentle  and 
j^nrt  the  simple,   peasant  and  burgess,    rich    and   poor, 
J^aST  C^er^  an(*  cl°wn- — Most  profusely  were  provi- 
■nojor     8i°n9  supplied  for  the  welcome  deliverers :  bread 
Harold*     and  flesh  meat,  fish,  salt  and  fresh,  brought  and 
carried  by  skiff  and  boat,  pack-horse  and  wain. 

How  accurate  were  the  statements  made  by 
Bernard  when  worrying  the  perplexed  Louis 
by  descanting  upon  the  advantages  he  had 
so  imprudently  cast  away!  From  the  whole 
of  these  territories  did  the  inhabitancy  rise 
and  rally,  from  Mortaigne  and  the  Passeis,  from 
the  Avranchin,  and  the  wide  forest-land  of 
Cinglais,  the  cradle  of  so  many  noble  families : 
but,  excelling  all  the  rest,  the  men  of  the  Cotentin 
and  the  Bessin,  arrayed  in  the  brightest  armour, 
girt  with  the  sharpest  steel.     In  after  times  the 


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RICHARD    SANS   PEUR.  467 

Normans  boasted  that  amongst  the  ancestors  of  Mfr-ew 
their  Baronage,  you  would  not  have  found  three, 
who  failed  to  aid  the  Danish  Harold.  Indeed 
the  conflict  was  national.  They  were  combating 
for  their  despoiled  Monarch,  their  lands,  their 
liberties,  their  honour.  Thronging  round  Harold, 
they  besought  him  to  rescue  them  from  de- 
grading servitude.  Their  enthusiasm  became 
contagious.  Danes  and  Normans  exulted  in 
the  expectation,  not  merely  of  regaining  Nor- 
mandy, but  subjugating  the  adverse  Realm. 

§  32.  Thoroughly  master  of  himself,  deep  Bernard 
in  dissimulation,  Bernard  the  Dane,  during  the  works  upon 
whole  of  these  transactions  had  not  manifested 
any  discontent  or  anger.  A  good  subject  to 
Louis  had  he  been,  and  a  good  subject  would  he 
be,  to  the  very  last.  He  acted  as  though  he  were 
the  only  man  in  Normandy  ignorant  of  the 
ignominy  preparing  for  him.  Feigning  great 
alarm  at  Harold's  approach  whilst  chuckling  with 
joy,  Bernard  despatched  messengers  to  Louis, 
earnestly  exhorting  him  forthwith  to  furnish 
succour,  or  else  Normandy  would  be  lost. 

Common  fame  had  prevented  the  message. 
All  France  was  shaken.  The  greatest  panic  was 
excited  by  the  invasion  of  the  Pagan  army,  re- 
ported to  exceed  twenty'  thousand  men ;  but  the 
sudden  burst  of  patriotism  which  contributed  so 
potently  to  the  success  of  the  Battle  of  the 
Rescue,    far   from    subsiding,    had  become    an 

H  H  2 


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468      LOUIS  d'outrbmeb,  lothairk,  &c. 

94S--064  active  sentiment.  The  French  accepted  the 
Danish  challenge,  and  were  enthusiastically 
seeking  to  engage  in  the  war.  Louis,  the  con- 
queror of  Sithric  and  Thonnod,  again  glowed  with 
desire  to  wield  his  sword  against  the  barbarian 
enemy.  He  exulted  in  the  assured  expectation 
of  winning  another  triumph.  He  marvelled  at 
their  ignorant  insolence.  Better  would  it  have 
been  for  Harold  to  have  attempted  to  sue  for 
terms  when  skulking  behind  the  swamps  of  Hun- 
gary, than  thus  to  beard  the  son  of  Charlemagne 
in  his  own  land.  No  pardon  for  the  Pirate 
should  he  be  caught:  rope  and  gallows  would 
be  ready  for  him,  his  fitting  reward. 

The  French  fully  participated  in  their  Sove- 
reign's ardour.    Never  had  the  summons  for  the 
arr%kre-ban  been  more  cheerfully   obeyed.     In 
the  lost  Latin  chronicle  which  the  Trouveur  care- 
fully quotes,  ten  thousand  knights  were  recorded 
as  having  been  assembled.     Count  Herlouin  and 
his  brother  Count  Lambert  were  the  chief  com- 
manding officers  under  the  King.     And  if  we 
assume  the  number  of  nobles  whom  the  catas- 
trophe left  stiff  and   cold  upon  the    field,   as 
Pfcrofoi    affording   reasonable   data   for   calculating   the 
2™JkiV  amount  who,   bright    and    hearty,   joined    the 
Loui8,       army,  it  should  seem  that  the  whole  earldom 
of  France  obeyed  their  Sovereign's  call. 

§  33.     Louis  went  forth  to  the  battle  as  to 
a  festival.      The   campaign   opened   when   the 


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RICHARD    SANS    PBUR.  469 

weather  was    of  the    finest.      He  marched  to  942-954 
Rouen,   but   he   made   no   stay,   and.   without  , — * — , 

944—946 

entering  the  City,  he  advanced  rapidly  against  lgKSm  ^ 
the  enemy,   taking    his    position    opposite  theg^1"** 
Corbon  marshes. 

So  formidable  was  the  front  presented  by  Look 
the  French,  that,  if  the  Normans  began  to  doubt  win* 
whether  they  might  not  perish  through   their 
own  device,  their  transient  timidity  would  have 
been  excusable.      Fair  play  and  an  open  field, 
granted  to  the  French,  might  be  Harold's  ruin, 
and  there  are  circumstances  slightly  indicative  of 
a  desire,  on  his  part,  for  a  pause.     Neither  was 
Louis  quite  so  bold  as  he  seemed.    And,  whether 
seeking  to   make  a  shew  of  magnanimity,  or 
perhaps  weighing  the  consequences  which  might 
attend  a  conflict  with  the  combined  forces  as- 
sembled under  Harold,  he  would  not  have  been 
quite  unwilling  to  retard  actual  hostilities.     The 
simple  diplomacy  of  the  Middle  Ages  does  not 
offer  the  refinements,  which,  in  modern  times, 
characterize  that  great  science  of  equivocation 
and  tergiversation.     But  their  negotiations  were 
conducted  on  the  same  principles ;  and  we  may 
harmonize   the  somewhat  inconsistent  and  not 
always    probable    narratives,   by   adopting    the 
conviction  that  either  party  was  trying  to  over- 
reach the  other.     So  far  however  as  the  affairs 
of  Normandy  were  concerned,   it  is  sufficient 
for  us    to    ascertain    that  the    plot    concocted 


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470      LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

042--0M  between  Harold  and  Hugh-le-Grand  and  the 
Normans  had  been  most  considerately  planned 
and  fully  answered  its  end,  the  desired  result 
being  obtained,  though  not  by  the  exact  pro- 
cess which  the  Parties  had  proposed. 

We  will  not  therefore  examine  whether  the 
proposition  for  a  conference  originated  with 
Louis  or  with  Harold.  When  accepted,  each 
Sovereign  maintained  his  station,  and  it  was 
therefore  agreed  that  the  discussions  should, 
according  to  the  ancient  and  almost  invariable 
custom,  be  conducted  upon  the  borders  of  the 

The  Pwnch  stream.      The   French    encampment  might  be 

encamp- 

ment  on  seen  spreading  and  stretching  along  the  eastern 
bank  of  the  Dive.  In  their  rear,  was  that  fine 
and  fertile  mixture  of  hill  and  plain  extending 
to  the  pleasant  vicinity  wherein  the  abbey  of 
Valricher  was  subsequently  founded  by  the  de- 
votion of  Archbishop  Harcourt,  old  Bernard's 
descendant.  Magnificent  was  the  spectacle  ex- 
hibited, the  tents  and  pavilions,  their  stuff  fresh 
from  the  loom,  unfrayed  by  use,  undimmed  by 
rain,  their  bright  colours  unfaded  by  the  rays 
of  the  Sun  in  whose  light  they  were  for  the  first 
time  shining.  Amidst  these  thousand  tents, 
snow-white  and  azure  and  scarlet,  the  golden 
pavilion  of  Louis,  emulating  Oriental  splendour, 
arose  conspicuous,  surmounted  by  the  radiant 
eagle,  the  heir-loom  of  Charlemagne's  Empire. 
An  hundred  heavy  bezaunts  counted  out  on  the 


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RICHARD    SANS    PEUR.  471 

table  would  not  have  equalled  the  worth  of  that 
precious  ensign.  Never  had  there  been  seen  a 
more  unsparing  display  of  noble  armour,  spirited 
horses,  and  a  more  brilliant  and  imposing  army. 

The  gorgeousness  of  the  Court  was  conjoined 
to  martial  dignity.  The  Camp  was  furnished 
with  all  the  appliances  of  luxury.  Rich  tapestry ; 
silken  hangings  and  chests  filled  with  robes  of 
estate;  salvers  and  beakers,  and  drinking-horns 
mounted  in  gold  and  silver.  The  banquets 
were  continued,  as  usual,  until  late  in  the  night ; 
and  the  French  were  exalted  to  the  highest 
state  of  ominous  enthusiasm  by  this  last  and 
fatal  flash  of  the  expiring  Carlovingian  glories. 

Very  different  was  the  sober  aspect  of  their 
opponents  assembled  on  the  opposite  bank, 
around  or  nigh  the  salt-marshes  of  Corbon. 
No  movements  had  taken  place  on  the  part  of 
Harold.  There  were  the  mixed  hosts  of  Pagan 
Danes  and  Norman  Danes,  and  all  the  levies 
of  the  "  Oultre-Seine."  Their  tranquillity  might 
inspire  greater  dread  than  any  cry  of  war. 

The  French  exulted  loudly,  yet  it  may  be    isjuiy, 
doubted  if  their  hopes  were  really  so  sanguine  conference 


as  the  anticipations  entertained  by  the  gravely  the  Danes 

,  and  the 

taciturn   Danes.      Our  trusty  Trouveur  terms  French  <m 

J  the  banks 

the  conference  a  "Parliament;"  and  the  Danes  tf  the  Dive. 
fully  expected  that  this  same  Parliament,  com- 
mencing with  a  debate,  would  terminate  in  a 
battle.     Assuredly,  the  flowing  river  severed  the 


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472      LOUIS  d'outrembr,  lothaire,  &c. 

94S-064  antagonistic  Hosts,  and  it  had  been  agreed  that 
each  Monarch  should  abide  on  his  own  border; 
but  we  may  be  certain  that  the  Danes  who 
courted  the  conflict  and  knew  the  country  well, 
had  fully  ascertained  the  points  and  positions 
where  they  might  most  easily  cross  over. 

The  transactions  between  the  Powers  were 
opened  by  the  intervention  of  their  respective 
representatives.  Messages  were  transmitted  and 
answers  returned,  but  conveyed  in  language  so 
intemperate,  that  the  proceedings  can  hardly  be 
termed  negotiations.  The  Monarchs  mutually 
exchanged  volleys  of  vituperation.  Harold  up- 
braided Louis  with  all  his  treacheries;  neither 
faith  nor  covenant  had  Louis  kept,  never  had~ 
any  King  dared  to  commit  so  foul  a  wrong  or 
perpetrate  such  an  outrage  as  Louis,  against 
his  sworn  and  faithful  liegeman,  the  murdered 
Guillaume  Longue-epee.  The  proud  French 
Monarch  retorted  by  angry  threats:  Harold, 
even  if  he  escaped  from  Normandy,  would  have 
reason  to  repent  him  of  his  audacity.  However, 
after  these  silly  scold i tigs  it  was  agreed  that 
the  conference  shQuld  be  adjourned  unto  the 
following  day,  the  Kings  again  to  meet  on  the 
eastern  side  of  the  Dive;  Harold  apparently 
repairing  to  Louis  as  his  superior. 

Wjmtof  So  confident,  or  rather  foolhardy,  were  the 

military 

preoption  French,  that  Louis,  a  General,  renowned,  and 

on  the  rade 

rfJJ^     justly,  for  vigilance  and  strategic  skill,  though 


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RICHARD    SANS   PBUR.  473 

in  the  very  presence  of  a  wily  and  audacious  94a— om 
enemy,  bad  not  thought  of  adopting  any  of  the  <—*—> 
ordinary  precautions  which  ought  to  be  almost 
intuitive  in  a  soldier:  he  had  completely  ne- 
glected the  examination  of  the  country.  The 
French  heeded  not  the  vicinity  of  the  rueful 
ford.  No  outposts  were  stationed,  no  scouts  sent 
out,  no  sentinels  set  to  make  the  rounds ;  but,  as 
soon  as  the  eve  came  on,  the  tables  were  spread, 
and  the  French  prepared  by  their  usual  jollities 
for  whatever  the  morrow — the  feast  of  Saint 
Eugenius — might  bring  forth,  whether  for  good, 
whether  for  evil.  Such  was  not  the  bearing  of 
their  keen   enemies.      With    them,   "  boot  and  vigilance  ot 

the  Danes. 

saddle"  had  sounded  ere  the  faint  twilight  had 
begun  to  peer  in  the  verge  of  the  clear  and 
placid  horizon.  At  the  hour  of  tierce,  whilst 
Louis  and  his  merry  men  were  still  deadened  by 
the  potency  of  their  wine,  Harold  and  his  forces 
had  long  since  crossed  the  Dive. — Old  Bernard 
also,  awaiting  the  deliverers  of  the  Land,  had  he 
not  been  watching  to  greet  the  bright  dawning 
of  the  glorious  summer-day  ? 

Firmly   and   briskly  were    the    Danes    ad-    13  July, 
vancing,  battalion  following  battalion.    No  check  The  Danes 

CT088  the 

offered,  no  obstacle  opposed,  no  challenge  given,  wve. 
no  alarm  sounded.    The  dank  margins,  the  rushy 
plashes  and  the  dewy  meadows,  were  silent  before 
them.     And  Bernard's  heart  beat  high  with  joy, 
when  in  the  distance  he  first  saw  the  armour  of 


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474      LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

942—954.  the  Cotentin  Vanguard,  glistening  and  flashing 
with  the  marching  men's  tread,  as  they  met  the 
horizontal  rays  of  the  rising  sun.     The  heedless 

ofthf™*  French,  overpowered  by  debauch — for  otherwise 
such  a  sottish  sluggishness  is  inexplicable — were 
totally  unprepared.  Not  a  soul  was  stirring. 
Louis  was  droning  in  his  bed,  and  Bernard  let 
him  enjoy  his  slumber:  but  when  the  Danes 
were  fast  approaching,  he  roused  the  King  with 
malicious  pleasure. — Sleep  on,  Sir  King,  if  you 
choose  to  sleep,  but  seven  hundred  bright  hel- 
mets are  drawing  nigh  to  attend  you  at  your 
levee. — A  hasty  gathering  of  the  army  ensued, — 
their  royal  Commander,  sorely  dispirited.  How 
ill  had  he  begun  the  day !  Sure  he  was  that 
a  battle  would  ensue,  and  he  had  a  presentiment 
of  impending  calamity. 

But  the  die  was  cast. — And  Louis  with  fated 
imprudence  advanced  to  the  tryst,  Harold  on 
the  spot  near  the  ford,  thoroughly  prepared, 
eagerly  expecting  him.  Great  was  the  following 
on  either  part ;  Louis,  accompanied  by  Herlouin, 
Harold's  choicest  troops  surrounding  him.  The 
men  of  the  Cotentin  stood  closest  to  the  Danner- 
konge  as  his  body-guard,  armed  to  the  very 
teeth,  their  shields  braced,  their  lances  planted, 
hardly  able  to  restrain  their  impatience  for 
the  quarrel,  or  for  seizing  any  opportunity  of 
making  a  quarrel  with  the  enemy. 

In  nowise  had  the   Monarchs  abated  their 


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RICHARD    SANS    PEUR.  475 

ire,  not  a  word  spoken  of  peaceful  import,  no  942—954 
semblance  even  of  friendship :  they  faced  each 
other  as  the  fiercest  foes.  Harold  re-iterated 
his  accusations  against  Louis  the  assassin ;  whilst 
Louis,  on  his  part,  expressed  his  determination 
that  he  never  would  quit  Normandy  until 
Richard  should  have  surrendered  all  claim  toHeriooin's 

imprudence 

the  Duchy.  Herlouin  interfered,  and  most  un- *"**»<» 
seasonably.  Amongst  the  men  of  the  Cotentin  tp°Plie- 
there  was  a  knight,  who  having  served  under 
Guillaume  Longue-epee,  was  too  well  acquainted 
with  the  favourite.  Embued  with  the  popular 
enmity  against  the  Count  of  Montreuil,  he 
angrily  reproached  the  ungrateful  Herlouin  as 
the  cause  of  the  calamity.  Heavy  as  had  been 
his  offence  against  the  dead,  still  greater  was 
his  trespass  against  the  living ;  was  not  he  now 
co-operating  against  Guillaume's  son? 

The  words  were  heard.  The  slogan  was 
raised.  A  furious  tumult  gave  the  response. 
Danes  and  Danish  Normans  spurred  up,  sur- 
rounding the  wretch  so  universally  odious  to 
every  loyal  heart. — The  Dane  who  enjoyed  the 
good  fortune  of  being  driven  closest,  grasped 
his  good  Poitevin  sword,  and  stabbed  the  victim 
between  the  ribs.  Herlouin's  bowels  gushed 
out, .  and,  death-stricken,  down  he  dropped  to 
the  ground.  Count  Lambert,  infuriated,  rushed 
upon  the  Danes  with  his  men,  slashing  away. 
A  scuffling  butchery  ensued.     Lambert  avenged 


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476     lquis  d'outrbmkr,  lothaire,  &c. 

94*-064  his  brother,  but  was  overpowered  by  numbers. 
Harold  attacked  the  French  with  his  Dansker- 
men.      Then  joined   him  the   Norman  forces. 
Foremost,  the  warriors  of  the  Cotentin,  whose 
Total  da-    charge  decided  the  battle.     The  French  were 
Frerch      dispersed  in    all  directions,   seeking  safety   by 
mjm       flight  but  finding  none.     Whether  in  close  con- 
flict  or  skirmish,   equally   were  they   worsted. 
Every   Danish    spear   pierced.      Every  Danish 
arrow   hit.      Every   Danish   battle-axe   struck 
home.      No  Frenchman  could  keep  his  saddle, 
the  pride  of  Carlovingian  France  perished  before 
the  Dane. 
Louis  His  army  thoroughly  routed,  Louis  at  full 

sonerby  gallop  ran  away.  Harold  had  eyed  him  and 
Biaatand.  spied  him,  and  overtaking  the  fugitive,  hugged 
him,  grappled  him,  wrenched  the  sword  out  of 
his  hands,  tore  the  scabbard  from  his  side,  pulled 
off  his  helmet,  and  cut  the  reins  of  his  horse; 
conquering  him  and  mastering  him  by  mere 
animal  strength,  not  by  prowess  or  martial  skill. 
Harold  then  gave  the  King  in  charge  to  a  de- 
tachment, and  returned  to  the  strife ;  roaring  to 
Louis  as  he  left  him,  that  double  the  revenues  of 
Normandy  should  hardly  purchase  his  liberty. 
The  rout  became  a  massacre.  Sixteen  Counts 
were  killed,  and  now  the  victors  reaped  the 
bloody  harvest.  It  was  for  the  Danes  that  the 
French  had  brought  into  camp  and  strife  the 
steeds  and  the  standards,  the  bravery  and  the 


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RICHARD    SAN8    PBUR.  477 

finery;   never  again  did  the  Eagle  crown  the  ms-om 
Sovereign's  pavilion,   or  was  seen  as  his  har- 
binger on  the  march,  displayed  aloft  before  him. 

The  field  was  scoured  by  the  Danes.  The 
spoil  secured.  The  dead  brought  out.  The  foe- 
men  stripped.  Their  own,  buried — but  where  was 
the  King  ?  Thoroughly  had  Harold  triumphed. 
He  had  gained  the  proudest  of  victories.  The 
Danskermen  had  beat  the  French,  but  Harold 
had  beat  Louis  man  to  man — Harold,  Harold 
Blaatand,  by  tug  and  grip  had  made  himself 
the  master.  His  business  now  must  be  to 
realize  the  prize,  and  demand  the  Dane-gelt 
for  the  King's  ransom:  but  when  he  sought 
for  Louis,  no  Louis  was  to  be  found.  Louis  Escape  of 
was  gone.  Where  were  his  guards?  they  hadth^egii- 
disappeared.  What  had  become  of  the  trusty  guards. 
men  who  had  the  captive  in  charge  ?  Alas ! 
they  came  forth  with  sorrow  and  with  shame,  for 
it  was  a  sorry  tale  they  told.  When  the  booty- 
gathering  was  going  on,  they  feared  lest  they 
should  lose  their  share,  and  so  they  dropped  off 
three  at  a  time,  and  two  at  a  time,  till  at  last 
only  one  remained,  and  that  one  left  to  himself, 
and  left  alone,  he  abandoned  his  charge  like 
the  rest. 

So  vexed,  so  thwarted,  so  angry,  so  mortified 
was  Harold  by  thus  losing,  as  it  seemed,  the 
whole  result  of  the  victory — flower  and  fruit, 
trophy  and   gain,  that   he   was  almost  crazed. 


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478      LOUIS  d'outrrmbr,  loth  aire,  &c. 

Bernard  was  equally  vexed  or  more,  but  he  did 
not  lose  his  wits,  he  preserved  his  presence  of 
mind. 

Upon  the  turf  Bernard  could  not  trace  the 
horse's  hoofs;  but  human  intellectual  astuteness 
helped  him  better  than  the  sleuthhound's  in- 
stinctive sagacity.  Careful  enquiry  soon  fur- 
nished to  Bernard  indications,  not  cognizable 
by  sight  or  scent,  of  the  direction  which  the 
fugitive  had  pursued*  Amongst  the  Danish  army 
was  a  Rouen  Knight,  a  man  possessing  large  pro- 
perty near  the  Seine,  a  man  of  mark,  owning  a 
splendid  mansion,  a  married  man,  the  father  of  a 
family,  familiar  to  Louis,  his  liegeman,  nay,  so  of 
old,  before  Louis  entered  Normandy.  Now,  this 
Knight  did  not  appear  either  dead  or  living,  his 
Bernard's  corpse  had  not  been  discovered,  neither  was  he 
for  the  rejoicing  amongst  the  victors.  Since  the  battle, 
of  Louis,  he  had  not  returned  to  his  Manoir,  and  his  wife 
and  children  were  apparently  deserted.  Bernard 
felt  that  he  had  caught  the  loose  end  of  the  clue. 
Summoning  all  his  most  zealous  and  active 
friends  and  retainers,  his  troops,  heavy  and  light, 
occupied  both  banks  of  the  Seine,  he  and  they 
incessantly  traversing  and  examining  the  country 
all  about  and  around,  wood  and  plain.  These 
searchers,  however,  were  not  successful.  No 
trace  of  the  fugitives  could  be  discovered.  Ber- 
nard's soldiery  therefore  ravaged  the  Knight's 
property,  gutted  and  plundered  his  house,  and 


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RICHARD    BANS    PEUR.  479 

then  burnt  it,  and  seizing  his  Lady  and  the  chil- 
dren, they  were  cast  into  Bernard's  prison  at 
Rouen. 

Bernard's  calculations  of  probabilities  were 
scientifically  correct.  The  Rouen  Knight  was 
really  and  truly  the  agent  through  whom  the 
King  had  evaded.  It  should  seem  that  when 
Louis  was  left  alone  he  immediately  attempted 
to  escape,  and  jogging  on  heavily,  moved  away 
from  the  field  of  battle.  But  the  Rouen  Knight 
had  recognized  him,  and,  according  to  the  nar- 
rative which,  on  the  whole,  we  accept  as  the 
King's  version  of  his  unhappy  adventure,  gal- 
lopped  up  to  him,  sword  in  hand,  seized  the 
bridle,  and  made  him  prisoner. — We  may  further 
collect,  that,  in  the  first  instance,  the  Knight, 
rejoicing  in  his  capture,  determined  to  make  Mode  by 
the  most  ample  profit  which  could  be  extracted  Loaj^ad 
from  such  a  prisoner.  Louis  appealed  equally 
to  the  loyalty  and  the  avarice  of  his  liegeman, 
imploring  his  pity  and  promising  profusely. 

These  entreaties  and  offers  prevailed,  and  the 
Knight,  well  acquainted  with  the  country,  de- 
termined to  aid  the  King  in  his  escape,  and 
escort  and  guide  him  to  a  place  of  safety.  But 
the  way  was  long,  the  enemy  powerful,  the 
soldiery  had  overspread  the  country,  and  there- 
fore the  Knight  conducted  the  King  to  one  of 
the  well-wooded  islands  which  adorn  the  Seine, 
an  island  near  his  mansion,  secluded  and  yet 


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480      LOUIS  d'outrbmbr,  lothaire,  &c. 

wa-«64  constantly  in   sight,   thicket    and   tree  in    full 

summer  leaf  furnishing  a  lair  in  which  the  King 

could  lie,  help  close  at  hand,  though  thoroughly 

concealed  from  his  pursuers. 

TheKnight        But  the  Knight  could  not  hold  out  any  longer 

Louis  to     under  the  distress  he  sustained  by  the  destruction 

Bernard,  J 

ijywhom    of  his  property,  and  the  sufferings  inflicted  upon 
a^Ro^ET  *"s  w^e  ^d  children.     The  Knight  surrendered, 
repaired  to  Bernard,  and  cast  himself  at  Ber- 
nard's feet,  confessing  his  connivance  and  im- 
ploring mercy.     So  incensed  was  Bernard,  that 
the    suppliant's    life    was    endangered.       The 
Knight's  transgression  was,  however,  effaced  by 
the  revulsion  of  joy  with  which  Bernard  was 
filled  when  he  had  recovered  the  King.     The 
King,    squalid,   weary,   and   broken    down  by 
anxiety,  was  dragged  out  of  the  bush,  treated 
as  a  felon,  chained  and  fettered,  and  placed  in 
custody  at  Rouen  to  await  his  destiny. 
946-w        §  34.     There  were  three  parties  vitally  in- 
ofLdB     terested  in  the  results  of  the  capture. — Harold 

and  its 

result*  Blaatand — Bernard  and  the  Normans  —  and 
Hugh-le-Grand. — Considered  with  respect  to  the 
advantages  which  might  be  touched  in  money, 
Harold  had  unquestionably  the  strongest  claim/ 
whether  according  to  the  courtesy  of  the  chase, 
or  the  laws  of  war,  or  the  general  principles  of 
jurisprudence.  He  by  his  own  strength  had 
first  bound  the  beast  in  his  toils. 

Nevertheless  no  question  was  ever  entirely 


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RICHARD    SANS    PEUR.  481 

without  a  knot,  or  at  least  without  the  possibility  ws-aw, 
of  tying  one.      Louis  was  now  bodily  in  Ber-  , — * — * 

946—048 

nard's  holding ;  and,  had  any  analogous  case  been  conflicting 
discussed  amongst  the  noisy  Sportsmen  at  their  Bern^ro? 
meet,  or  argued  by  the  Civilians  before  the  Earl  Hugh-i* 
Marshal  sitting   in  the   court   of  Chivalry,   or  Harold 

°  J  Blaatand, 

mooted  as  an  Exchequer  plea  to  be  decided  by  to  the 

.  .  J  custody  of 

the  Barons,  the  leading  allegation — to  wit — that Louis- 
the  game,  lost  in  the  first  instance  through  the 
culpable  negligence  of  Harold's  keepers,  had 
been  recovered  by  the  means  of  Bernard's  dili- 
gence and  activity,  —  might  have  supplied  a 
strong  basis  for  his  demand. 

Lastly,  Hugh-le-Grand   could   adduce  very  Hogh-fe- 
plausible  grounds  in  supporting  his  pretensions,  titled  to 
He  had  waged  the  war  for  the  restoration  of  the  «?*«»«*- 
young  Richard;  and,  chief  in  rank  as  well  as 
possessing   the    most  efficient   means  of  safely 
guarding  the   prisoner,  it  was  Hugh-le-Grand 
to  whom  the  Prize  appertained,  in  order  that 
he  might  best  work  for  the  Common  Weal. 

The  Norman  Rulers  assembled  themselves 
in  Council  at  Rouen,  summoning  Bernard  de 
Sen  lis  to  co-operate  as  Richard's  nearest  friend. 
Under  the  first  excitement  of  success,  the  idea  of 
the  profit  to  be  derived  by  bargaining  for  the 
King's  redemption,  glanced  athwart  Harold 
Blaatand's  mind.  Du  Guesclin  would  not  have 
disdained  the  motive:  Harold  was  justified  in 
entertaining     it.      Moreover,     his     popularity, 

VOL.  II.  1 1 


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482      LOUIS  d'outremer,  loth  a  ire,  &c. 

942—064  superadded  to  his  military  resources,  would  have 
, — * — ,  enabled  him  to  retain,  not  merely  the  Cotentin 
peninsula,  but  the  whole  Terra  Normannorum. 
Harold  Harold,  trusty  and  true,  withstood  all  such 

magnani-8  temptations ;  every  selfish  feeling  had  passed 
^rto^gthe  away,  and  he  simply  devoted  himself  to  the 
of  Richard  cause  of  Guillaume  Longue-epee's  son.     Making 

and  returns 

to  Den-  the  circuit  of  the  country,  Harold  took  legal 
possession  on  the  young  Richard's  behalf.  Had 
Blaatand  been  Richard's  own  father,  he  could 
not  have  conducted  himself  with  more  affection 
and  energy.  In  the  name  of  the  Duke,  he 
exacted  the  universal  obedience  of  the  Norman 
people. — Clergy  and  Laity,  Knights,  Citizens, 
and  Peasantry,  all  were  required  to  perform 
fealty  to  the  absent  Sovereign.  The  fortifica- 
tions, dismantled  or  destroyed  by  the  French  for 
the  purpose  of  ensuring  the  subjugation  of  the 
inhabitants,  were  repaired  according  to  Harold's 
directions :  the  breaches  built  up  and  the  pali- 
sades replanted,  so  as  to  be  fully  defensible 
in  case  the  French  should  ever  again  insult  the 
Norman  land.  He  expelled  the  enemy  in  every 
shape;  for,  when  we  are  informed  that  Harold 
re-established  the  laws  of  Rollo,  we  easily  trans- 
late the  phrase  into  the  fact,  that  all  the  agents 
of  the  intrusive  government  were  removed. 
But  dangers  were  impending  in  the  North ;  and 
therefore  the  wise  and  honourable  Dane,  having 
satisfied  his  conscience  and  thoroughly  fulfilled  his 


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RICHARD    SANS    PBUR.  483 

duty  towards  Normandy,  returned  home :  ready 
to  give  help  again,  should  Richard  ever  require. 

§  35.     Harold's    abandonment    of  all   the  Bernard 
personal    advantages    which    he    might    have  Normal 
gained,  left  Bernard  and  the  Normans  in  the  that  Louia 
undisturbed  possession  of  the  royal  Prisoner,  and  be  released 

1  J  until  he 

they  luxuriated  in  their  vengeance. — Louis,  who  J}**™*™" 
had  assented  to  the  spoliation  of  their  property  ^J^£ 
and  the  defilement  of  their  wives  and  daughters,  ^ 
— Louis,  the  perjured  cheat,  the  tyrant  who  had 
betrayed  them,  baffled  them,  deceived  them,  was 
now  in  their  grasp.  Now  was  the  full  opportu- 
nity presented  to  them  of  recovering  all  that  they 
had  lost  since  the  dark  day  of  dishonour,  when 
their  Nobles  smiled  and  bowed  whilst  the  French 
King,  triumphing  in  his  paramount  supremacy, 
was  graciously  granting  the  Terra  Norman- 
novum  to  the  half-caste  Mamzer.  These  recol- 
lections had  assuredly  acquired  additional  bitter- 
ness from  the  consciousness  that  the  degradation 
was  self-inflicted.  Had  they  not  in  the  very 
presence  of  their  young  and  helpless  Sovereign 
become  the  homagers  of  the  intrusive  Monarch  ? 
It  was  therefore  their  firm  resolve,  that,  unless 
and  until  Louis  consented  to  relinquish  every  in- 
jurious superiority  which  he  might  claim  over 
Normandy,  never  again  should  he  walk  abroad 
beneath  the  sky. 

The  views    entertained   by   Hugh-le-Grand 
were    substantially    identical    with    theirs,    or 

112 


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484      LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

943-964  rather  comprehended  therein.     Whilst  Hugh's 
, — * — s  ambition  constantly  acquired  more  ardency,  he 

945—946 

was  nevertheless  always  able  to  restrain  himself, 

always  looking  towards  the  summit,  pace  by  pace, 

making  each  footstep  sure;  never  desisting,  never 

hastening,  and  the  long  desired  goal  appeared 

to  be  hard  by.     Few,  very  few  in  number  were 

the  surviving  representatives  of  the  Carlovingian 

race;  and,  deepening  his  designs,  Hugh  now 

planned  to  bring  all  the  throne-capable  members 

of  that  family  into  his  actual  power. 

Hngh-i*.  In  the  meanwhile,   Gerberga,  overwhelmed 

dans  for    by  sorrow  though  never  unnerved,  continued  safe 

then5£5e   with  her  children  in  the  Tower  of  Laon.     Louis 

family  into  had  habitually  associated  Gerberga  to   himself 

his  power. 

in  the  exercise  of  government,  so  that,  in  fact, 
she  was  Regent.  But  Hugh-le-Grand  assumed 
that  the  authority  of  the  King,  instead  of  being 
transferred  to  the  Queen,  was  annulled  by  the 
restraint  of  the  dungeon,  which  cut  him  off  from 
all  intercourse  with  the  outward  world.  The 
King's  imprisonment  was  construed  as  equiva- 
lent to  civil  death.  The  Duke  of  all  the  Gauls 
therefore  comported  himself  as  the  Protector 
of  the  Realm  during  the  interregnum.  He 
summoned  various  conventions  of  the  Nobles, 
amongst  whom  the  Vermandois  Princes, — Eudes, 
and  good  Albert,  and  Herbert  the  handsome, 
and  their  connexions, — were  pre-eminent.  How- 
ever, he  dealt  at  the  same  time  with  the  Normans 


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RICHARD    SANS    PBUR.  485 

as  though  they  had  been  working  with  him  and  &4s-fl54 
for  him,  so  that  when  he  repaired  to  Rouen, 
where  he  found  the  King  in  confinement,  he 
thanked  them  publicly  for  their  exertions  on 
his  behalf.  Gerberga  was  therefore  compelled 
to  sue  for  mercy,  and  she  did  so,  not  through 
the  intervention  of  others,  but  by  repairing  to 
the  Duke  in  person,  acting  therein  with  the  ap- 
probation of  the  Prelates,  always  the  chief 
Counsellors  of  the  Realm. 

Pursuant  to  the  Queen's  earnest  solicitation.  Hngh-ie- 

.  Gnuidaf- 

Hugh  offered  himself  as  a  mediator  between  thefe«ttm- 

&  self  aa  a 

Normans  and  the  French,  and  a  conference  was  °>?difttor 

between 

held  at  Saint  Clair- sur-Epte,  when  the  negotia-  ££  a^*11 
tions  were  opened  for  the  King's  liberation. NonMM- 
Bernard  de  Senlis  came  forward  also  as  a  peace- 
maker. But  the  Normans,  prompted  by  the 
Duke,  refused  to  entertain  any  proposition,  unless 
all  the  King's  surviving  male  children  were  sur- 
rendered as  hostages  for  the  performance  of  such 
conditions  as  should  be  imposed.  Gerberga  re- 
coiled from  this  demand.  What  had  been  her 
mind  towards  the  young  Richard  at  Laon? — 
Interpreting  the  sentiments  of  the  Enemy  by 
her  own,  she  might  well  anticipate  that  the  same 
lethal  incarceration  which  had  been  devised  by 
herself  for  the  Norman  boy,  was  preparing  for 
the  extinction  of  her  own  lineage.  Therefore, 
however  anxious  to  obtain  her  husband's  free- 
dom, Gerberga  would  in  nowise  part  with  their 


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486      louis  d'outrbmbr,  lothaire,  &c. 

942—064.  elder  child,  the  Crown  Prince  Lothaire ;  but  she 
, — * — >  consented   that  they  should  take  the   recently 

916— 946 

born,  the  delicate  Carl om an. 
Gerberg*  A  hard  trial  this,  but  there  was  no  other 

having  re- 

J^jJJ^   remedy.      Gerberga's   sagacity    prevailed;    the 

Lothaire,    French   Prelates   and  Nobles   cordially   agreed 

£w£?m     w*tb  ^er  *n  resisting  the  Norman  demand,  fully 

hwfltoad.    egtimating    the  danger  of  exposing  the  royal 

race  to  destruction.     The  Normans,  (or  rather 

Hugh-le-Grand),  then  professed  that  they  would 

be  content  with  the  infant,  provided  some  other 

personages    of   sufficient    importance    amongst 

the  French  should  be  substituted  for  Lothaire. 

Guido,  the  Bishop  of  Soissons,  offered  himself; 

Hildegarius,    Bishop    of  Beauvais,    also;    and 

several  knights  and  nobles  were  delivered  into 

fi^ntiy  their  hands. — When  the  hostages  were  received 

bymigh-  at  Rouen,  lo  and  behold,  the  Normans  treated 

atd  the     the  agreement  as  null.     It  was  not  kept,  indeed 

there  had  not  been  any  intention  of  keeping  it. 

Instead  of  liberating  Louis,  they  merely  shifted 

him  from  jail  to  jail.      He  was  given  over  to 

Hugh-le-Grand,  who  had  concocted  the  device, 

for  the  purpose  which  Gerberga  and  the  French, 

guided  by  their  well-grounded  suspicions  of  his 

perfidy,  had,  in  some  degree,  been  enabled  to 

countermine. 

Gerberga  §  36.     Heavy  were  Gerberga 's  trials.     The 

solicits  the  J         #.  «n 

mu^dii?"  Power  °*  France  was  utterly  prostrated ;  neither 
JJj*01*-    help  nor  succour  had  she  at  home,  yet  Laon 


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RICHARD    SANS    PEUR.  487 

remained  to  her  as  a  stronghold,  and  the  lion-  942-054 
hearted  lady,  her  firm  mind  unshaken  by  ca-  t — * — * 

.  .  046—046 

lamity  or  misfortune,  sought  assistance  from 
Anglo-Saxon  England  and  Germany,  truly  her 
natural  allies,  their  Kings  the  kinsmen  of  her 
unfortunate  Consort  and  her  own.  It  might 
have  been  expected  that  Ogiva,  great  Athelstan's 
daughter,  Edmund's  sister,  the  sister  equally  of 
pious  Editha  the  German  Queen, — Ogiva,  who 
had  so  boldly  rescued  the  babe  Louis  at  the 
danger  of  her  life — Ogiva,  who  had  so  tenderly 
trained  the  boy  in  her  paternal  home — Ogiva, 
who  had  so  wisely  counselled  her  son  during 
the  first  critical   years    of  his    reign,  —  would  £0  ««- 

J  °  tiara  made 

have  co-operated  earnestly  on  his  behalf.  But,  J^&j^011 
whilst  Gerberga's  piteous  letters  are  quoted  °fherB0IL 
emphatically,  we  hear  nothing  concerning  the 
once  active  Ogiva.  Possibly,  the  proverbial 
jealousies  between  mother-in-law  and  daughter- 
in-law  severed  them,  even  during  this  season  of 
common  affliction;  or  Ogiva,  intent  upon  her 
own  enjoyments,  may  have  shrunk  from  any 
trouble  tending  to  diminish  the  luxurious  ease 
enjoyed  by  My  Lady  Abbess  in  her  Royal 
Monastery.  At  all  events,  Gerberga  was  left 
alone  in  her  labour  of  love,  when  a  dawn  of 
success  revived  her  in  her  desolation. 

Edmund  the  Magnificent  seemed  destined  to 
effect  a  complete  renovation  of  the  Anglo-Saxon 
Commonwealth.     Mercia,  wholly  subdued,  the 


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488      LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

wa— 064  happy  contingency  of  Olave's  deatb  had  not 
t — * — v  merely  restored  Northumbria,  but  given  to  the 
Basileus  the  whole  of  England :  and,  at  the  same 
time,  the  Scottish  kings,  having  acknowledged 
the  supremacy  of  the  English  Crown,  Edmund's 
Imperial  authority  extended  over  the  whole 
Island.  The  Anglo-Saxon  navy  had  acquired 
great  efficacy,  and  Edmund  prepared  for  the 
rescue  of  his  nephew  and  foster-brother,  em- 
ploying all  the  resources  of  his  Realm. 

An   embassy   therefore    was   despatched   by 
Edmund  to  the  Duke  of  all  the  Gauls,  demand- 
ing the  King's  deliverance.     Elated  by  success, 
Edmund     Edmund's  message  was  conveyed  in  an  arrogant 

Eromnes       .  ••*••  «  •  .  «. 

eip,but    tone,  injudicious  under  any  circumstances,  but 

Huffh-ie-    gratuitously    offensive    when    addressed   to    his 

the  haush-  father's   friend   and  a  member  of  the   family. 

tineas  of  y 

hii  tone.  Hugh-le-Grand,  on  his  part,  was  becoming  vain 
and  boastful ;  he  retorted  in  the  same  spirit :  he 
cared  not  for  the  threats  of  the  Englishmen. 
If  the  proud  English  dared  attempt  the  menaced 
invasion,  they  might  one  day  have  full  cause  at 
home  to  repent  them  of  their  audacity. 

This  is  a  memorable  passage. — The  relations 
between  the  Anglo-Saxons  and  the  Gauls  had 
hitherto  never  been  otherwise  than  very  ami- 
cable, and  the  first  distinct  expression  of  rivalry 
between  the  nations  was  thus  elicited  by  the 
communications  exchanged  between  an  English 
King  and  the  father  of  the  Capetian  dynasty. 


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RICHARD    SANS    PEUR.  489 

But  Edmund  had  no  leisure  to  justify  his  words, 
for  the  steel  of  the  malefactor  was  sharpening 
to  shed  his  blood;  and  the  Sovereign  who 
seemed  destined  to  renovate  the  Anglo-Saxon 
Empire,  perished  in  an  ignoble  scuffle  with  an 
outlaw. 

§  37.  Equally  encouraging,  in  the  first  in- The  help  of 
stance,  were  Gerberga's  dealings  with  Otho,  her  sought  by 
aspiring  brother.  He,  so  sagaciously  combi- 
native in  his  political  views,  could  not,  any  more 
than  Edmund,  be  an  unconcerned  spectator  of 
the  events  which  were  occurring  in  the  Gauls. 
The  Danes  who  had  so  often  invaded  the  German 
land  were  dangerous  neighbours.  Charlemagne 
and  his  successors  had  often  to  maintain,  and 
always  to  expect,  hard  collisions  with  them  on 
the  Holstein  border.  Moreover,  the  advantages 
which  the  Norman  vassals  of  Louis  had  usurped 
over  their  Sovereign  might  be  the  source  of  fresh 
political  contagion ;  the  restless  Sclavonians, 
more  encouraged  to  emulate  the  examples  given 
by  the  Northmen,  and  the  Magyars  stimulated 
to  fiercer  enterprises.  We  may  be  amused  at 
the  uncouth  display  of  geographical  ignorance 
exhibited  by  Louis,  when  he  figured  to  himself 
the*  Northmen  taking  refuge  beyond  the  Hun- 
garian marshes.  But  the  error  was  grounded 
upon  the  clear  perception  of  the  truth,  that  a 
common  feeling  against  Western  Christendom 
subsisted  amongst  the  Barbarian  races,  who  were 


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490      LOUIS  d'outrbmbr,  lothaire,  &c. 

M0-064  all  substantially  engaged  in  the  widely-waged 
conflict. 

Otho  was  willing  to  forget  his  feuds  with 
Louis.  Strange  in  blood  to  Charlemagne,  yet 
Charlemagne's  successor,  Otho,  assuming  Im- 
perial grandeur,  enthroned  at  Aix-la-Chapelle, 
ruling  all  Germany,  and  advancing  towards 
Italy,  was  now  beginning  to  comport  himself 
as  the  Protector  of  France.  Possibly,  the  offer, 
hinted  or  made  by  Gerberga,  that  the  restora- 
tion of  Louis,  if  satisfactorily  effected,  might 
enable  him  to  requite  Otho's  friendship  by  an 
irrevocable  surrender  of  Lorraine,  encreased  his 
desire  to  assist  his  brother.  But,  for  the  pre- 
sent, Gerberga  was  disappointed.  Much  em* 
otho  mi-  ployment  was  given  to  Otho  at  this  juncture 
nst Louis  by  the  unruly  Bohemians;  grievous  trouble  fell 
juncture,  upon  him  in  consequence  of  the  sainted  Editha's 
death,  and  the  expectations  of  succour  were 
frustrated.  Hugh-le-Grand  was  therefore  fully 
enabled  to  avail  himself  of  all  the  successes  he 
had  gained,  whether  for  furthering  the  cause 
of  the  Normans  or  his  own.  Throughout  these 
singularly  complicated  transactions,  Hugh-le- 
Grand  and  the  Normans  were  in  partnership, 
conjointly  interested  for  profit  or  loss,  for  fame 
or  shame. 

In  some  degree  however,  Hugh's  position  was 
weakened,  and  by  a  cause  which  no  human 
forethought  could  have  averted.    The  nefarious 


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RICHARD    SANS    PBUR.  491 

schemes    which    Hugh-le- Grand    had    astutely  ©4&-©ta 
formed  for  the  extirpation  of  the  Carlovingian  , — * — , 
race,   by  possessing  himself  of  all  the   King's  DeBthof 
children,  had  been  partially  frustrated  by  Ger-^^^ 
berga's  resoluteness.     Lothaire  had  never  come 
within  the  Tyrant's  reach,  and  now  the  infant 
Carloman,  wrested  from  the  mother's  embraces, 
died.      Still,   though   this  collateral  assurance 
was  lost,  Hugh  held  the  King  entirely  within 
his  grasp;  and  he  evinced  that  consistent  in- 
consistency which  characterized  all  his  transac- 
tions  with   his   Sovereign.      Hugh  would  not  Hngh-ie- 
touch  a  hair  of  the  King's  head,  but  he  locked  creases  the 
the   King's  legs   in  bolts  and  fetters.      Hugh  the  Kings 

00  &     captivity. 

would  not  secure  the  Crown  for  himself,  but 
he  despoiled  the  King  of  all  the  means  whereby 
he  could  recover  or  assert  his  dignity. 

HuglTs  extortionate  demands  were  conveyed 
in  terms  of  affected  conscientiousness  and  of- 
fended feelings.  He  upbraided  the  King  with 
his  errors,  he  accused  him  of  want  of  gratitude. 
How  had -the  King  treated  him? — How  great  had 
been  the  King's  imprudence  in  violating  that 
constitutional  compact  which  had  been  concluded, 
when,  through  Hugh's  exertions,  he  was  enabled 
to  resume  his  ancestorial  power?  Had  the 
son  of  Charles-le-Simple  followed  the  counsel 
of  his  Protector  and  Guardian,  would  he  not 
have  escaped  the  misfortunes  which  had  fallen 
upon  him? — "I  have  made  thee  King,  what 


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492      LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

M3--954,  hast  thou  given  me  in  return  ? " — was  the  in- 
r— ^—j  suiting  interrogatory  addressed  by  the  Jailor  to 
his  Prisoner. — "I  have  given  thee  Burgundy, 
and  my  royal  rights  in  all  the  Gauls,"  Louis 
might  have  replied  : — but  Hugh,  counting  these 
gifts  as  nothing,  peremptorily  demanded  the 
City  and  Tower  of  Laon.  Louis  resisted  with 
the  obstinacy  of  despair.  Laon  was  the  sole 
refuge  remaining  to  his  wife  and  family;  he 
refused  compliance,  and,  placed  by  Hugh-le- 
Grand  under  the  charge  of  Thibaut-le-Tricheur, 
he  continued  steady  in  his  determination  during 
a  whole  weary  year. 

A  sad  and  miserable  season. — Sleeping  or 
waking,  the  iron   entered  into   his  soul.     His 
thoughts  would  be  of  the  cell  at  Saint  Medard, 
prepared  to  receive  him,  or  he  might  dream  of 
the  dungeon  at  Peronne,  where  his  father's  life 
and  captivity  ended.     So,  at  length,  the  appre- 
hensions of  death  increasing  upon  him,  he  con- 
sented to  surrender  Laon.     Gerberga  opened  the 
L»6nsur-  gates  and  descended  from  the  rock,  and  Hugh- 
aSnmand  le-Grand   marched  in.      The  command   of  the 
gwmeto     Fortress  was  entrusted  to  Thibaut,  an  appoint- 
Tricheur.    ment  testifying  the  satisfactory  manner  in  which 
the  Trickster  had  performed  his   duty  on  the 
Duke's  behalf.      Additional  fortifications   were 
erected,  and  the  Tower  and  City  occupied  by 
a  formidable  garrison. 

§  38.     After  this   tremendous   hurricane  of 


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RICHARD    SANS    PEUR.  493 

desolation,  Louis  was  re-united  to  Gerberga  at  942-054 
Compiegne,  a  joyous  and  yet  a  doleful  meeting,  , — * — v 
their    little    child    dead,    friends    and    nobles  Lou*  ^ 
slaughtered,    the    royal  honour   tarnished,   the  hariJji  e 
nation    humbled   to   the    dust,   Laon,    the    lastSx^ie- 
stronghold,  lost.     All  things  adverse,  but,  com-  demands. 
forted  and   supported  by   Gerberga,   his   spirit 
confident  as  ever. 

It  was  by  Hugh-le-Grand  that  Louis  had  been 
recalled  from  his  exile  beyond  the  sea  to  occupy 
the  throne.  It  was  through  Hugh-le-Grand 
that  the  royal  authority  was  bestowed.  He  had 
been  the  means  of  depriving  the  heir  of  Charle- 
magne of  that  throne ;  and  he  now  restored  the 
heir  in  such  a  manner  as  to  proclaim,  that  by 
virtue  of  his  concession,  the  Sovereign  was  to 
resume  his  reign:  he,  Hugh-le-Grand,  the 
arbiter  of  the  fate  of  King  and  Kingdom. 

Pursuant  therefore  to  the  policy  which  guided  Hngh-ie- 
him,  and  at  the  same  time  asserting  the  pre-  novates"*" 
tensions  he  had  never  concealed,  Hugh-le-Grand,  authority. 
again    standing    forth    as    Protector,    formally 
"renovated"   the    King's    authority.      He    did 
so  in  the  most  explicit  terms,  treating  the  libera- 
tion of  Louis  from  personal  and  physical  restraint 
as  a  new  accession.     This  accomplished,  Hugh 
consented  to  descend  into  the  rank  of  a  subject, 
being  the  first  to  "  commend "  himself  to  the 
King,  in  which  act  he  was  followed  by  the  rest 
of  the  Nobles.     And  thereupon  ensued  the  de- 


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494     louis  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

finitive,  and — according  to  the  professed  inten- 
tion of  the  parties — the  final  settlement  of  the 
relations  between  the  sole  Sovereign  of  the  Nor- 
man Duchy  and  the  French  Kingdom.  The  sting 
of  all  or  any  of  the  homages  which  the  "  Leader 
of  the  Pirates,"  or  the  "Son  of  the  Breton 
Concubine/'  had  performed,  was  to  be  taken  out, 
and  a  perfect  reciprocity  established  between 
France  and  the  "Norman  Monarchy."  The 
Normans  delighted  in  decorating  themselves 
with  this  title  and  style,  making  the  State  bear 

r  testimony  to  the  unity  of  the  Sovereign  power. 

,   v  Again,  the  Epte  became  the  living  witness 

of  the  compact;  and,  on  her  banks,  the  Potentates 
met  and  the  Nobles  assembled. — Young  Richard, 
fresh,  and  bright,  and  fair,  his  aspect  intelligent 
and  acute,  his  presence  royal.  Louis,  unarmed 
and  in  peaceful  guise,  and  Hugh-le-Grand  their 
common  Patron.  —  Where  Robert  Duke  of 
France  had  stood,  there  stood  his  son,  directing 
the  solemn  ceremony. 
There-  The   Shrines,    so   often   the   accusing   wit- 

compact     nesses  of  perjury,  were  brought  forth,  and  the 

between 

Normandy  oath  which  Louis  had  taken  when  trembling  at 
F»n<»-  Rouen,  was  renewed,  and  in  more  stringent 
terms. — That  Dominion  which  Rollo  the  Grand- 
sire  had  won  by  so  many  battles,  Richard  shall 
henceforward  have  and  hold,  owing  service  to 
none  but  God. — Should  any  enemy  attempt  to 
disturb  the  right  of  the  Norman  Sovereign,  the 


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RICHARD    SANS   PEUR.  495 

King  of  France  shall  be  his  help  and  aid  in  all 
things. — No  other  service  shall  Normandy  render 
unless  the  King  should  grant  the  Duke  someK^haid 
Benefice  within  the  Kingdom  of  France.  There-  indepen- 
fore,  as  it  was  explained  in  after-time,  the  Duke 
of  Normandy  doth  no  more  than  promise  faith 
and  homage  to  the  King  of  France.  In  like 
manner  doth  the  King  of  France  render  the 
same  fealty  to  the  Duke  of  Normandy ;  nor  is 
there  any  other  difference  between  them,  save 
that  the  King  of  France  doth  not  render  homage 
to  the  Duke  of  Normandy  like  as  the  Duke  of 
Normandy  doth  to  the  King. 

In  these  transactions,  not  recorded  on  roll^^011- 

qoeror  en- 

or  parchment,  or  confirmed  by  seal  or  charter,  J^S^*^1"* 
the  Normans  gloried,  and  on  the  battle-field  of  $ h25^ 
Hastings  they  erected  their  trophy.     For  then  ^"Sthe" 
did  William  exhort  his  Normans  to  emulate  those  <rfthe  tlon 
ancestors  who  had  kept  the  King  of  France  in  King. 
ward  and  bond,  until  he  had  restored  the  young 
Richard  to  his  land,  and  submitting  to  the  con- 
dition (imposed  as  a  penance),  that  whenever 
the  King  and  the  Duke  should  meet  in  pacific 
conference   on   the   Border,   the   Duke    should 
stand  forth  girt  with  his  sword,  whilst  the  King 
should   present   himself  wholly  disarmed,    not 
having  even  a  scrape-trencher  blade  or  whittle- 
dagger,  hanging  by  his  side. 

The  covenant  was  rendered  national. — First 
swore    the   King.      Prelates,   Bishops,   Counts, 


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496      LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

942—964  and  Barons  were  called  over,  name  by  name,  to 
give  the  like  confirmation.  Hugh -le- Grand 
followed  the  clergy,  foremost  amongst  the  se- 
cularity,  and  then,  the  nobles  and  the  knight- 
hood of  the  realm ;  but  a  clenching  security 
was  to  be  given,  the  same  as  had  been  given  to 
Rollo.  In  the  presence  of  King  Louis  and  by 
his  direction,  Hugh-le-Grand  and  his  Baronage, 
and  also  the  Norman  Nobles  and  the  Breton 
chiefs,  renewed  to  the  Duke  of  Normandy  their 
pledges  of  service  and  amity.  —  Richard  was 
conducted  with  surpassing  pomp  to  Rouen ;  and 
thus  did  they  three  separate, — Richard,  a  Ducal 
Monarch ;  Hugh,  a  King  without  a  crown ;  and 
Louis,  a  King  without  a  Kingdom. 

§  39.  The  well-spring  most  distant  from 
the  river's  mouth  does  not  invariably  deserve  the 
Pilgrim's,  visit,  when  he  seeks  to  venerate  the 
source  of  the  stream.  Though  furthest  up  in 
the  course  according  to  map-measure,  the  rill 
may  in  fact  be  merely  a  feeder :  such  as  would 
have  disappeared  in  the  soil,  had  it  not  been 
conducted  as  a  contributor  to  the  flowing  current 
issuing  from  the  real  watershed  on  loftier  ground. 
In  the  hierarchy  of  human  glory  the  Founder  of  a 
State  shines  in  the  most  exalted  sphere ;  yet  it 
is  not  necessarily  the  Warrior  whose  right  hand 
which  is  laid  the  first  stone  of  the  walls,  or  the  Hero 
Founder  of  whose  left  foot  first  landed  him  upon  the  shore, 

the  State?  r 

by  whom  that  transcendent  honour  should  be 


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RICHARD    SANS    PEUR.  497 

claimed.     Progress  is  ever  a  complex  process;  942—954 
growth,  ever  the  result  produced  by  continuous  , — /v — * 

&  '  r  J  946—946 

impulses;  mutually  independent,  yet  insepar- 
able, each  partial,  all  indispensable.  He  who 
waters  could  have  done  nothing  without  him 
who  plants,  nor  he  who  plants  without  him  who 
waters. 

But,  whether  in  the  supernal  or  the  nether 
world,  the  world  of  spirit  or  the  world  of  mat- 
ter, the  universal  scheme  of  causation  over- 
whelms our  powers  of  conception :  all  moral 
and  physical  agents,  the  desires  of  the  heart 
and  the  winds  of  heaven,  being  alike  the  in- 
struments fulfilling  the  Lord's  eternal  will. 

It  is  not  however  merely  consonant  to  our 
natural  inclinations,  but  most  helpful  for  the  co- 
ordination of  the  recollections,  which,  manwards, 
constitute  history,  that  we  should  canonize  some 
one  individual   as  the   Founder   of  the   State. 
And,  perhaps,  if  we  consider  the  doctrine  in  its 
full  breadth  and  depth,  seeking  to  assign  that 
pre-eminence  to  the  Leader  who,  so  far  as  we 
are  enabled  to  distinguish,  was  pre-doomed  to  be  £j|J  p^ 
the  more   special  instrument  in  executing  the^al^i" 
Divine  decree,  we  should  say,  Peter  MichaeloffpolSferof 
rather  than  Ruric ;  Numa  in  preference  to  Ro-  of  No™  y 
mulus. — The   Sage,  or   the   Fortunate,   or   theSSo.y,n° 
Bold,   who   established   and    effected   the   poli- 
tical and  moral  conformation  of  the  State,  rather 
than  him,  who,  numbered  first  in  chronological 

VOL.  II.  K  K 


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498      LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

&42-9S4  sequence,  appears  at  the  head  of  the  Fasti  or 
, — * — v  the  Dynasty.     The  stem  of  the  Norman  Dukes 

946—046 

ascends  from  Rollo,  but,  it  is  Richard  Sans  Peur 
whom  we  must  accept  as  the  first  organizer  of 
the  Norman  Duchy ;  nay,  through  that  Duchy, 
as  the  Parent  of  the  British  Empire.  During 
Richard's  long  reign,  and  through  his  acts,  the 
Normans  became  embued  with  that  peculiar 
energy,  which  distinguished  them  ever  after- 
wards so  long  as  they  retained  a  national  exist- 
ence. By  Richard's  deeds  and  doings  the 
Duchy  was  fashioned  and  framed. 

This  most  successful  and  magnificent  experi- 
ment had  commenced  with  the  renunciation  or 
dissolution  of  all  the  antient  engagements  sub- 
sisting between  Normandy  and  the  Carlovin- 
gians,  in  place  whereof  was  substituted  the 
recent  illusive  compact,  whereby  a  mere  hono- 
rary supremacy  was  reserved  to  the  French 
Crown. 

After  these  transactions,  succeeded,  as  we  shall, 
ere  long,  have  occasion  to  narrate,  that  new  con- 
nexion with  the  House  of  Robert-le-Fort,  which, 
in  process  of  time,  enabled  the  Norman  Duke  to 
write  himself  Premier  Temporal  Peer  of  France, 
frthftion  highest  amongst  the  Nobles  of  the  Monarchy. 
cwter    His  people  rose  with  him.     It  was  through  the 
Nontax*    institutions  introduced  or  devised  by  Richard, 
Sue  to       and  which  his  personal  influence  vivified,  that 

Richard  r 

Sana  Peur.  the  rude  agglomeration  of  Danes  and  of  half- 


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RICHARD    SANS    PBUR.  499 

Danes,  and  men  of  the  Romane  tongue,  acquired  Ma-ow 
their  distinct  and  homogeneous  national  cha- 
racter. Had  it  not  been  for  Richard  Sans  Peur, 
never  could  the  son  of  Tancred  de  Hauteville 
have  engraved  the  vaunting  epigraph  upon  his 
sword, — "Appulus  et  Calaber,  Siculus  mihi  set- 
vit  et  Afer" — never  could  William  the  Bastard 
have  won  the  field  of  Senlac. — It  was  Richard's 
plastic  talent  which  raised  those  Normans,  whose 
vigour,  infused  into  the  fainting  Anglo-Saxon 
race,  has  girdled  them  round  the  globe. 

§  40.  Gloriously  was  the  young  Richard 
restored  to  his  own  country  and  his  own 
people,  he,  rejoicing  in  their  affection,  they, 
exulting  in  his  prosperity.  A  splendid  array 
of  Chieftains  and  Nobles,  Normans,  Bretons, 
and  Frenchmen,  escorted  him  from  Saint  Clair- 

045 

sur-Epte. — But,  when  he  approached  his  own  Richard's 
City,  and  drew  nigh  the  Porte  Beauvosine,  that  entry  into 

Rouen 

eloquently  silent  record  of  so  many  mutations  gjfjv* 
and  misfortunes,  the  stately  cavalcade  was  ab- 
sorbed by  the  thickening  multitude — crowds 
heapening  upon  crowds,  in  the  very  denseness 
of  suffocation:  —  clergy  and  laity  compressed 
into  one  vast  moving  mass, — all  notions  of  dig- 
nity or  regular  order  lost  in  the  tumult  of 
thankfulness. 

Richard  was  borne  away  by  the  living  stream 
into  the  Cathedral:  his  Father  and  his  Grand- 
father were  lying  there,  and,  in  that  Quire  had 

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500       LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

P4&--964  he  been  acknowledged  as  their  successor.     And 
i — * — »  he  knelt  before  the  high  altar,  and  he  and  his 

046—046  b  ' 

subjects  prayed,  that  he  might  be  enabled  to 
govern  the  country  justly  and  peaceably,  as  he 
should  give  account  at  the  great  Judgment-day. 
And  then,  proceeding  to  the  Palace,  he  entered 
upon  the  exercise  of  that  authority  to  which  he 
had  been  almost  miraculously  restored. 

So  rich  is  our  Norman  history  in  events,  so 
various  and  manifold  the  succession  of  incidents, 
that  even  to  me  myself, — moy  Pescrivain, — it 
seems  a  very  long  time  since  I  have  had  to  tell 
you  about  Richard's  birth  at  Fecamp. — How  old 
do  you  suppose  Richard  was  when  he  re-entered 
Rouen? — Make  him  as  old  as  we  can,  he  cannot 
Age  of  have  been  older  than  thirteen  years  of  age — in- 
thetimeof  deed  hardly  so  old.     But,  called  upon  by  neces- 

his  restora- 

tionto       sity  to  perform  the  duties  which  had  devolved 

authority.  y  * 

upon  him,  the  sharp,  clever  boy  appears  sud- 
denly matured  into  full  intellectual  maturity. 
"  Years   of  discretion  : "   how  vague   is   the 
Majority    import   of  that   term! — Nature,  in  a  manner, 
SSnority.    prescribes  a  period ;  yet,  when  defined  by  rule, 
the  line  of  demarcation  becomes  evanescent  or 
hypothetical.     The  thoughtless,  beardless  spend- 
thrift may  commence  his  debauch  on  the  eve  of 
his  natal  day,  unable  to  perform  any  valid  act 
concerning  his  estates;  let  him,  however,  await- 
ing the  chime,  grasp  the  dice-box  in  his  hands, 
and  he  becomes  fully  competent  to  play  them 


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RICHARD    SANS    PEUR.  501 

away,  from  the  instant  that  the  stroke  of  the  942—954 
midnight  clock  has  sounded.     We  must  not  be  , — * — > 

0  .  945-446 

startled  at  the  uncontrolled  assumption  of  autho- 
rity by  Richard,  neither  at  the  species  of  meta- 
morphosis which  the  lad  suddenly  sustained. 
Our  antient  English  Constitution  ignores,  theo- 
retically, the  possibility  of  a  Sovereign's  infancy. 
In  the  judgment  of  the  law,  the  monarch  is  never 
a  minor  or  under  age,  but  born  in  full  perfection. 
It  is  only  pursuant  to  Parliamentary  statutes,  Theory  of  the 
comparatively  modern,  that  a  King  remains  in  a  slmrigu. 
state  of  pupilage  until  eighteen ;  whilst  the  pre- 
copity  of  the  female  sex  is  acknowledged  by  in- 
vesting the  Queen  with  full  possession  of  her 
regal  functions  two  years  earlier. — The  ripening 
Heiress  of  the  Crown  wields  the  sceptre  at  the 
age  when  her  meanest  maiden  cannot  of  her 
own  free  will  contract  the  matrimonial  vow. 

Other  examples  of  such  a  development  ac- 
companying the  early  acquisition  of  supreme 
power  are  noticed  in  history.  This  phenomenon 
may  be  reverently  accepted  as  a  special  Provi- 
dence; yet,  when  viewed  by  us,  beheld  only  as 
working  through  the  inevitable  impress  given  to 
our  fallen  nature  by  circumstances  over  which 
we  have  no  control.  The  talent  exhibited  by 
Richard,  is  simply  a  salient  example  of  the  pro- 
cess, whereby  each  child  of  Adam  obtains  the 
conception  of  moral  personality,  concurrently 
with  the  earliest  dawn  of  reason.     We  receive 


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502      LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

042- 954  our  first  objective  knowledge  of  good  and  evil, 
, — * — >  and  learn  our  relations  to  others  and  theirs  to 

946— -046 

ourselves,  not  by  intellect,  but  by  instructive 
sympathy, — the  hiccuping  drunkard's  reel,  the 
blasphemer's  clenched  fist,  the  low-murmured 
blessing,  or  the  knee  bent  in  prayer. — The  infant 
Princess,  pure  as  the  morning  May-dew,  intui- 
tively gracious,  who  has  breathed  the  atmosphere 
of  homage  since  the  moment  when  she  first 
gazed  upon  the  light,  who  may  not  adventure 
for  delicateness  to  set  the  sole  of  her  foot  upon 
the  ground,  presents  her  plump  little  hand  to 
be  kissed,  from  the  perfumed  lap  of  the  silken- 
robed  matron :  whilst  the  beggar's  hollow-eyed 
starveling  brat,  with  pitiful  eagerness,  stretches 
out  her  long,  stringy,  scurfy  arm,  over  her 
frowsy  mother's  ragged  shoulder,  clutching  at 
your  proffered  half-penny, — that  filthy  copper, 
which  no  born  lady  would  touch  with  a  pair  of 
tongs. 

Historians  used  to  be  profuse  in  bestowing 
encomiums  upon  Sovereigns;  homages  quite  de 
rigueur,  just  as  they  were  accustomed  to  flow 
from  the  pen  of  the  florid  Herald  poetizing  the 
preamble  of  the  peerage  patent,  or  his  rival  the 
droning  Chaplain  groaning  the  funeral  sermon. 
We  have  generally  abandoned  these  modes  of 
dispensing  laudation,  or,  at  least,  we  do  the 
needful  to  the  living,  with  more  tact  and  de- 
licacy. 


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RICHARD    SANS    PEUR.  503 

Richard,    however,    honestly    deserved    the  ws— 954 

popular  praises  he  received: — a  splendid  speci-  , , 

men  of  his  noble  race,  robust  yet  delicate,  his  Richard'a 

i*  1  1  •  i     •        •  1      1  •    personal 

complexion  clear,   his   eyes   beaming,  and    his  and  mental 
handsome   countenance   decked   by  his  golden  cation  and 
hair.      Many  members  of  his  family  abused  or 
neglected  their  intellectual  gifts:   yet,  we  can 
hardly  name   any   amongst  Rollo's  flourishing 
progeny  undistinguished  by  talent,  excepting  the  Care  b©- 
few,  who  disappear  so  speedily  or  mysteriously  theNorman 
as  to  deprive  us  of  sufficient  acquaintance  with  ^f®^^11 
them.    And  those  innate  talents  were  always  fos-  dren- 
tered  and  aided  by  considerate  and  careful  rear- 
ing.    This  zeal  for  the  promotion  of  mental  cul- 
tivation became  the  most  precious  amongst  the 
family  traditions.     No  one  father  amongst  the 
Dukes  of  Normandy  is  liable  to  the  censure  of 
having  wilfully  neglected  the  secular  education 
of  his  offspring.     We  have  seen   how  sagely 
Rollo  had  taken  thought  concerning  Guillaume 
Longue-ep£e,  and  how  Guillaume  Longue-epee 
had  been  equally  mindful  of  and  for  our  Richard. 
However  unforeseen  the  misfortunes  and  perse- 
cutions which  fell  upon  the  child,  the  scheme 
elaborated  by  parental  affection,  and  the  suffer- 
ings inflicted  by  an  inveterate  enemy,  had  each 
respectively  co-operated  in  preparing  Richard  for 
the  tasks  he  was  destined  to  perform,  and  en- 
abled him  to  blend  the  Norsk  and  the  Romane 
elements  into  an  harmonious  unity. 


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946—946 


504      LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

94a-964  Fortune  helped,  where  prudential  foresight 
might  have  failed. — Possibly,  the  predilection 
evidently  manifested  by  Guillaume  Longue-^pee 
on  behalf  of  the  Danish  ethos,  might,  when  trans- 
mitted to  his  son,  have  become  so  exaggerated  as 
to  impede  the  thorough  incorporation  of  Nor- 
mandy into  the  Romane  commonwealth,  had  not 
that  heathen  tendency  been  corrected  by  the 
captivity  which  the  young  Richard  sustained. 
Truly  had  the  words  been  fulfilled  which  Louis 
spake  with  false  intent,  when  he  insisted 
upon  the  advantages  which  would  result  from 
the  young  Richard's  instruction  amidst  the 
courtesies  of  his  palace:  for,  it  was  at  Laon 
that  Richard  became  perfected  in  all  those  ac- 
complishments which  he  could  not  elsewhere 
have  acquired. 

All  these  external  means  of  improvement 
were  aided  and  fructified  by  a  good  disposition, 
a  kindly  manner,  a  liberal  sentiment,  supple 
activity,  sturdy  strength  and  practised  dexterity. 
Excelling,  he  delighted  in  the  huntsman's  sports 
and  in  all  gentle  games,  bones,  or  chess,  or 
tables,  and  in  every  bodily  exercise,  athletic  or 
warlike,  the  foot-race  or  the  gallop,  single-stick 
or  thwack-stave,  spear  or  sword, 
RichanTs  §  41.     Richard's  Court  and  household,  from 

household   the  nature  of  things,  could  not  fail  to  become  a 
and  ex-      rough,  dissipated,  and  joyous  assembly.     Nor- 
mandy yet  abounded  with   the   coarse-grained 


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RICHARD    SANS    PEUR.  505 

sturdy   Danes,   very   diverse   in    character  and  wfi-064 
bearing   from  Hollo's   Romanized   chieftains, —  , — * — > 

016    016 

such  as  sagacious  Botho,  —  who  had  formed 
themselves  during  the  first  settlement.  But 
French  civility  was,  however,  unquestionably 
penetrating  amongst  the  younger  branches  of 
the  more  opulent  Norman  families:  whilst,  at 
the  same  time,  very  many  individuals  belong- 
ing to  the  inferior  classes,  rose  or  forced  them- 
selves into  influence  and  power. — As  yet,  there 
did  not  exist  any  hard-marked  line  of  demar- 
cation between  the  Noble  and  the  Roturier. 
Low  birth  did  not  oppose  any  obstacle  to  Ducal 
patronage  and  favour.  The  full  development  of 
the  aristocratic  principle  was  retarded  until  the 
subsequent  generation. 

Guillaume  Longue-£pee,  at  the  fair-weather  Richard's 
commencement  of  his  reign  had  a  good  word  bounty 

i       .  «       towards  aU 

from  everybody, — not  so  at  its  conclusion.  But  <**»»• 
the  young  Richard,  who  also  began  by  having 
a  good  word  from  everybody,  retained  the 
general  affection  during  the  whole  of  bis  long 
life.  Bountiful  in  the  extreme,  all  classes 
shared  his  comprehensive  liberality,  clerks  and 
clergy,  chevaliers  and  chivalry,  every  one  having 
a  chance  of  being  the  better  for  coming  in 
Richard's  way.  Trains  of  young  knights  were 
harboured  in  the  Ducal  Court ;  merrily  also  did 
the  minstrels  rejoice  there,  rote  and  rebeck 
sounding; — and,  to  the  poor  and  needy,  what 


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506      LOUI8  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

©4^-^64  store  of  food  and  victuals,  distributed  with  the 

, — * — ,  most  unsparing  hand ! 

Thus  Richard  Sans  Peur  started;  but  his 
exuberant  dispenditure  speedily  received  a 
check.  Richard,  when  he  began  to  rule,  was 
steadily  and  sagaciously  guided  and  directed  by 
those,  who,  having  so  faithfully  protected  him 
during  infancy  and  youth,  had  also  reinstated 
him  in  his  dominions;  Bernard  de  Senlis,  and 

w!ritai   Bernard  the  Dane,  Osmund  de  Centvilles,  and 

JaLia.  Yvo  de  Bellesme,  all  of  whom  enjoyed  his 
friendship  so  long  as  they  lived.  And,  when 
the  old  men  passed  away,  Richard  bestowed  his 
highest  confidence,  and  most  deservedly,  upon 
Raoul,  Count  of  Ivri,  his  half-brother,  his 
mother's  son  by  Sperling  the  rich  miller.  Be- 
sides these,  we  may  be  certain  that  the  great 
land -holders  were  energetic  in  supporting  the 
interests  and  courting  the  favour  of  the  young 
and  ductile  Prince,  whilst  his  coevals,  of  every 
degree,  would  most  willingly  muster  under  a 
master  so  germane  to  them. 

But  there    was    one    personage    about   the 

Torta—hi*  Court  virtually  above  them  all,  detested  by  all, 

usurpation  J  *  J  ' 

iwre-  fr°m  *^e  scuNi°n  upwards  to  the  sovereign,  and 
venue-  this  was  Raoul  Torta.— "Be  it  better,  be  it 
worse,  be  ruled  by  him  who  rules  the  purse/' 
is  the  expression  of  a  social  law,  universal  upon 
earth  as  the  law  of  gravitation. — Possessed  of  the 
purse,  and  tying  the  purse-strings  as  tightly  as 


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RICHARD    SANS   PEUR.  507 

tight  could  be,  Raoul  Torta  kept  every  member  ms-om 
of  the  State  in  subjection,  for  most  eminently  , — * — , 

015  ■  016 

was  the  prepotent  Seneschal  supported  by  the 
all-commanding  power  of  money.  King  Louis 
was  expelled,  but  Raoul,  through  whom  the 
French  King  had  earned  so  much  obloquy,  re- 
mained at  Rouen,  firm  as  ever,  in  the  position 
he  had  acquired  during  the  foreign  ascendancy. 
Since  the  death  of  Guillaume  Longue-epee, 
Raoul  had  been  Normandy's  manager,  nay,  a 
species  of  independent  governor;  and  young 
Richard,  to  use  the  legal  phrase,  could  not 
obtain  livery  of  his  inheritance,  for  Raoul  re- 
tained the  whole  usufruct  in  his  own  hands. 

Raoul  was  tenant  in  possession  of  the  ducal 
domains,  Raoul  received  the  Duke's  rents,  Raoul 
reaped   the    Duke's    corn,   mowed  the    Duke's 

r  Raoul 

meadows,   milked  the   Duke's    cows,   rode  the  Torta 

usurps  the 

Duke's  horses,  sheared  the  Duke's  flocks,  stuck  iwpro- 

.  perty. 

the  Duke's  pigs,  and  slaughtered  the  Duke's 
beeves.  Sparing  might  have  been  excused, 
but  Raoul's  stinting  was  intolerable.  The 
prisoners,  deprived  of  their  accustomed  doles, 
starved  in  the  gaol ;  the  knights  lost  their  pay ; 
and,  rote  and  rebeck  silenced,  the  mournful 
minstrels  wandered  disconsolate,  lacking  their 
usual  guerdon.  Thus  was  the  Court  reduced  to  tw* 
penury ;  and,  if  we  accept  the  expressions  em- <xoaom7' 
ployed  by  historians  literally,  the  sum  allowed 
by  the  Minister  of  Finance  to  the  young  Duke 


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508      LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

94a—»64  Richard  out  of  his  Ducal  Treasury,  for  the  sup- 
, — * — »  port  and  maintenance  of  himself  and  his  whole 

016    016 

ikoui  household,  was  ultimately  reduced  to  eighteen 
reduces  sous  per  diem,  or,  as  some  authorities  assert, 
penditiire  twelve.  If,  during  the  French  usurpation, 
Court  Raoul  Torta  had  rendered  himself  hateful  to 
the  villanage,  he  now  incurred  the  peril  of 
becoming  infinitely  more  odious  to  the  higher 
Enmity     classes.     All  ranks  and  parties  coalesced  for  the 

excited  by  * 

5^J  purpose  of  effecting  his  expulsion.  It  has  been 
surmised,  and  not  without  some  appearance  of 
probability,  that  in  the  main,  Raoul  Torta  sought 
to  be  a  faithful  administrator.  His  conduct, 
according  to  this  view,  was  honest  and  conscien- 
tious:— Raoul  earnestly  desired  to  husband  the 
Ducal  revenues,  particularly  since,  as  his  par- 
tizans  might  plead,  he  laboured  under  the 
apprehension  that  the  resources  of  the  State 
would  be  exhausted  through  the  extravagancies 
of  the  youthful  Richard's  boon  associates,  and 
that  the  offence  he  gave  resulted  simply  from 
his  adherence  to  principle. 

However,  such  was  not  the  opinion  enter- 
tained either  by  the  monarch  or  the  majority. 
Raoul    Torta's    fall    was   decreed.      Normandy 
must  cast  off  the  incubus,  yet  not  by  violence, 
Bichard     and    proceedings    were    conducted    in   judicial 
SLui  "  form.     Richard  convened  his  Lieges,  and  made 
u  banished  careful  enquiry  into   the   extent  of  his  rights. 

from  the  ^        J  ° 

Duchy.      The    Treasurer,    it   was    alleged,   had   juggled 


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RICHARD    SANS    PBUR.  509 

himself  into  the  possession  and  exercise  of  all  042—054 
the  property  as  well  as  the  power  which  ap- 
pertained to  the  Sovereign;  not  merely  de- 
stroying the  Duke's  influence,  but  bringing  him 
to  shame.  Raoul  was  solemnly  summoned  to 
appear  before  the  Duke,  and  answer  for  his  mis- 
deeds. Whether  trusting  in  his  own  rectitude  or 
struck  by  terror,  Raoul  endeavoured  to  gain 
time  by  delay,  and  humbly  implored  the  Duke's 
mercy.  Richard  did  not  peremptorily  reject  the 
supplication.  Raoul  was  the  head  of  a  formid- 
able faction ;  it  suited  Richard's  purpose  to  tem- 
porize :  and,  for  this  reason,  the  defendant  was 
peremptorily  ordered  to  quit  Rouen,  repair  to  a 
hamlet  about  a  league  off,  and  there  abide  his 
judgment.  Richard  declared,  that,  should  any 
show  of  resistance  be  manifested  on  the  part  of 
the  fallen  Minister  or  his  adherents,  he  would 
invoke  the  aid  of  all  his  subjects  and  allies. 
Raoul  Torta  dared  not  stand  his  trial;  he  fled 
from  Normandy,  and,  taking  refuge  at  Paris, 
placed  himself  under  the  protection  of  his  father 
the  Bishop,  nor  did  he  ever  return  to  plague  the 
Normans  again. 

§  42.     Amongst    the    untruths    which    in- 
sinuate themselves  into  the  very  marrow  of  his-^{jj£of 
tory,  few  are  more  detrimental  to  truth  than  the  ?^S^ 
epithets  vulgated  upon  Sovereigns.      Show  the^S^50* 
Tiger  as  the  beast  who  alone  would  have  sup- 
plied an  appropriate  emblem  for  Richard  C&ur- 


'  produ 
by  them. 


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510      LOUIS  d'outremer,  loth  a  I  re,  &c. 

948—964  de-lion.  The  real  temperature  of  the  love  in- 
spired by  Louis  le  bien  aimi  would  have  been 
marked  somewhat  below  the  freezing  point ;  and, 
as  for  Louis  le  desirS,  who  more  glad  than  the 
French  to  be  rid  of  him, — With  respect  to  the 
prostituted  epithet  of  the  Great,  count  on  your 
fingers  the  names  of  the  few  Rulers  who 
have  earned  this  denomination  honestly  and 
righteously  before  God  and  man, — Will  Prussia 
ever  be  enabled  to  expel  the  poison  she  has  im- 
bibed from  "Friedrich  der  Grosse?" — Nay,  even 
"good  Queen  Anne"  has  no  peculiar  claim  to 
that  adscription  of  benignity,  which  possibly 
arose  in  the  first  instance,  from  a  confused  remi- 
niscence of  the  Bohemian  Queen. 

Richard  enjoyed  the  reputation  of  being  an 
ardent  lover  of  adventure,  constantly  in  search 
of  the  excitement  which  danger  afforded, — a  very 
dare-devil,  like  his   grandson,  the   Conqueror's 
father.      It  was  believed  he  could  see  in   the 
dark,    and  many  a   tale  is  related  concerning 
him,  full  of  grotesque  horror. — How, — for  ex- 
Richard—  ample> — when  watching  during  the  dark  hours 
"sLT116'1  *n  *he  way- side  oratory,  grim  and  ghastly  rose 
Peur"      the  dead  man  from  the  bier,  and  how  the  Demon- 
possessed  corpse,  wrestling  with  the  Duke,  was 
thrown  and  stilled  by  his  antagonist's  nerve  and 
power.      Hence  the  traditional   appellation   by 
which  we   have  distinguished   him  throughout 
this  history.     Yet  scarcely  more  than  one  single 


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RICHARD    SANS    PEUR.  511 

deed  is  definitely  or  distinctively  recorded  con- 
cerning Richard,  fairly  justifying  the  epithet 
"  Sans  Peur ;"  nor  are  any  examples  of  military 
prowess  ascribed  to  Richard,  exceeding  the  usual 
average  of  knightly  hardihood. — If,  therefore, 
we  are  to  suppose  that  any  particular  exploit 
was  so  prominent  as  to  confer  upon  him  the 
designation  of  "Fearless,"  we  are  driven  to  the 
necessity  of  electing  between  the  combat  with 
the  Vampire  and  the  undaunted  resolution  which 
enabled  him  to  plan  and  perfect  the  sudden  and 
final  expulsion  of  an  over-masterful  Minister. 

Certainly,  this  bold  and  determined  coup 
d'etat  exercised  the  most  decided  influence  upon 
the  popular  mind,  and  it  is  specially  commem- 
orated by  the  family  historian  as  having  pro- 
duced such  effect,  —  "videntes  autem  Seniares 
Norrmnnice,  quod  tarn  prudenter  exterminasset 
principal  malitice,  timuerunt  earn  valde."  — 
Henceforward,  Richard's  terror  was  always  upon 
the  Norman  nation;  no  one  dared  to  contest 
his  authority;  and,  his  absolute  sovereignty 
being  unchallenged,  his  power  encreased,  so  to 
speak,  day  by  day. 

§  43.    Here,  however,  let  us  pause,  and  re- 


046—946 


Richard — 
trium- 


examine,  more  particularly,  the  social  and  poli-  ££ 
tical  station  of  those  three  personages  in  whom,  at  ^SSL. 
this  eventful  crisis,  we  are  most  interested.     All  N^an 
alike,  kings;  all,  wearing  a  king-like  semblance,  m°      y' 
yet  none  completely  so. — Young  Richard,  the 


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512      LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

Mfl—064  King  without  the  royal  title;    Hugh-le-Grand, 
t — * — x  the  King  without  a  crown;    Louis,  the   King 
without  a  kingdom. 

First,  as  to  our  story's  present  Hero.  The 
Duke  had  recovered  his  Duchy,  and  the  Duchy 
her  political  station,  whilst  the  most  satisfactory 
reciprocity  was  restored  between  the  Carlovin- 
gian  realm  and  the  Norman  "Monarchy." 
Nothing  had  been  conceded  by  Richard  beyond 
that  honorary  precedence  which  the  crowned 
and  anointed  Sovereign  had  a  right  to  demand. 
And,  indeed,  the  Normans  could  reasonably 
maintain,  that  the  abandonment  made  by  the 
French  of  their  pretensions,  was  only  an  act 
of  justice.  The  condition  of  military  service 
imposed  upon  the  Danes,  might  be  construed  as 
the  covenant  of  an  ally.  Rollo,  whilst  acknow- 
ledging, however  contemptuously  and  ungra- 
ciously, the  ceremonial  distinction  due  to  the 
successor  of  Charlemagne,  held  his  land  in  per- 
fect freedom ; — that  noble  Terra  Normannorum 
and  all  Armorica,  from  the  stream-diyiding  eyot 
whereon  he  stood,  even  unto  the  furthest  western 
shore. — The  Neustrian  territory  had  passed  from 
King  Charles  to  Rollo -Robert  as  his  allodial 
March-Land;  and  then,  Rollo -Robert,  as  a 
man,  came  back  to  the  King. 
Construe-         The    Norman    diplomatists    would    further 

tion  of  the  J 

previous     argue  that  the  homages  rendered  and  broken  by 

homages  ©  o  j 

reared  to  Qui]iaume  Longue-epee  did  not  prejudice  the 


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946—946 


RICHARD    SAN8    PBUR.  513 

independence  of  their  State,  even  admitting  the 
acts  to  have  been  in  some  degree  binding  upon 
the  individual's  honour.  Guillaume  Longue- 
epee's  vacillating  conscience  induced  him  to 
seek  the  "renovation"  of  the  dignity;  but,  when 
the  young  Richard,  Rollo's  heir  in  the  second 
degree,  was  conducted  before  Louis,  and  re- 
ceived the  humiliating  re-grant  of  his  father's 
dominion,  the  act  was  instigated  by  those  who 
were  liable  to  the  condemnation  of  having 
abused  the  authority,  which  their  Sovereign's 
helpless  infancy  gave  them.  Even  if  exonerated 
from  the  charge  of  corruption,  they  bad,  at  all 
events,  reprehensibly  neglected  Richard's  in- 
terests and  their  own. 

But  the  false  step  had  been  completely  re- 
traced.     No  earthly  superior  could  now  claim 
obedience  from  Richard :    his,  was  the  "  Terra  Normandy 
Normannorum" — a    free    and    allodial    Sove-J^i?! 
reignty;  he,  Duke  Richard,  governing  his  mon-^££?M 
archy  as  a  King. — Tenet,  sicut  Rex,  monarchiam*     *' 
NorthmannictB  regionis. — This  phraseology  must 
not  be   slighted  as  the  unmeaning  effusion  of 
an  affected  grandiloquence.     The  terms,  so  em- 
ployed, were  dictated  by  a  consistent  train  of 
thought.      Richard's    nobles,   his    advisers,   his 
people,  rejoiced  in  proclaiming  his  quasi-royal 
title,  insisting  upon  his  regal  rights;    and,  as 
they  deemed,  always  in  season. 

The  enhancement  of  monarchical  authority 

VOL.  II.  L  l 


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514      LOUIS  d'outrrmbr,  loth  aire,  &c. 

942-064  amongst  the  Romane  populations  in  the  Gauls, 
, — * — >  has  survived  through  all  chances,  changes,  ages, 
and  revolutions.     It  is  a  constant  phenomenon. 
JJjfJ^  Licence  may  have  been  agreeable  to  the  Nor- 
fo^Mo-  mans>  but>  we  *hall  be  disappointed,  if  we  expect 
iSpk!    t0  discover  amongst  the  ancestry  of  the  Con- 
queror's baronage,  any  strong  affection  for  con- 
stitutional liberty,  in  the  modern  sense  of  the 
term.     By  exalting  Richard,  and  rendering  him 
by  their  worship  the  centre  of  the  political  sys- 
tem, they  obeyed  their  guiding  doctrines  of  state- 
unity  and   territorial    indivisibility.  —  Possibly 
also,  the  employment  of  the  term  "Monarch," 
may  have   been    connected  with   the  imperial 
principle,  so  eagerly  accepted  throughout  the 
mediaeval  States,   that  the  Sovereign   was,   or 
ought  to  be,  sole  lord  of  the  soil. 

Whilst  the  Terra   Normannorum  was  thus 

condensing    into    the    Duchy    of    Normandy, 

Richard   rightly  assumed  the  title  of  "Comes 

obedience  N orthmannorum  et  Britonum"    Turbulent  Ar- 

mct^ty  morica  submitted  to  the  young  Duke's  suze- 

Barbe-torte  rainty  without  effort,  or  rather  rejoiced  when 

Bretons,     she  could  rest  in  subjection.     Alain  Barbe-torte, 

quieted,  or  perhaps  tired  out,  by  long-continued 

exertions,  now  began  to  lean  upon  his  ponderous 

club  instead  of  wielding  it.    Subsequently  to  the 

Danish  invasion,  Alain's  matrimonial  concerns, 

his  unedifying   conduct   towards   his   wrinkled 

wife,  the  Angevine  Princess,  his  marriage  with 


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RICHARD   SAWS    PEUR.  515 

her  successor  Gerberga,  Thibaut-le-Tricheur's 
daughter — but,  worst  of  all,  his  amours  with  the 
Lady  Judith, — are  the  only  incidents  recorded 
concerning  him.  Generally  speaking,  the  Bre- 
tons who  had  so  cordially  joined  in  renewing 
their  homages  at  Saint  Clair-sur-Epte,  yielded 
with  equal  gladness  their  implicit  obedience  to 
Richard ;  the  younger  folk  being  especially  am- 
bitious of  his  favour,  and  reckoning  his  protec- 
tion as  an  honour.  We  shall  not  in  anywise 
attempt  to  re-open  that  much  vexed  question 
concerning  the  tenure  of  Britany,  but,  as  an 
historical  fact,  it  must  be  recollected  that  the 
supremacy  of  Normandy,  though  sometimes 
questioned,  was  never  cast  off. 

§  44.  Turn  we  next  to  the  proud  crownless 
king,  the  prouder  because  he  repudiated  the  dia- 
dem.— From   Paris,   Hugh-le-Grand's  Capital,  Hugh-i*. 

his  authority  overshadowed  the  Realm. — From  extent  of 

J  hi*  do- 

Paris  northward   to  the   Somme,   and   beyond  n*™***- 

%the  Somme;  from  Paris,  southward  to  the  Loire, 
and  beyond  the  Loire,  to  that  narrow  Vigenne 
whilome  choked  with  Danish  corpses;  from 
Paris  eastward,  climbing  up  the  Jura  ranges; 
and  from  Paris  westward,  till  you  reached  the 
Norman  and  Breton  boundaries  and  March- 
lands, — the  greater  part  of  the  antient  Francia 
Romana  sought  Hugh-le-Grand  as  patron, 
dreaded  his  power,  deprecated  his  anger,  courted 
his  favour,  owned  him  as  master. 

L  L  2 


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516      LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

wfi-*64         We  cannot  distinctly  delineate  the  continuous 
, — * — ,  frontiers  of  all   Hugh  -  le  -  Grand's   dominions. 

046    016 

Occasionally,  they  were  enclavures  or  fragmen- 
tary. But,  if  we  seek  to  describe  them  in  more 
strict  geographical  terms,  (these  terms  them- 
selves being,  nevertheless,  for  want  of  informa- 
tion, somewhat  vague  and  indefinite,)  we  should 
say,  following  the  most  competent  investigators, 
Ennmera-  that  they  may  be  grouped  as  follows. — The 
<j^ri«*>  Duchy  of  France,  including  the  Counties  or 
fe&lJ,  Duchies  of  Paris  and  of  Orleans,  the  Vermandois, 
GrMML  the  Pays  Chartrain,  and  Blois  and  Chartres. — 
Anjou,  Touraine,  and  Maine,  and  the  Oatinois. 
— The  Beauvoisis,  and  much  of  the  Amiennois. 
— The  Pays  de  Sologne — the  threshold  of  the 
Midi, — and  the  whole  of  Burgundy, — Langres, 
Avalon,  and  Dijon,  Burgundian  Dukedoms 
three,  and  the  County  of  Macon.  Peculiarly 
distinguished,  however,  amongst  all  these  wide 
possessions,  was  the  acquisition  which  Hugh-le- 
Grand  had  so  recently  made,  the  Laonais  and 
the  tall  Tower  of  Laon,  the  latter,  a  fulcrum  of 
power  by  its  material  strength,  yet  far  more 
formidable  as  an  organ  of  moral  influence, — that 
huge  trophy,  rearing  her  crest  so  high  in  the 
sky,  signalling  how  the  son  of  Robert-le-Fort 
had  triumphed  over  his  masters. 

Proprietor,  Protector,  Inheritor,  or  Usurper, 
Lord,  Land-holder,  Abbot,  Abbacomes,  Count 
Abbot,  Seigneur,  or  Suzerain,  the  strictly  legal 


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RICHARD    SANS    PKUR.  517 

extent  of  Hugh-le-Grand's  royalties  might  vary ;  ms-om 
but  the  recent  concessions  extorted  from  Louis,  ,_* — ^ 
the  charters  by  which  Hugh-le-Grand  was  cre- 
ated Duke  of  all  the  Gauls,  supported  practically 
by  the  energy  of  the  Ruler,  in  addition  to  any 
other  sources  or  bases  of  title,  levelled  all  con- 
flicting rights  or  pretensions,  and  few  were  the 
attributes  of  sovereignty  which  Hugh-le-Grand 
had  to  desire. 

§  45.  Last  of  all  in  the  group  stands  Louis. 
— Humiliated,  insulted,  despoiled, — you  might 
fancy  the  squalor  of  the  prison  yet  steaming 
from  his  garments.  The  drear  story  of  his 
degradation  and  misery  eaten  into  his  flesh. 
His  limbs  indented  by  the  blue  bruises  of  the 
fetters.  Not  a  single  fortress  whose  walls  could 
defend  him ;  not  a  mansion  where  he  could  be 
sheltered,  except  melancholy,  dilapidated,  empty, 
silent,  lifeless  Compiegne.  The  treasure  vault 
open,  no  yelp  in  the  kennel,  no  lure  in  the 
mews,  no  litter  in  the  stable.  His  reputation 
damaged  by  the  disclosure  of  his  faithlessness 
and  cruelty,  but  far  more  by  his  failures.  Yet, 
with   the  affectionate,  active,  indomitable  Ger-      .    ,. 

Louis— his 

berga  by  his  side,  not  one  whit  of  his  aspirations  j8*^* 
had  Louis  abated;   his  hope  as  ardent  as  when 
he  bounded  on  Boulogne's  shore. 

§  46.     The   restoration   of  Normandy,  this  g^-1^. 
vigorous  Commonwealth  flourishing  in  the  midst  gjjjj^ 
of  the  decaying  realm,   affected   no   one  morem,,ai*f- 


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518      LOUIS  d'outremer,  loth  aire,  &c. 

948-964  intimately  than  Hugh-le-Grand.     Normandy, — 
,_a_^  Britany  being  always  taken  as  appurtenant, — 
f^tedbT  commanded  all  Hugh's  Duchy  of  France.     It 
toSJfonof  was  evident  that  King  Robert,  Hugh's  father, 
NonMAdy*  originally  contemplated  obtaining  support  from 
Rollo,  but  Guillaume  Longue-epee,  Rollo's  son, 
proved  to  be  a  dangerous  rival.      Had  Hugh 
made  good  his  footing  in  Normandy  by  virtue  of 
his  alliance  with  Louis,  he  would  unquestionably 
have  speedily  subdued  the  whole  Terra  Norman- 
norum  on  this  side  the  river  Seine;    probably 
also    the    greater  part    of  Normandy    Oultre- 
Seine,  and  the   Duchy  of  France  would   have 
been   rendered    round    and   sound.      But   that 
opportunity  was  entirely  lost, — Normandy  had 
manifested  her  strength,  Hugh-le-Grand  found 
he  could  not  pursue  the  contest  against  her,  and 
his  most  prudent  policy  would  be  to  avail  him- 
self of  such  support  as  he  could  gain  by  con- 
necting the  Norman  fortunes  with  his  own. 

Hugh's  views  and  schemes,  his  heart  and  his 

soul,  were  all  bent  upon  securing  for  his  boy  the 

Hugh-ie-   Crown    which    he    himself   dreaded    to    wear. 

P^nt8     That  burly   boy  still    continued    Hugh's   only 

Hugh'      son, — and  the   son   and  the  sire  remained,  as 

Capet  and  i  1  1  »  t* 

Emma,  yet,  the  only  male  representatives  of  Robert-le- 
Fort,  the  lineage  so  often  declining,  but  never 
dying.  A  daughter,  however,  had  also  been 
born  unto  Hugh.  Whether  older  or  younger 
than  her  brother  we  know  not.     We  could  not 


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RICHARD    SANS    PEUR,.  519 

keep  Emma's  fUe  if  we  would,  for  when  the  m&-*54 
little  damsel  came  into  the  world,  the  event 
appeared    so    uninteresting,    that    no    French 
Chronicler    thought    it    worth    his    while    to 
breathe  a  word  concerning  her.      But  Emma 
had   now   become  a  personage  of  importance. 
Such  are  the  praises  bestowed  upon  her  beauty, 
that,  allowing  the   utmost  latitude  for  adula- 
tion, we  must  needs  suppose  she  was  more  of  a 
girl  than  a  cradle-baby.      And  Hugh's  steadi-  importance 
ness  of  purpose  having  dictated  to  him  the  ex-g^y*0 
pediency  of  abandoning,  once  and  for  ever,  all Giand- 
plans   tending    to    the    direct  appropriation  of 
Normandy,  his  acute  political  perceptions  also 
revealed  to  him,  that,  for  ensuring  the  fortunes 
of  the   young    Capet,   far  more    advantageous 
would  it  be  to  command  the  Norman  Duke's 
friendship,  than   rule  over  a  whole  nation   of 
recalcitrant    subjects,    who    could    neither    be 
coerced  nor  persuaded  against  their  will. 

No  danger  could  be  so  threatening  to  Hugh 
as  any  contingency  which,  after  his  death,  might 
place  his  young  family  within  the  French  King's 
power.  Many  distressing  anxieties  clouded  the ofHtSh-68 
prospect,  but  the  general  outline  of  the  chances «» to  the 
presented  by  the  future  was  clear.  The  enor- 
mous dismemberment  of  France,  created  through 
Hugh's  own  domination,  would  ultimately  ne- 
cessitate a  great  political  catastrophe.  King 
Robert's  reign  must  return.     Either  the  Duchy 


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520      LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

94S-064  °f  France  must  be  re-united  to  the  Crown  of 
France,  or  the  Crown  of  France  must  be  re- 
united to  the  Duchy  of  France,  —  upon  no 
other  condition  could  the  Monarchy  stand. 

Other  interests  were,  however,  also  to  be 
considered.  So  far  as  consanguinity  exercised 
any  influence,  Otho  and  Otho's  children  would, 
supposing  the  sentiments  of  family  affection  con- 
tinued unaltered,  be  attracted  equally  to  Louis 
and  his  children,  and  to  Hugh  and  his 
children.  But,  it  was  impossible,  that  such  a 
Mahomet's-coffin  state  of  suspension  could  be 
permanent;  and  the  conflict  between  the  anta- 
gonistic forces — the  sacred  ancestorial  right  of 
the  antient  line,  assailed  by  the  vigour  of 
the  new, — constitutes  the  last  act  in  the  sor- 
rowful, yet  majestic,  drama  of  the  Carlovingian 
history. 

Under  these  circumstances,  Normandy  ac- 
quired   great    importance:     Normandy    might 
decide  the  contest  between  the  rising  and  the 
declining  dynasties.    Normandy,  with  the  appen- 
dant Britany,  were  as  buttresses  supporting  the 
Duchy  of  France.     In  the  Langue  d'oc,  beyond 
the  Loire,  Richard's  partizanship  would  possibly 
also  avail,  for  though   his  brother-in-law,  the 
Count  of  Poitou,  Guillaume  T6te  d'£toupe,  had 
2Sdy'»     keen  compelled  tor  acknowledge  Hugh-le-Grand's 
JJJiftJSr*  superiority,    still    it    was    a    recognition    which 
p0ff-r'       grated  against  the  grain.     Robert-le-Fort,  and 


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RICHARD    SANS    FRUR.  521 

the  family  of  Robert-le-Fort,  and  the  descend- 
ants of  Robert-le-Fort,  were  odious  through- 
out  the  southern  Gauls;  and  Normandy  could 
menace  or  persuade  these  flourishing  regions. 

If  Hugh  -le-  Grand   was    perplexed   for  theDnng*» 
future,    neither   could    Richard    nor    Richard's  i«*? 

which 

friends    avoid    entertaining    gloomy    apprehen-^1^* 
sions.     In  the  first  place,  Flanders  menaced  him  SJJjJJSd 
incessantly.      Bernard  the   Dane   and  Bernard Tbibaut* 
de  Senlis  were  equally  conscious,  that  such  pro- 
tection as  they,  living,  afforded  to  their  young 
Prince,  could  not  endure  long.    Arnoul,  haunted 
by  the  bloody  vision  of  Picquigny, — the  bleeding 
corpse  stretched  on  the  swampy  sward,  —was  in- 
cessantly bent  upon  preventing  vengeance  by 
vengeance.      The   Marquis  of  Flanders  would 
assuredly  persecute  Richard  to  the  end  of  his 
life ;  and  he  was  so  singularly  vigorous,  that  it 
seemed  as  though  he  defied  the  ordinary  chances 
of  mortality. 

Moreover,  the  old  family  feud  was  rankling. 
Thibaut-le-Tricheur  was  tormented  by  envy  at 
Richard's  good  fortune.  Liutgarda's  spite 
against  her  step -son  continued  encreasing. 
Even  if  he  had  not  been  in  her  husband's  way, 
she  would  have  hated  him  for  the  very  sake  of 
hating. 

France  and  Germany  were  frowning. — Louis,  p^J^ 
and   more    than   Louis,    Gerberga,   boldly   andGUjnMny- 
yet   warily,   watching  the  opportunity,   should 


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522      LOUIS  d'outrbmkr,  lothaire,  &c. 

any  arise,  of  damaging  or  ruining  the  son  of 
the  Breton  Concubine,  the  Pirate's  bastard. 
Lastly  in  the  hostile  array,  Otho,  jealous  as 
mdiMdU  ever  °^  t^le  Normans,  fearing  and  detesting  them, 
hkiSriBh  ^^it  Christians,  no  less  than  he  would  have 
ancestry.  &one  when  they  were  yet  Black  Danes.  Richard 
never  could  be  purified  from  the  stain  of  his 
Danish  blood.  Though  in  the  third  generation, 
Richard  had  inherited  Rollo's  obloquy.  The 
French  reckoned  backwards  to  his  hideous 
grand  si  re,  and  sneered  at  his  courtesy  and  his 
bravery.  The  Pirate  was  not  admitted  ad  eun- 
dem  in  the  Romane  Commonwealth ;  for  though 
as  fluent  a  "latiner"  as  any  Frank  could  be, 
yet,  was  not  the  Dansk  to  him  as  a  mother 
tongue?  Richard  had  obtained  a  grand  posi- 
tion ;  but  if  the  Norman  Duke  owed  no  sub- 
jection, neither  could  he  command  any  aid. 
Whether  socially  or  politically,  Richard  wanted 
a  Wife  and  a  Suzerain. 

Amongst  all  the  convulsions  and  disorders  of 
the  times,  there  existed  throughout  France  an 
anxious  yearning  for  the  preservation  of  or- 
ganic unity.  Borrowing  from  our  neighbours  an 
incongruous  expression,  which,  like  many  con- 
tradictions in  terms,  performs  a  duty  refused  by 
the  rigid  orthodoxy  of  linguistic  accuracy, — the 
Civil  Hierarchy  was  deficient  in  systematic  regu- 
larity.— Titles  of  dignity  were  vaguely  applied 
or  assumed,  nor  was  there  any  settled  scheme 


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RICHARD   BANS    PEUR.  523 

of  graduated  subjection :  yet,  it  was  held  as  a  W2— ew 
normal  principle,  that  no  individual  ought  to  , — * — , 
live  at  large  amongst  the  People,  but  that  he 
should  be  connected  upwards  with  the  Head  of 
the  State,  whether  immediately  or  through  some 
link  or  links  of  dependance. 

Under    the    influence    of    this    prevailing 
opinion,   allodial   lands,  that  is   to  say,    lands 
destitute   of  an  Over-lord,  were  considered   as 
blemishes  in  the  Commonwealth.     There  wasCngtomof 
no  absolute  law   compelling    an    allodial    pro-^SS!"ei1" 
prietor  to  "  commend "  himself  to   a   Senior.  ^J^ 
No   direct  blame    could    be   imputed   to   him,  ^j 
yet    he    was    tilting    against    public    opinion.  (HdWs 
Though    not  positively   stigmatized    as    a  dis-Ag<i. 
turber  of  the  body  politic,  he  nevertheless  of- 
fended against  its   proprieties.     For  the  effect 
which  this  usage  had  in  perfecting  the  Feudal 
scheme,  I  must  refer  to  that  venerated  Teacher 
who  first  pointed  out  distinctly  the  importance 
of  the  custom  as  a  most  influential  element  in 
mediaeval  policy.     It  is  sufficient  to  observe  that 
"commendation,"  did  not,  at  this  period,  neces- 
sarily imply  the  formal  surrender  of  the  soil 
from  the  Allodialist  to  the  Superior,  but  the 
demand  was  satisfied  by  the  simple  acceptance 
of  a  Lord  as  a  Protector,  under  whom  the  Pro- 
prietor could  range  himself  in  the  social  com- 
munity. 

Dignified  as  was  the  station  which  Richard 


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524      LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

^a^M,  enjoyed,  a  Prince  freed  from  obedience  to  any 
*  H  '  earthly  being,  he  was  unsettled  for  want  of  the 
9f*-JJ^6  stability  resulting  from  subjection ;  and  how  was 
isoiataon—  the  security  to   be   found?     He   had   released 

need  of  J 

SKif"*  himself  from  this  relation  towards  Louis,  nor 
ciSo^-  could  he  again  place  himself  anywise  in  the 
So^SSL  grasp  of  so  untrustworthy  a  Ruler,  one  who 
had  so  constantly  sought  his  life  openly  and 
covertly,  and  who,  towards  the  Normans,  was 
thoroughly  engrained  with  treachery.  If  Richard 
now  thought  himself  bound  to  seek  a  Superior, 
his  Senior  must  be  his  real  Patron,  his  real 
"avou6,"  supporter,  and  friend. 

Yet  further  measures  were  needed  for  the 
purpose  of  engrafting  Normandy  upon  the  Car- 
lovingian  Commonwealth.  Richard  was  the  sole 
representative  of  Rollo:  in  him,  the  recently 
founded  dynasty  might  become  extinct;  ought 
he  not  to  desire  a  fitting  consort, — but  whom, 
and  where? — It  was  morally,  or  if  we  may 
venture  to  sport  the  expression,  immorally  im- 
possible that  such  a  Prince  as  the  lusty  young 
Richard  should  continue  insensible  to  the 
charms  of  the  Norman  damsels; — the  examples 
set  to  him  by  his  Progenitors  were  more  seduc- 
tive than  edifying. 

The  peculiar  civil  privileges  attached  to 
purity  of  blood  had  not  yet  acquired  the  stern 
acerbity  which  rendered  that  transcendent  pre- 
eminence so  hateful,  when  the  Pageant  Mon- 


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046—946 


RICHARD    SANS    PRUR.  525 

archs,  the  Kings  at  Arms,  ruling  in  their  fully  940-954 
developed  gorgeousness,  had  elevated  blazonry 
into  a  fantastic  science. — Nothing  was  known  in 
Carlovingian  times  concerning  "sixteen  quar- 
ters," the  definition  involving  a  principle,  which, 
to  the  last,  was  disowned  by  the  jurisprudence  of 
France.  Nobility  came  solely  through  the  Sire. 
Glorious  Athelstan,  the  son  of  the  serving-maid, 
was  as  eligible  to  the  throne  as  though  his 
mother  could  have  deduced  her  lineage  from 
Cerdic.  Nevertheless  the  institution  of  Caste, 
enforced  by  law,  whatever  harshness  may  ensue 
from  its  application,  is  so  accordant  with  the 
most  exalted  as  well  as  the  vilest  sentiments  of 
human  nature,  that,  if  not  positively  enjoined,  we 
are  constantly  striving  to  act  upon  the  doctrine. 
During  the  mediaeval  period,  a  bona  fide  honest  Principle 
love-match,  between  the  patrician  and  the  prole-  liara,'  n<* 

acknow- 

tarian  classes,  occurred  as  rarely  as  in  our  times,  ledgedby 

.  J  the  law, 

The  romance  of  Griselda  testifies  how  marvellous  &<»>& 


it  was,  or  would  have  been,  for  a  Prince  to  seek  s^*  ** 
the  hand  of  a  Peasant's  daughter.  The  distinc-  opini<m- 
tion  between  the  greater  and  the  lesser  nobility 
was  now  becoming  decidedly  marked.  Reigning 
or  sovereign  houses  were  more  anxious  than  ere- 
while  to  pair  amongst  themselves;  and  it  was 
the  judgment  of  the  Norman  Councillors,  that, 
amongst  his  equals,  Richard  must  seek  for  her 
who  was  to  be  his  companion  in  the  palace  of 
Rouen. 


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526      LOUIS  d'outrbmbr,  lothaire,  &c. 

042-464         §  47.    Arrange  in  parallel  columns  the  state- 
/_a_n  uients  of  the  troubles  and  difficulties  under  which 

046    016 

Hugh  and  Richard  respectively  laboured, — com- 
pare the  means  on  the  French  side  with  the  wants 
on  the  Norman,  and  vice  versd, — and  it  will  be 
seen,  at  the  first  glance,  that  the  ways  leading  to 
a  settlement,  satisfactory  for  either  of  the  par- 
ties,  conjoined  at  the  very  point  most  desirable 
Political  that  both  of  them  should  attain.  A  secret  con- 
mortal      ference  ensued  at  Paris  between  the  Duke  of 


between     France  and  the  two  Bernards, — the  two  acute 

Richard 

j^dHudi- statesmen  who  had  so  cleverly  outwitted  Hugh- 
advantage-  le-Grand  in  the  earlier  stage  of  these  transac- 

ous  to  both  ° 

Houses,  tions, — but  now,  well  contented  to  coalesce  with 
him — Bernard,  the  Count  of  Senlis,  head  of 
Rollo's  family,  and  Bernard  the  Dane,  their  ad- 
viser and  supporter  in  all  contingencies  and  dis- 
asters. The  Bernards  had  been  summoned  to 
Paris,  and  they  obediently  attended  accordingly. 
The  course  of  proceedings  intimates  that,  with- 
out having  received  any  direct,  or  as  we 
should  say,  any  official  communication,  notify- 
ing the  objects  for  which  their  presence  was 
peremptorily  required,  they  sufficiently  anti- 
cipated the  why  and  the  wherefore  they  were 
called. 

Hugh-le-Grand  whispered  in  confidence,  that 
overtures  had  been  made  to  him  on  the  part  of 
those  enemies  who  were  conspiring  against 
Richard  and  against  Normandy, — Louis  deter* 


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RICHARD   SANS    PEUR.  527 

mined  to  revenge  his  disgraces, — Arnoul  pos-  948-46* 
sessed  with  implacable  hatred  against  the  son  of ,_ a_^ 
the  father  whom  he  had  murdered,  —  others 
scarcely  less  inveterate. — The  peril  of  foreign 
invasion  was  again  imminent.  Hugh-le-Grand 
rejoiced  in  acknowledging  the  dignity  which  the 
Ruler  of  Normandy  could  claim, — Richardus 
nee  Regi  nee  Duct  militat,  nee  ulli  nisi  Deo  ob- 
sequi  prastat. — Yet,  whilst  magnifying  young 
Richard's  independence,  his  freedom  from  all 
earthly  subjection,  Hugh  lamented  the  absence 
of  any  support  enabling  him  to  oppose  his  ene- 
mies. No  one  was  there  who  would  stand  by 
Richard;  save  his  few  old  connections,  none 
others  who  would  circle  round  him. 

The  Count  of  Senlis  and  Bernard  the  Dane  Hngh-i*. 

Grand  in- 

concurred  in  opinion,  and  besought  the  Duke's  £"*!*» 
advice.     Hugh  then  spake  wisely  and  discreetly  ^^ 
concerning  the  temptations  to  which  Richard's  8houldthe 
youthful   passions  exposed   him:    a  congruous  3!^ 
marriage  would  secure  his  domestic  comfort,  and 
encrease  his  political  power ;  and  Hugh  therefore 
very  solemnly  exhorted  the  Bernards  to  do  their 
duty  and  exercise  their  wits,  in  devising  how 
sufficient    protection    for   their    Prince   against 
such  dangers,  could  be  obtained.     Counsel  pro- 
ceeding from  such  a  powerful  adviser  dictated  a 
conformable  reply ;  but  it  was  the  second  point  SSThe 
which   elicited    the    first   response.      Seigneur,  answ^ 
quoth  the  Count  of  Senlis,  we  know  not  whose  ingiy. 


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528      LOUIS  d'outrrmer,  loth  a  irk,  &c. 

942—054  daughter  could  be  so  fitting  as  thine  own,  that 
lovely  bright-haired  Emma,  gem  and  flower  of 
beauty,  peerless  throughout  the  world. 

Doncques  respond  Bernard  de  Saint-Liz : 
De  ce  suis  bien  certains  et  fixe, 
En  nul  lieu  mieux  en  tout  le  monde 
Qu'en  rostre  fille  od  la  chevelure  blonde. 

Hugh-i*  Unhesitatingly  did  Hugh  grant  his  assent, 

sent*,  but  but,  upon  conditions,  as  he  explained,  equally 

upon  ~— 


con- 


dition that  redounding  to  his  benefit   and   the  benefit  of 

Richard  ° 

should  Richard.  —  It  is  not  the  usage  in  France, 
gend"  spake  Hugh,  resuming  his  grave  discourse, 
iS!ilwher"  '^at  any  P"nce  or  Duke,  endowed  with  such 
possessions  as  the  young  Duke  Richard,  should 
continue  all  his  days  independent  without  sub- 
mitting to  some  Suzerain,  whether  Duke,  King, 
or  Emperor,  either  through  his  own  free  will,  or 
yielding  to  compulsion.  For  should,  perchance, 
any  such  a  Potentate,  confiding  in  his  own 
valour,  or  rejoicing  in  the  extent  of  his  pos- 
sessions, obstinately  persist  in  maintaining  this 
affronting  repudiation  of  the  rules  imposed  by 
national  feeling,  he  is  constantly  in  danger  of 
being  engaged  in  quarrels  and  dissensions,  and 
becoming  involved  in  great  disasters.  —  And 
what  was  the  remedy  ? — If  the  young  Richard, 
Bernard's  nephew,  would  condescend  to  serve 
under  Hugh,  he,  the  Duke  would  forthwith 
concede  his  daughter  in  marriage,  and,  becom- 
ing Richard's  counsellor,  ally,  and  father, — assist 


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RICHARD    SANS    PEUR.  529 

him  in   defending  against  all   men,  that  land  942-954 
which  he  lawfully  held.  , , 

J  945—946 

Et  pour  ceo,  si  agre*  lui  vient 
La  terre  que  il  a  et  tient, 
Lui  defendrai  vers  tout  gent 
S'U  seul  ma  fille  voult  et  prent. 
Pere,  conseil,  et  ajuvement 
Lui  serrai  vers  tout  gent. 

"  Give  him  thy  daughter.     I  elect  and  desire  Bernard  de 

Senlis,  on 

that  he  should  serve  thee,  and  not  the  fraudu-  toe  bead* 

1  of  Richard 

lent  King," — was  the  Uncle's  prompt  reply  togg^J^ 
Hugh-le-Grand,  who  had  thus  proffered  every-  gJS^. 
thing  which  Normandy  could  expect  or  desire.  Jj^jSon. 
Bernard  de  Senlis  took  upon  himself  the  whole 
responsibility  of  the  transaction  :  he  answered  as 
if  his  nephew  Duke  Richard,  and  the  Norman 
people,  had  conjoined  in  appointing  him  their 
plenipotentiary,  and  his  assent  to  the  Treaty  was 
accepted  as  obligatory  upon  all. 

Richard    and    Emma    were    solemnly    be-  Richard 

.  and  "Emmq. 

trothed.     The  little  bride's  tender  age  dictated  «*«- 

.  pouaed  ac- 

the  postponement  of  the  marriage,  a  delicacy  «>rdingij. 
not  always  observed  under  similar  circumstances. 
Hugh-le-Grand  confirmed  his  promise  by  oath, 
that  the  union  should  be  completed  after  the  ex- 
piration of  a  specified  period :  and  the  espousals, 
thus  contracted,  were  scarcely  less  binding  than 
though  the  youth  and  the  maiden  had  plighted 
their  troth  before  the  altar.  Richard  was  fully 
accepted  as  the  son-in-law  of  his  great  Suzerain. 

VOL.  II.  M  M 


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530      LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

942—964  Upon  such  joyful  occasions,  expectations  are  exu- 
, — * — ,  berant, — it  would  be  out  of  course  if  they  were 

946—946 

not, — and,  in  the  sturdy  healthy  Richard,  and 
the  radiant  playful  Emma,  the  public  already 
admired  by  anticipation,  the  fruitful  parents  sur- 
rounded by  a  numerous  and  flourishing  pro- 
geny. 

Not  merely  were  the  Normans  satisfied  with 
the  feudal  obligations  which  Richard  had  agreed 
to  accept,  but  they  were  anxious  that  the  com- 
pact should  be  speedily  completed,  graced  by 
all  the  honours  due  to  his  birth  and  dignity. 
They  considered,  and  sagaciously,  that  in  pro- 
portion as  the  young  Duke  Could  be  taught  and 
brought  to  appreciate  the  respect  rendered  to  his 
station,  the  more  would  he  improve  in  discre- 
tion, atid  become  formidable  before  the  world  at 
large. 
The  §  48.     According  to  the  pristine  Teutonic 

Normans 

request      usage,  it  was  needed  that  the  transition  from 

that  &    ' 

Richard     youth  to  manhood  should  be  marked  by  invest- 

may  he        J  J 

b^fJuie1  m%  *^e  r^yr0  ^k  virite  aras*  la  order  there- 
Hugh.  fore  tjjat  Richard  might  possess  the  full  comple- 
ment of  worship,  he  must  be  dubbed  a  Knight : 
and  Hugh-le-Grand  cordially  seized  the  oppor- 
tunity of  conferring  a  distinction,  which,  binding 
him  closer  to  the  Norman  Duke,  redounded  to 
his  own  superiority. 

Hugh    spared    neither    cost    nor '  exertion 
whereby  he  could  render  the  ceremonial  worthy 


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RICHARD    SANS    PRUR.  531 

of    both    parties,    displaying    the    wealth   and  042-054 
munificence  of  the  Parrain,  and,  at  the  same  t — * — > 

045—046 

time,  thoroughly  conformable  to  the  genius  and 
buoyant  spirit  of  the  young  Prince,  his  son  by 
military  adoption  and  by  marriage.  Twenty 
Donzels  of  like  age  with  Richard,  the  flower  of 
Normandy  and  of  Britanny,  accompanied  their 
Duke  to  Paris,  and  the  remark  that  the  youths 
were  all  born  of  noble  lineage,  must  not  be  re- 
jected as  a  statement  merely  inserted  to  com- 

J  J  .  Hugh  a*. 

plete  a  distich. — Clad  in  the  mantles  fashioned  *»*»— 

*  m        splendour 

according  to  Hugh's  peculiar  taste,  and  of  which  of  the  . , 

o  ©         r  *  ceremonial. 

the  materials,  precious  silk  and  brilliant  ermine, 
were  supplied  by  his  liberality,  the  Bachelors 
followed  their  young  Sovereign. — Each  in  due 
order  and  assigned  degree  received  from  Hugh 
the  trenchant  sword.  He  duly  bestowed  the 
accolade,  and  the  whole  pageant  was  conducted  * 
with  unprecedented  splendour. 

"  Unprecedented," — at  least  in  France, — We 
speak  from  the  book  when  making  this  assertion. 
During  the  Carlovingian  era,  the  creation  of  a 
Knight, — a  transaction  unquestionably  of  ordi- 
nary occurrence, — since  it  must  have  taken  place, 
from  time  to  time,  in  every  family  whose  lands 
extended  to  the  quota  of  mansi  which  cast  upon 
the  owner  the  obligation  of  full  military  service, 
— is  mentioned  only  occasionally  and  rarely, — 
slurred  over,  when  recorded,  as  a  matter  hardly 
deserving    attention.       The    Chroniclers    never 

M   M  2 


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532      LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

ms-964  notice  the  event  emphatically.     The  imagina- 
t — * — v  tive    Charlemagne    delighted    in    the    lays    of 

945—946  .  &      _  &      „       .    .  .  J 

the  heroic  age,  but  no  festivities  are  com- 
memorated as  gracing  Louis  -  le  -  Debonnaire's 
investiture  at  Ratisbon. — Louis -le-Debonnaire, 
in  like  manner,  performing  the  same  office 
towards  Charles -le-Chauve,  conducts  himself 
austerely,  without  any  peculiar  adornment  of 
stately  grandeur.  Not  so  in  Britain,  where  the 
youthful  Aspirant's  admission  into  the  fellow- 
ship of  war,  was  accepted  as  the  fitting  oppor- 
tunity of  enabling  the  Sovereign  to  manifest 
his  courteous  magnificence.  Of  this  national 
feeling,  Alfred,  when  we  behold  him  knight- 
ing the  young  and  already  glorious  Athelstan, 
affords  a  picturesque  example,  dropping  the 
purple  robe  upon  his  fair-haired  grandson's 
shoulders,  and  belting  the  youth  with  the  broad 
gemmed  baldrick,  to  which  was  pendant  the 
golden -sheathed  Saxon  sword. 
Probability  ^e  are  approaching  the  shadowy  borders 
i^™£h"  connecting  history  and  romance,  but  we  dare  not 
flowed  ijnger  in  sight  of  Fairy-land,  nor  indulge  in  dis- 
S^lt^  cussing  the  mysterious  transmission  of  British 
Engbnd.  traditions  to  their  Conquerors.  Neither  pause  we 
dreaming  whether  that  Saxon  sword  ought  not 
to  be  admired  as  the  keenest  of  blades,  forged 
by  the  u  cunning  smith,"  the  mythic  Welland — 
he  whom  Celt  and  Teuton  equally  claim — the 
weapon,  which,  after  many  translations,  travelled 


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RICHARD    SANS    PEUR.  533 

to  the  Treasure-vault  of  Winchester.     But  when  94&-$h, 
we  recollect  how  Hugh-le-Grand  had  been  fami-  , — * — , 

015    016 

liarized  with  the  customs  and  usages  prevailing 
in  the  Anglo-Saxon  Court,  it  cannot  be  repro- 
bated as  an  extravagant  supposition,  if  we  con- 
jecture that  the  Duke  of  France  was  emulating 
the  impressive  ceremonials  which  he  had  wit- 
nessed in  the  Palaces  of  Imperial  Albion. — 
England  seems  to  have  set  the  fashion  in  more 
ways  than  we  are  accustomed  to  suspect.  The 
singularly  remarkable  adoption  by  the  French,  of 
the  Anglo-Saxon  coronation  ritual,  verbally  and 
literally,  affords  an  example,  equally  perplexing 
and  irrefragable,  of  the  influences  shed  forth 
from  this  Island. 

Henceforward,  the  title  of  "Princeps  Franco- 
rum,  Burgundionum  Britonum  atque  Nortman- 
norum"  might  be  justly  bestowed  upon  Hugh- 
le-Grand.     The  service  of  ten  Knights,  which  pettdai 
the  Norman  Dukes  rendered  or  refused  to  ren-<rf?SSr.  * 
der,  when  the  Kings  of  France  took  the  field,  ujxm 
may   be   imputed   to   the  recognition    whereby  under 

.  J  the  third 

Richard  placed  himself  under  Hugh's  suzerainty.  i*M*ty, 
Richard's  homage  to  Louis  may  have  endured  gjjj^. 
during  the  life  of  the  latter,  but  Richard  ceased  £™1{£ndl1" 
to  be  Louis's  liegeman  when  Louis  died.     Upon  Hugh> 
the  demise  of  Louis,  Richard  did  not  become  the 
liegeman  of  Lothaire  the  son  of  Louis,  nor  did 
Richard  recognize  as  his  Lord,  the  last  Louis  of 
Charlemagne's  line.    But  after  Hugh-le-Grand's 


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534      LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

942—064  death,  then   Richard   became   the  liegeman   of 
i — * — .  Hugh  Capet,  to  whom  the  Suzerainty  descended, 

046*    04o  A 

and  the  Duke  of  Normandy  stood  foremost  as 
the  Premier  Lay-peer  of  the  fleurdelised  crown, 
by  reason  that  he  had  come  in  with  the  Founder 
of  the  third  Dynasty, — Hugh  Capet, — who  came 
in  himself,  not  by  inheritance,  but  by  conquest. 
§  49.  Hitherto,  our  information  concerning 
Richard     the  tenure  of  land  in  Normandy,  does  not  ex- 

introduces  i     •  •  i 

Feudality  tend  beyond  the  general  impression,  that,  al- 
Normandy.  though  the  title  which  Rollo's  followers  pri- 
marily obtained  through  military  occupancy,  had 
been  sanctioned  by  his  assent,  yet  the  constitu- 
tional engagement  was  incomplete,  their  obliga- 
tions were  not  accurately  defined,  nor  did  their 
rights  originate  in  any  law,  except  that  hold-fast 
law  which  is  strongest  of  all.  The  Tenants,  were 
therefore  more  or  less  exposed,  to  the  power 
which  the  Sovereign  might  exercise,  discreetly  or 
indiscreetly : — hence  the  Riulph  rebellion.  Even 
in  Scandinavia,  the  Odal  land-holders  were  not 
always  effectually  secured  against  the  aggres- 
sions of  their  Sovereigns.  Taking  these  circum- 
stances into  consideration,  we  shall  therefore  not 
be  entirely  unprepared  for  the  intelligence,  that, 
when  Richard  returned  from  Paris,  supported 
by  Hugh-le-Grand's  suzerainty,  he  should  have 
foundTthe  exerted  his  own  prerogative  in  a  manner  very 
S^a^e.  grateful  to  those  who  profited  by  it,  though 
affording  a  warning  evidence  of  the  Sovereign's 


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RICHARD    SANS    PEUR.  535 

autocracy.  —  Whether  upon   the   suggestion  of  ©48-064 
Hugh-le-Grand,  or  otherwise,  Richard  forthwith  , — * — » 

°  946—946 

enforced  a  most  extensive  conversion  of  allodial 
lands  into  feudal  tenure.  The  Nobles  being 
assembled  in  Rollo's  Hall,  the  submission  which 
Duke  Richard  had  rendered  to  Duke  Hugh  was 
exacted  by  Duke  Richard  from  the  greater  num- 
ber of  his  Vassals :  and  the  Baronage,  as  we  may 
now  henceforth  designate  the  upper  stratum  of 
Norman  society,  either  accepted  their  Sovereign's 
bounty  upon  his  own  terms,  or  received  a  new 
investiture  of  their  lands. 

Very  graciously  was  this  great  territorial  set- 
tlement effected,  although  the  process  manifested  The  time 
most  clearly  to  the  Normans,  that  it  depended  Barons  of 
entirely  upon  the  young  Prince's  good  will  and  ^£J£nd 
pleasure,  whether  he  should  clench  his  fist  or  5^^ 
open  his  palm.     Historical  traditions  have  pre-J^^k 
served  the  incipient  paragraphs  of  the  enfeof- Bde8me- 
ment  Roll. — Osmond  de  Centvilles  was  called 
up  first,  and  obtained  that  ample  endowment, 
which,  during  many  generations,  continued  to 
enrich  his  progeny. 

Next,  Bernard  the  Dane, — Bernard,  fully  ac- 
knowledged as  Premier  Baron,  yet,  on  this  occa- 
sion, and  for  this  time  and  turn,  postponed  by 
Richard's  laudable,  or  at  least,  excusable,  grati- 
tude to  the  claims  of  Osmond,  that  vigilant, 
active,  and  affectionate  friend,  through  whose  . 
exertions  he  was  delivered  from  the  gloomy  cap- 


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536      LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

942—954  tivity  which   had   endangered,   not  merely   his 
t — * — ,  liberty,  but  his  life. 

945—946 

Yvo  de  Bdlesme,  third  in  order,  received  his 
endowment:  and  the  assertion,  that  not  one  of 
those  who  had  faithfully  served  under  Guillaume 
Longue-£p6e    was   neglected,   implies   that    the 
transaction   should  be  viewed  as  being  in   the 
nature  of  a  final  establishment  of  territorial  du- 
ties and  obligations  throughout  the  "  Terra  Nor- 
mannorum."   After  making  all  these  concessions, 
dictated  equally  by  liberality,  fair  dealing,  and 
aAmiito    sound  policy,  very  extensive  domains  still   re- 
^^J^  mained    to    Richard.      These,    however,    being 
Snyto  his  subsequently  alienated   by  his   bounteous   pro- 
Ldcon-    fusion,    became    the    Counties,   the    Seignories, 
nexiong.     ^^j    ^e    Baronies    0f  hi8    children,    his    half- 
brother,  and  his  other  connexions.      And,  cer- 
tain  it  is,  that  the  Norman  system   of  tenure 
became  developed  with   greater  coherence  and 
regularity  than  in  any  other  province  of  Cape- 
tian  France. 

§  50.  The  alliances,  connubial  and  poli- 
tical, concluded  between  Richard  and  Hugh-le- 
Grand,  created  great  sensation  throughout  the 
riS0'  Carlovingian  States  on  either  side  the  Rhine. 
carlo!11  Much  uneasiness  was  excited  amongst  all  who 
stakT  were  in  anywise  opposed  to  Richard.  The  new 
alliance  organization  imparted  to  Normandy,  glared  por- 
France  tentously.  No  one  could  exactly  predict  how 
Normandy,  this  re-formation  of  the   Norman  State  would 


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RICHARD    SANS    PEUR.  537 

work ;  yet,  it  was  a  patent  fact,  that  the  mate-  942—054 
rials  composing  the  hitherto  imperfectly  aggre-  , — * — , 
gated  "monarchy"  were  now  recast  into  the 
shape  of  a  robust  and  compact  military  power, 
available  for  all  the  designs  which  the  ambitious 
lineage  of  Robert-le-Fort  might  form.  Hugh- 
le-Grand  could  afford  to  observe  his  self-denying 
vow,  in  order  that  it  might  be  broken  by  that 
sturdy  boy  now  growing  up  to  manhood,  who 
would  advance  with  Duke  Richard  by  his  side. 

Normandy   constituted   a   middle   term   be- 
tween Pagan  Danishry  and  Western  Christianity:  i^gand 
and,   alarmed   by   the    union    of  the    interests  22?^- 
of  Normandy  with  Hugh-le- Grand's  interests,  ^i™* en" 
the  Carlovingian  States  were  preparing  to  meet  JKrf. 
their  enemies.      Hugh  -  le  -  Grand's  revelations 
of  the    dangers    imminently   threatening    Nor- 
mandy, and  upon  which  he  grounded  his  argu- 
ments  as  to  the  expediency  of  Richard's  alli- 
ance with  him,   were  incontrovertibly   correct. 
Louis,  unflinching  in  the  determination  of  re- 
gaining   his    ancestorial    rights,    steadily    con- 
templated another  invasion  :   whilst  Otho,  dis- 
tant as  the  Normans  might  be  from  his  own 
territories,  had  sufficient  reason  to  be  rendered 
uneasy   by    their  aggrandisement.      And    both 
Louis  and  Otho  were  kept  in  a  state  of  constant 
irritation  by  the  incitements  of  Normandy's  evil 
genius,  the  Flemish  Count  Arnoul. 

Seventy-six  years  of  age,   Arnoul   the  son 


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538      LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

943-06*  of  Baudouin-le-Chauve,  demands  to  be  honoured 
, — * — >  as  a  patriarch  amongst  all  contemporary  Chiefs, 
Amoni  Princes,  Rulers  and  Kings.  From  his  earliest 
genius  of  youth,  had  Arnoul  been  taught  that  his  pri- 
orman  .  mary  morai  (juty  was  hatred  towards  the  Danes. 

Baudouin-le-Chauve  could  tell  him  how  Bau- 
douin-bras-de-Fer,  his  grandfather,  the  Lord 
Marcher,  had  received  fertile  Flanders  from  old 
Charles-le-Chauve,  the  Emperor,  upon  condition 
of  defending  the  Empire  against  the  Pirates:  and 
Arnoul  was  perseveringly  consistent  to  the  last. 
In  Arnoul's  own  estimation,  Guillaume  Longue- 
£pee's  slaughter  was  always  a  righteous  deed. 
The  antipathy  he  entertained  towards  Richard 
amounted,  as  the  Normans  said,  to  absolute 
devilry.  It  should  seem  that  senescence  had 
somewhat  enfeebled  Arnoul's  firm  mind ;  he  was 
a  brave  man,  a  kind  and  sagacious  ruler  of  his 
prosperous  people,  but  he  was  unreasonably, 
nay,  almost  insanely,  haunted  by  the  terrific 
apprehensions  of  the  vengeance  he  might  sustain 
from  Richard. — Richard  would  conquer  Flan- 
ders, hang  him,  flay  him,  burn  him  alive. 
An^oui  Under  these  impressions,  Richard's  destruc- 

Lorisand  tion  was  a  matter  of  life  or  death  to  Arnoul. 
co-operate  For  the  purpose  of  accomplishing  this  deliver- 
dertruc-  ance,  he  was  now  employed,  astutely  and  dili- 
Bichard.  gently,  in  negotiating  a  warlike  coalition  be- 
tween Louis  and  Otho,  such  as  would  enable 
them  to  crush  the  enemy. 


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RICHARD    SANS    PEtfR.  539 

It  might  be  urged  that  there  was  a  moral  942—054 
obstacle  to  this  alliance.  Louis  had  just  sworn 
perpetual  peace  to  Richard  at  Saint  Clair-sur- 
Epte:  but  oaths  and  pledges  and  promises  did 
not  oppose  the  slightest  hinderance.  There  was 
however  a  real  difficulty,  —  Louis  had  not  the 
means,  and  unless  Otho  assisted  strenuously, 
the  war  could  not  be  continued  with  any  rea- 
sonable prospect  of  success. 

4  51.  Would  Otho  exert  himself?—  Ger- 
berga,  when  she  recently  solicited  Otho  to  help 
her  persecuted  husband,  might  have  antici- 
pated that  he  would  make  some  active  exer- 
tions on  behalf  of  a  brother  Monarch  :  indeed,  otho 
for  his  own  sake  Otho  could  not  fail  to  sym-  neglectful 

y         of  Louis. 

pathize,  but  no  satisfactory  result  had  ensued. 
This  slackness  can,  however,  be  sufficiently 
explained.      Heavy   was  the  blow   which   had 
fallen    upon   Otho.      The   pious,  the  wise,  the 
tender  Editha,  had  been  borne  to  her  tomb  in  J***110* 

Queen 

the  Dom  of  Magdeburg,  leaving  an  only  son,  Jf^^ 
Liudolph,  then  sixteen  years  of  age.     All  the^^ 
love  which   Otho    entertained   for  the  mother  ^to  ° 
he   transferred    to   her    child.      He    forthwith,  ^^f" 
by  a  solemn   instrument,  designated  Liudolph 
as    his    successor;     and    the    royal    title    was 
confirmed  by  the  oaths  of  allegiance,  which,  in 
pursuance  of  Otho's  command,  all  the  Prelates 
and   Nobles  swore   to  their  future  Sovereign. 
— Why   this   uneasiness?      No  fraternal   rival 


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540      LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

94a-064  existed  who  might  compete  with  Liudolph  and 
i — * — >  contest  his  rights:    but  Otho  had  painful  rea- 

016    047 

sons  to  recollect  the  unnatural  conflict  which 
raged  erewhile  between  himself  and  his  younger 
brother,  Henry  the  Porphyrogenitus.  Henry  was 
a  powerful  Prince,  in  full  vigour,  and  according 
to  all  human  probability  would  be  Otho's  sur- 
vivor.— Might  not  the  Saxon  King  therefore  rea- 
sonably fear,  lest  Henry  the  Duke  of  Bavaria,  son 
of  the  crowned  King  and  crowned  Queen,  would 
seize  the  kingdom  of  which  he  had  been  de- 
prived: inasmuch  as  Otho,  his  elder  though 
usurping  brother,  not  having  a  lawful  title  him- 
self, could  transmit  none  to  his  heirs.  Therefore 
these  precautions  were  adopted  by  the  anxious 
father  for  the  purpose  of  affording  every  consti- 
tutional guarantee  which  might  ensure  the  dear 
Liudolph's  accession,  when  he,  the  parent,  should 
be  removed. 

Another  co-operating  cause  probably  tended 
to  enfeeble  Otho's  exertions  on  behalf  of  Louis, 
hetw&s^8  — the  edginess  subsisting  between  both  parties 
LouL"1     by  reason  of  the  pretensions  which  they  respec- 
lStcSJ1*  tively  asserted  to  Lorraine.    All  the  accumulated 
traditions  of  discord,  and  bloodshed,  and  hatred 
concerning    this    debatable    land,    operated    in 
fomenting    their  mutual  ill-will.      During  the 
first  flush   of  transient  success,  Louis  had  ap- 
parently  made    no    inconsiderable    progress   in 
regaining  the  object  of  contention.     He  prided 


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RICHARD    SANS    PEUR.  541 

himself  when  he  could  declare  in  his  royal  Char-  mb-os* 
ters  that  he  had  commenced  the  "re-integra-  , — * — v 

°  Qi/Q    Q47 

tion"  of  the  realm. — The  process  of  re-integra- 
tion had  now  been  arrested. — The  process  of 
disintegration  was  advancing  with  fearful  ra- 
pidity.—  Yet  Louis  clung  to  his  claims,  and 
though  unable  to  maintain  them,  they  stood  in 
Otho's  way.  Shadows  are  solidified  into  sub- 
stances, and  substances  attenuated  into  shadows, 
by  the  inconsequence  and  inconsistency  of  man's 
head  and  heart.  Louis,  whenever  any  oppor- 
tunity arose,  plainly  manifested  that  he  reckoned 
himself  the  lawful  Sovereign  of  Lorraine,  a  pro- 
vince appertaining  to  his  paternal  inheritance. 
Otho,  who  could  not  demand  Lorraine  through 
his  ancestors,  was  therefore  the  more  sensitive 
of  the  influence  which    an    adverse  right,  so  an™*  to 

.  "quiet  bia 

grounded,  might  exercise.  The  anxiety  evinced  ?™£> 
by  all  parties  to  have  their  contested  titles 
"quieted,"  as  lawyers  say,  may  be  remarked 
throughout  the  whole  of  this  period,  showing, 
any  how,  that  the  abstract  principles  of  justice 
were  not  entirely  forgotten. 

Sagacious  Arnoul  therefore  earnestly  urged 
Louis  to  abandon  the  quarrel.  He  suggested 
doubts  whether  Lorraine  could  be  any  longer 
conscientiously  the  subject  of  litigation.  Arnoul 
argued  upon  the  cession  made  by  Charles  the 
father  of  Louis  to  Henry  the  father  of  Otho,  who 
would  have  been  father-in-law  to  Louis  had  he 


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542      LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothairb,  &c. 

©45—064  lived: — bold  King  Henry.      Even  if  Lorraine 
i — * — >  really  belonged  to  Louis,  would  it  not  be  much 

016    017 

more  beneficial  for  himself  and  his  family  were 
he  to  bestow  the  dominion  upon  his  faith- 
ful  consort's  brother,  thus  subsidizing  Otho  by 
a  comparatively  costless  sacrifice.  Let  Otho 
and  Louis  concentrate  all  their  strength  against 
the  two  usurpers,  Hugh  and  Richard.  —  Paris 
Amooi'a    taken,  their  march  must  be  directed  to  Nor- 

exertion* 

to  effect  mandy.  If  Louis  could  be  enabled  to  obtain 
*»•  the  actual  possession  of  Normandy  in  exchange 
for  his  hypothetical  Lotharingian  sovereignty,  he 
would  strike  a  most  profitable  bargain. — Nor- 
mandy so  rich  and  full  of  resources! — Then 
Arnoul  alluded  to  Gerberga's  primitive  project, 
concerted  when  she  kept  Richard  in  her  custody 
at  Laon.  —  Normandy  would  furnish  such  a 
noble  appanage  for  either  of  their  sons. 

Arnoul,  who  had  out-lived  his  gout,  or  per- 
haps had  no  more  occasion  for  it,  was  indefati- 
gable. He  passed  and  repassed  from  despoiled 
Compiegne  to  splendid  Aix-la-Chapelle.  His  ar- 
guments and  energy  prevailed  with  Otho.  Affec- 
tion for  his  own  sister  Gerberga,  and  the  feeling 
that,  in  many  respects  his  own  well-doing  was 
identified  with  the  prosperity  of  Louis,  conjoined 
to  the  opportunity  of  settling  a  long-continued 
dispute  upon  an  advantageous  basis,  induced 
him  to  agree  that  he  would  combine  with  Louis 
in  the  enterprise. 


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RICHARD    SAN8   PBUR.  543 

§  52.     Having  held  his  general  muster  at  m&-*64 
Cambray,  it  was  in  the  midst  of  sultry  summer  , — * — > 

046    047 

that  Otho  commenced  the  campaign.     Not  will-  oie-Juiy. 
ing  to  expose  his  precious  Liudolph  to  the  dan-  tenhiT1*' 
gers  of  war,  Otho  was  accompanied  by  a  Prince  cuX^r. 
of  the  Royal  blood,  an  Edeling,  a  Nephew,  a^^i 
sister's  son,  who  became  a  very  prominent  per-  &phew. 
eonage  in  the  expedition.     And  yet  we  do  not 
know   anything    concerning    him    beyond  the 
incidental    particulars    recorded    by    the    Nor* 
man   historians;    and    these    are   so   desultory 
that  they  do  not  even  mention  the  name  of  the 
Edeling. — He  was  a  rash  and  boastful  young 
man,  much  loved  by  his  royal  uncle,  proud  of 
his  sword,  proud  of  his  harness,  proud  of  his 
prowess,  which,  according  to  his  own  accounts 
of  his  achievements,  he  had  manifested  in  the 
Sclavonian     Marches     against    the     barbarian* 

®  Obedience 

Obeying  Otho's  summons,  the  wide  regions  JJjJjJ* 
acknowledging  his  sway,  extending  from  thej^gjgjj* 
Carpathian  Mountains  to  the  Jura,  a  Realm  be- 
ginning to  deserve  the  appellation  of  an  Empire, 
sent  forth  their  due  contingent  and  service. 
Amongst  other  vassals  or  dependants,  we  may 
remark  that  Otho  was  joined  by  Conrad,  "  King 
of  Geneva/'  under  which  style  we  might  have 
some  difficulty  in  recognizing  the  King  of  Bur- 
gundy, yet  the  title  is  not  undeserving  of  notice, 
as  embodying  the  very  few  remaining  recollec- 


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544      LOUIS  d'outrbmer,  lothaire,  &c. 

942-054  tions  of  a  kingdom  practically  effaced  from  his- 
, — a — ,  torical  memory. 

046—947 

Numbers,  discipline,  arms  and  armour, 
equally  contributed  to  render  Otho's  many- 
nationed  Host  very  remarkable.  The  combined 
forces  comprehended  thirty-two  "  Legions."  We 
are  not  furnished  with  any  data  enabling  us  to 
ascertain  the  numerical  strength  of  the  bodies  so 
designated,  but  the  expression  suggests  the  idea 
of  a  regular  military  organization  imposed  by 
the  great  Commander. 
Equipment  Their  equipment,  as  we  are  told,  exhibited 
^,— 8  one  memorable  feature.  Save  four  individuals, 
pearcda  all  the  troops  appeared  wearing  hats  of  straw. 
Bovo,  the  famous  Abbot  of  Corbey,  and  his  three 
Knights  who  followed  him  to  the  war,  were 
alone  excepted.  Their  nonconformity  to  the 
►regulations  must  have  excited  much  remark, 
the  fact  being  very  specially  commemorated  by 
Widukind,  or  Wittekind,  our  primary  authority 
during  the  Saxon  reigns.  JEt  revera  cum  esset 
magnus  valde  exercitus,  triginta  scilicet  duarum 
legionum,  non  est  inventus  quifcenino  non  uteretur 
pileo,  nisi  Corbeius  Abbas  nomine  Bovo,  cum  tri- 
bus  sequacibus. — The  account  of  Otho's  straw- 
hatted  army  constitutes  a  stock  anecdote  in 
his  biography;  and  their  rustic  head-gear  has 
given  rise  to  much  controversy  amongst  the 
German  historians,  perhaps  rather  more  than  the 
question  is  worth.     The  obstinate  manuscripts 


paille.' 


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RICHARD    SANS   PEUR.  545 

refuse  to  contribute  any  various  readings  offer-  042-954 
ing  a  different  sense.      The  learned  and  inde-  , — * — , 

946—947 

fatigable  enquirers,  who  guide  us  in  this  portion 
of  our  narrative,  have  therefore,  by  various  ver- 
sions, attempted  to  remove  the  presumed  absur- 
dity of  the  literal  statement,  and  divers  critical 
emendations  of  the  text  have  also  been  offered. 

One  conjectural  commentary,  not  destitute  of 
plausibility,  may  be  quoted. — It  is,  that  the  sol- 
diers were  armed  with  metal  helmets,  shaped  like 
the  conical  thatching  of  a  barley-mow,  such  being 
the  modern  " pickelhaube"  still  commonly  worn 
in  the  Prussian  army;  and  that  Otho,  when 
boasting  of  his  array,  employed  a  sportive  ex- 
pression, which,  accepted  literally,  gave  rise  to 
the  notion  that  his  warriors  were  thus  simply  Di^ki. 
provided.  Had  not  so  much  erudition  been  o^Ttiie 
expended  on  this  historical  problem,  it  might 
have  been  suspected  that  the  convenience  of  a 
cool  and  light  head-covering  for  the  soldiery, 
about  to  commence  a  very  long  and  fatiguing 
march  during  the  Dog-days,  afforded  a  sufficient 
reason  for  its  adoption,  possibly  by  Otho's  pru- 
dent suggestions. — And  the  more  so,  since  Abbot 
Bovo,  as  the  Chronicle  of  the  House  informs  us, 
speedily  conformed  to  the  rule,  and  donned  a 
summer-hat  like  the  rest. — Ivit  Bovo  noster 
cum  Ottone  JRege  ejusque  immenso  exercitu, 
gestans  pileum  cestivalem  contra  Capetum. 

Otho  began  the  war  by  emphatically  an- 

VOL.  II.  N  N 


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546      LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

04a-*64  Bouncing,  as  his  main  and  primary  object,  the 
, — * — »  redressal  of  the  wrongs  which  Louis  had  sus- 

946—047 

Unwise  tained.  No  reparation  did  Otho  deign  to  ask 
Suited  from  Hugh  -  le  -  Grand ;  no  further  challenge 
tyotho     given:    in  defiance  he  hastened  onwards  as  an 

and  by 

Hugh-ie-    avenger. 

Otho's  audacity  provoked  Hugh-le-Grand  ex- 
ceedingly.— The  quantum  of  the  antient  Frank- 
ish  blood  actually  subsisting  in  the  "Regnum 
Caroli/'  as  France  was  sometimes  denominated 
by  the  Germans,  may  have  been  more  or  less  di- 
luted: but  the  French  still  contemned  the  Saxons 
as  an  inferior  race.  Hugh-le-Grand,  influenced 
by  this  pretension,  spake  insolently  of  the  foe. 
He  swore  by  the  soul  of  his  father  King  Robert, 
Grad1*  w^°  ka(*  perished  on  the  battle-field  when  vin- 
nTiS!^  dicating  his  Royal  dignity,  that  he,  Duke  Hugh, 
would  bring  more  troops  to  surround  the  vain- 
glorious Saxons  than  Otho  had  ever  seen.  Such 
were  his  people  compared  with  Otho's,  that 
each  Frankishman  would  swallow  seven  Saxon 
spears  at  one  gulp,  and  be  no  worse  for  what 
he  had  taken  in. — Otho  indulged  in  correspond- 
ing bravadoes.  Tale-bearers  seem  to  have 
fetched  and  carried  the  stories  to  and  fro,  and, 
of  course,  they  were  envenomed  by  transmission. 
It  was  during  this  exchange  of  idle  and  arrogant 
objurgations,  that  Otho  boasted  how  his  straw- 
hatted  soldiers  would  appal  Duke  Hugh  by  the 
mere  spectacle  of  their  numbers. 


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RICHARD    SANS    PBUR.  547 

Hugh's  indignation,  however,  was  not  al-  942—954 
lowed  by  him  to  exhale  in  empty  vapouring,  , — * — k 
nor  did  the  Frenchman's  rodomontade  diminish 
the  General's  sagacity.     Garrisons  were  placed  q^".1®' 
in   the    principal    fortresses    of   those    districts  g^j*™; 
through   which    it    was    apprehended   that  the^1Jfenc8 
enemy  would  march.      Senlis  received  a  large  ^"u^01"- 
proportion  of  the  Norman  contingent,  such  as 
the   antient   city's    importance    deserved.      At 
Laon,    so    recently    wrenched    from    the    do- 
minion   of   Louis,    additional    outworks    were 
erected,  particularly  calculated  to  strengthen  the 
huge  tower.     As  for  Rheims,  being  then  in  the 
possession  of  the  Vermandois  Archbishop  Hugh, 
it  was  expected  that  the    pugnacious   Prelate, 
aided   by  his  numerous  partizans,   could   suffi- 
ciently  resist  any  forces  likely  to  be  brought 
against  him.      Paris  was  put  into  a  full  state 
of  defence.      And  Hugh   also  adopted  various 
well-planned  devices,  for  the  purpose  of  resist- 
ing the  enemy's  progress. 

§  53.     Otho  and  Conrad  having  crossed  the  Meeting 
French  border,  Louis  came  forward  and  received  coml\ 
his  royal  friends.    The  three  Kings  greeted  each         "* 
other  cordially :    and,  confident  in  their  mili- 
tary,  as  well    as    political    strength,   they   de- 
termined  to    commence    by   attempting   Laon. 
Louis,  so  well    acquainted   with   the    position, 
would    scarcely    have   joined    in    the    move- 
ment, had  he  not  been  encouraged  by  a  rea- 

NN2 


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548      L0UI8  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

g^-054,  sonable  prospect  of  success.  The  cavalry  occu- 
SI^»47  Pie(^  ^e  UQdulating  valleys,  that  pleasant  coun- 
try into  which  Richard  had  made  his  escapade, 
and  they  cerned  the  lofty  fortress  on  all  sides, 
othoand  Could  Louis  have  recovered  the  antient  royal 
tempt*  residence,  such  a  visible  remitter  to  his  pristine 
abandon     royal  estate  would  have  been  very  advantageous. 

the  enter-  J  . 

prwe.  He  was,  however,  disappointed.  Laon  looked 
down  upon  her  old  master  with  a  frowning  brow: 
Hugh  -  le  -  Grand's  additional  fortifications  an- 
swered effectually  in  keeping  Louis  at  bay:  but, 
even  more  detrimental  to  the  King's  cause  was 
the  circumstance,  that  amongst  the  Citizens, 
many  were  becoming  well  affected  towards  his 
rival;  and  the  enterprise  was  abandoned. 

Not  disheartened  by  this  mortifying  repulse, 
the  three  Kings  forthwith  directed  their  march 
to  Rheims.     They  encamped  before  the  City, 
siege  of     Gerberga  joined  her  husband,   and  the   allies 
inhabitants  energetically  commenced  the  siege.    Archbishop 
able  to       Hugh,  as  of  yore,  persisted  in  defying  the  royal 
authority,  whilst  he  boldly  asserted  his  preten- 
sions against  his  ecclesiastical  competitor.     At 
Rheims  also,  Louis  was  losing  ground.      The 
Citizens,  or  their  majority,  generally  held  with 
their  Archbishop,  now  the  man  of  their  choice : 
— so  that  in  one  sense  their  conduct  might  have 
been  said  to  be  loyal,  and,  in  another,  disloyal. 
The  combined  forces  blockaded  the  City  closely. 
Several  of  Archbishop  Hugh's  Vermandois  rela- 


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RICHARD    SANS    PEUR.  549 

tions  or  connexions,  men  of  high  estate,  were  942-054 
serving  in  the  hostile  army.     The  Citizens  de-  < — * — , 

946—947 

fended  the  place  valiantly.  Frequent  sallies 
ensued.  During  six  days  the  walls  and  build- 
ings were  battered  with  the  volleys  of  stones  and 
missiles  darted  from  the  French  and  German 
artillery.  The  contest  had  become  extremely 
bitter.  Louis  and  Otho  were  infuriated,  and 
loudly  declared,  that  when  they  should  regain 
possession  of  the  antient  Metropolis — an  event 
upon  which  they  confidently  calculated — they 
would  pluck  out  the  Archbishop's  eyes. 

Examples  of  such  brutal  vengeances,  exer- 
cised by  the  laity  upon  the  priesthood,  up  to  the 
Pope  himself,  were  not  very  unfrequent.  Arch- 
bishop Hugh,  bold  as  he  was,  became  anxious 
for  his  personal  safety ;  and,  consulting  with  his 
friends  in  the  Camp,  he  solicited  them  to  give 
him  their  honest  opinion,  whether,  supported  as 
he  was,  he  should  take  the  chance  of  resisting 
to  the  utmost,  or  surrender.  These  friends 
assured  him,  that  should  the  City  be  stormed, 
Otho  and  Louis  would  certainly  realize  their 
declaration : — they  were  speaking  the  truth, — 
it  was  not  a  threat,  but  a  resolve. — The  Parvu- 
lus  now  again  counselled  with  his  friends  within 
and  without  the  City,  and  with  his  retainers, 
and  the  result  was,  that  he  thought  it  more  pru- 
dent to  avoid  incurring  such  a  desperate  risk,  surrenders 
Archbishop   Hugh   and   his   knights  evacuated  AUi«— 


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550      louis  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

942—964  Rheims,  and  the  City  surrendered.     Artaldus, 
, — * — ,  his  rival  being:  thus  expelled,  was  restored  to  his 

016    047 

Archbishop  See :  but  his  enthronement  assumed  the  unplea- 
S^te,Md  sant  appearanee  of  being  a  military  triumph, 
restored u  rather  than  an  ecclesiastical  installation.  Nor, 
could  it  have  escaped  observation,  that  Artaldus 
was  re-introduced  to  his  clergy,  and  replaced 
in  the  exercise  of  his  functions,  without  any 
regular  process :  merely  by  the  ministration  of 
two  foreign  Lotharingian  Prelates, — Frederick 
Archbishop  of  Mayence  and  Robert  Archbishop 
of  Treves,  Otho's  Arch-chancellor, — neither  of 
whom  could  pretend  to  possess  any  canonical 
authority  within  that  Province  of  the  Gauls. 

Gerberga  having  been  left  by  her  husband 
in  command  at  Rheims,  further  operations  en- 
sued. Emboldened  by  their  success,  the  Kings 
advanced,  and  renewed  their  warfare  against 
Hugh-le-Grand  in  his  own  territories  and  do- 
mains. Laon,  however,  they  dared  not  attempt 
again,  so  they  stationed  themselves  before  Senlis. 
Here  however  also  they  were  thwarted.  Large 
reinforcements  of  French  and  Normans  had 
been  thrown  into  the  City, — the  allies  contented 
themselves  with  setting  fire  to  the  suburbs, — 
and  then,  having  perpetrated  other  acts  of  vio- 
lence, they  marched  straight  onwards  to  Paris. 
Hugh-ie-  §  54.     Forewarned,  forearmed, — Hugh-le- 

pre^ri     Grand  cleared  away  almost  all  the  large  craft, 
defeLT     twenty  miles  up  and  twenty  miles  down,  except 


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RICHARD    SANS    PEUR.  551 

about  ten  or  twelve,  which,  floating  in  the  pool,  942—054 
were  moored,  as  it  should  seem,  on  the  Saint-  , — * — , 

946—947 

Germain  bank.  Some  small  boats  also  remained. 
But  the  Duke  made  proclamation,  forbidding  the 
hiring  of  them  out  to  strangers  under  a  heavy 
penalty.  These  measures  were  obviously  adopted 
for  the  purpose  of  impeding  the  allies  in  their 
movements ;  whether  they  designed  to  cross  the 
river  or  to  use  the  water-way,  by  which  they 
might  convey  either  troops  or  stores  towards 
Rouen. 

This  portion  of  our  history  is  peculiarly  hard  Difficulties 
to  construe.     The  French  and  their  Chroniclers  this  portfc 

1  1       <•    1  •  1  mi     •    °f  Norma] 

were  ashamed  of  the  campaign  s  result.     Their  history. 
fortunes  are  indicated  in  a  single  phrase;    and 
the   Germans  entirely   ignore,   or  rather  were 
ignorant  of  the  French  proceedings,  whilst  the 
Norman  authorities  overwhelm  us  by  rhetorical 
and  poetical  exuberance.     It  appears,  however, 
from  subsequent   transactions,   that    Hugh-le- 
Grand  despatched  an  effective  body  of  troops  to 
Normandy :  and  then,  having  quartered  a  strong 
garrison  in  Paris,  he  retired  southward,  probably 
to  Dourdon  on  the  Orge,  an  antient  domainial  Hugh  ro- 
palace  appertaining  to  his  family.     But  we  have  Orleans, 
no  other  certain  intelligence  concerning  the  Duke  the  event 
previously  to  our  meeting  him  again  at  Orleans,  campaign. 
where  he  resided  till  the  conclusion  of  the  war. 
He  abandoned   his   Duchy   to   the    inroads   of 
the   enemy,   but,    at   the   same   time,  unques- 


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552      LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

942—954  tionably  relying  that  Paris  would  preveBt  any 
, — * — ,  permanent  conquest. — Great  caution  and  wari- 

946—947  ^ 

ness  had  succeeded  to  his  bravadoes.  No  more 
talk  of  bolting  seven  Saxons  at  a  gulp; — and  his 
ill-wishers  perhaps  began  to  boast,  on  their  parts, 
that  his  courage  failed  him.  Fully  assured,  how- 
ever, may  we  be,  that  cowardice  could  not  be  the 
motive  which  induced  Hugh-le-Grand  thus  to 
expose  his  country  to  disgrace  and  danger,  but 
that  he  had  calculated  the  cost.  Therefore,  we 
have  reason  to  conjecture,  that  at  this  important 
crisis  he  considered  the  present  protection  of  the 
young  Richard  the  main  object,  and,  for  the 
future,  trusted  to  the  fortuities  of  war. — The 
allies  might  be  defeated  by  the  Normans,  or 
some  disagreement  lead  to  the  dissolution  of 
the  confederacy. 
m  n  The  German  forces  were  reckoned  at  thirty 

The  Cter-  J 

man  army  thousand  men  when  they  came  up  before  Paris. 

comes  up  J  r 

*^P  Such  calculations  can  usually  be  accepted 
only  as  affording  a  very  rough  estimate  of 
numbers.  But  Otho's  military  discipline  was 
so  perfect,  and  his  troops  so  scientifically  mar- 
shalled, that  the  enumeration  was  probably 
fairly  correct.  By  this  time  the  light  straw  hats 
had  been  exchanged  for  bright  steel:  the  tall 
tough-grained  ash-treen  lances  of  the  Germans 
were  the  most  formidable  weapons  of  the  kind 
which  the  Normans  had  ever  encountered,  and 
the  Germans— the  warriors  who  shone  in  the  steel 


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RICHARD    SANS    PBUR.  553 

helmets  and  brandished  the  tremendous  lances  04a— ©64 
— in  the  highest  spirits,  yearning  for  adventure.  , — * — v 
Otho  was  quite  cast  into  the  shade  by  the  Edeling. 
We  verily  believe  that  he  liked  to  be  so.     This 
magniloquent  young  Champion,  who  ought  to 
have  figured  in  an  "Helden-buch," — and  may  be, 
does,  under  some  romantic  name — was  the  very 
pink  of  the  army,  galloping  about  on  his  proud 
Castilian  steed,  flourishing  his  "  Flamberg,"  and  JJgf* 
exhilarating  his   companions  and  followers  by Eddm^ 
recounting  the  feats  of  arms  he  had  performed 
against  the  outer  barbarians.      No  one  could 
delight  in  the  Edeling's  glory  so  much  as  his 
uncle.     Otho  loved  the  Edeling  as  a  son. 

The  Germans  were  supported  by  the  Flemish  Flemish 
battalions  under  Arnoul,  stout  men  and  heavy  troop*.  n 
horses,  the  doughty  combatants  of  Hainault  and 
Hasbey,  and  Flanders,  and  Tournay,  well  pro- 
vided with  all  needful  equipments  and  useful 
appliances,  —  beasts  of  draught  and  beasts  of 
burden,  wains  and  waggons,  ample  teams  and 
lengthened  trains.  Lastly  came  up  Louis  with 
the  French  forces,  lithe  and  blithe,  active  and 
spirited.  But  the  Eagle  was  lost.  You  must 
seek  the  Imperial  bird  perched  upon  Charle- 
magne's Pfaltz — now  Otho's — at  Aix-la-Cha- 
pelle. 

No  pontoons  having  been  prepared  by  the 
allies,  the  precautions  taken  by  Hugh  stopped 
the  progress  of  the  invaders  when  they  reached 


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554       LOUIS  d'outrbmer,   LOTHAlRE,  &c. 

wa-^964  the  Seine.  Ten  young  French  knights,  how- 
, — * — >  ever,  concocted  a  scheme  for  effecting  the  transit. 

046    047 

Device  by  By  the  side  of  the  river  there  was  a  famous 
£oo°p8are  Seigneurial  corn-mill,  which  supplied  the  city 
cross  the     with  meaL      It  should  seem  that,  disguised  as 

Seine.  .  . 

pilgrims,  the  merry  and  active  adventurers  pre- 
sented themselves  to  the  dusty  master  of  the 
concern,  and  who  was  also  the  manager  of  the 
Duke's  fisheries,  a  boon  companion,  craving  a 
lodging  till  the  ensuing  morning.  They  plied 
him  with  wine,  offered  money,  and  he,  en- 
chanted by  their  good  looks  and  their  liberality, 
unlocked  a  boat,  and  thus  gave  them  the  means 
of  crossing  the  water. 

They  accomplished  their  object,  not  much 
minding  the  sacrifice  of  a  small  boy,  whom  they 
drowned,  lest  he  should  betray  them;  and  the 
old  miller,  the  poor  child's  grandfather,  had  to 
swim  for  his  life.  Seventy-two  barges  or  keels 
were  seized  by  these  adroit  young  warriors. 
They  made  nine  successive  trips  to  the  opposite 
bank,  and  at  each  return  brought  over  eight 
vessels ;  by  which  means,  during  that  very  same 
night,  a  large  proportion  of  the  German  army 
landed  on  the  left-hand  shore. 
county  The  County  of  Paris,  Hugh's  peculiar  pos- 

rava^d by  session,   was    thus    wholly    surrendered  to    the 
'  enemy,    who,    greedy    and    pitiless,    committed 
frightful  ravages.      Hugh's  abbey  of  St  Denis 
had  been   abandoned  to  the   protection   of  the 


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RICHARD    SANS    PBUR.  555 

Patron  saint.  Otho  entered  the  precinct,  the  m*jM* 
Manse  being  in  fact  Hugh-le-Grand's  Palace,  ^u^w 
and  Louis  joined  him  there.  Very  grateful  was 
Louis  to  Otho  for  the  punishment  he  had  co- 
operated in  inflicting  upon  his  arch-enemy  the 
Duke.  The  two  Monarchs  exulted  in  their  suc- 
cesses. They  had  damaged  Hugh  to  the  extent, 
as  they  estimated,  of  ten  thousand  marks  in 
mere  plunder.  Now  would  be  the  time  to  strike 
a  decisive  blow  by  seizing  his  Capital.  And 
Otho,  still  provoked  by  the  contumely  he  had 
received  from  his  brother-in-law  during  their 
discreditable  flyting,  was  the  most  desirous  to 
inflict  this  chastisement  upon  him,  so  well 
earned  by  his  bitter  tongue. 

§  55.     Whether  successful  or  unsuccessful, 
such  a  diversion  would  ill  have  suited  Arnoul's 
schemes,   who,  working  to  the   utmost  of  his 
might  and  main,  continued  egging  Otho's  am- £•*£{£" 
bition,  with  the   intent  of  stimulating   him  to  persevere 
subvert  the  Norman  power.     He  argued  that  to  teVprkT" 
attempt  the  siege  of  Paris,  would  merely  waste 
Otho's  strength. — Paris  did  not  care  a  whit  for 
all  that   Otho  could  do   or  bring. — The  lofty 
walls,  the  steady  garrison,  defied  him ;  the  need- 
ful reinforcements  could  not  be  easily  obtained 
from  distant  Germany.      But  Rouen  would  be 
the  easiest  of  conquests.      The  Normans  were 
already  self-subdued,  scared  out  of  their  wits  by 
the  apprehension  that  their  great  City  would  be 


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046— 047 


556      louis  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

942—054  exposed  to  the  horrors  of  an  assault.  Arnoul 
spake  as  one  certified  that  no  compulsion  would 
be  needed.  In  the  imagination  of  the  wealthy 
Rouennois,"he  declared  to  Otho,  their  fine  houses 
were  already  flaming. — Days  and  days  before 
the  Norman  capital  could  be  approached,  King 
Otho  would  be  stayed  by  the  supplicants,  offer- 
ing the  big  black  keys  of  the  Porte  Beauvoisine, 
and  humbly  entreating  mercy. 

ArnouFs  arguments,  enforced  with  rancorous 
energy,  prevailed,*  and  the  conjoined  troops 
moved  forward  to  the  northern  border.  Our 
notices  concerning  them  are  scanty.  Otho  and 
his  Germans  formed  the  van-guard ;  Arnoul  the 
centre ;  the  French,  as  it  should  seem,  took  the 
eastern  bank  of  the  Seine,  covering  the  rear; 
and  all  the  troops  having  concentrated  them- 
selves somewhat  below  Pontoise,  they  advanced 
otho  to  the  well-known  Epte.  The  narrow  river, 
Eptewith  so  renowned  as  severing  the  Duchy  from  the 
Kingdom,  was  forded  by  the  invaders,  and  they 
encamped  upon  Norman  land. 

Eagerly  expectant  was  the  German  King. 
He  waited  and  waited,  but  in  vain.  No  Nor- 
mans appeared,  presenting  the  symbols  of  sub- 
mission or  proffering  seizin.  Otho  lost  patience. 
He  rudely  bullied  Arnoul,  scolding  and  upbraid- 
ing as  though  the  Count  had  rendered  himself 
answerable  for  the  success  of  the  enterprise: 
Arnoul  had  promised  the  surrender  of  Rouen ; 


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RICHARD    SANS    PEUR.  557 

— why  was  not  the  engagement  performed? —  942—964 
Arnoul  was    possibly  not  less   mortified  than  , — * — > 

.  r  J  946—047 

Otho.     Considering  his  conduct  throughout  the  No  oPPo»- 

, .  i      .       i .        i     .  tion  offered 

transaction,  we  are  much  inclined  to  suppose,  bv  the 

....  .  .  ..  Normans. 

either  that  he  was  acting  in  concert  with  some 
section  or  party  amongst  the  Citizens,  —  may 
be  Raoul  Torta's  friends, — or  that  he  was  misled 
by  false  revelations  made  for  the  purpose  of  en- 
ticing him  to  destruction.  Arnoul  was  therefore 
driven  to  his  shifts. — Excuses  were  furnished 
by  the  puzzled  old  man,  the  best  that  could  be 
imagined.  The  distance  was  great,  the  roads 
were  difficult,  traversing  through  the  dreary 
forests  infested  by  outlaws:  but  let  Otho  go 
forward  to  the  bright  flowing  Andelle,  and  en- 
camp in  the  pleasant  meads,  where  the  way 
would  open  upon  Rouen. 

Arnoul's  advice  was  adopted.  Indeed  there 
was  no  choice  between  advancing  and  a  dis- 
creditable retreat.  The  march  recommenced 
onwards  and  onwards. —  All  quiet. —  No  hin- 
derance.  Otho's  army,  cavalry  and  infantry, 
covered  the  country.  The  Germans  came  up  to 
the  Andelle,  and  pitched  their  brilliant  tents, 
gaily  decked  with  orfray  and  sendal,  an  in- 
judicious though  oft-practised  display,  calculated 
equally  to  affront  and  tempt  an  enemy.  No 
result  ensued.  The  tranquillity  was  mortifying. 
No  Norman  troops  presented  themselves  to  op- 
pose the  Germans;  neither  were  they  arrested 


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558      LOUIS  d'outremer,  loth  a  irk,  &c. 

04&-O64  by  any  deputation  of  robed  citizens,  dropping 
t — * — v  on  their  bended  knees,  appealing  to  Otho's 
otho's  clemency.  Otho  was  rendered  more  uneasy  by 
™ S"  this  neglect  than  he  could  have  been  by  any 
otohta  demonstration  of  resistance.  It  would  have  been 
"  a  relief  to  Otho's  discomfort,  had  there  been  the 
slightest  sound  of  active  hostility. 

Otho's  perplexities  thickened  upon  him.  The 
repeated  contradictions  between  present  facts  and 
Arnoul's  predictions  discouraged  him:  and  he 
more  than  ever  suspected  that  he  might  have 
been  deceived  by  his  hoary  adviser.  He  held 
a  Council  in  his  Pavilion,  Arnoul  was  sum- 
moned to  explain  the  aspect  of  affairs.  The 
"  Saracen  caitiff,"  as  the  Normans  were  wont  to 
call  him,  reverted  to  his  previous  representations. 
— The  Rouen  citizens  were  so  aghasted,  that  all 
idea  of  resistance  was  abandoned.  The  fear  of 
an  assault  overwhelmed  them.  Arnoul  was  as- 
sured that  the  rich  burghers,  appalled  by  the 
impending  danger,  had  no  thought  save  concern- 
ing their  wealth ;  some  concealing  their  trea- 
sures, others  packing  up  and  scurrying  away. 
Strike  the  blow  speedily,  and  two  hundred 
thousand  marks  would  be  the  army's  gain. — 
These  arguments  told  upon  the  Germans.  The 
Nobles  urged  that  the  Norman  Duchy  would 
supply  a  noble  appanage  to  the  King's  valiant 
Nephew.  If  he,  Otho,  occupied  Rouen,  the 
City  would  virtually  become  a  pledge  for  the 


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RICHARD    SANS    PEUR.  559 

true  performance  by  Louis  of  his  engagements  042—054 
respecting  Lorraine,  and,  however  operating,  ,— + — > 
such  a  signal  advantage  gained  by  Otho  would 
accelerate  the  completion  of  the  covenant.— - 
Let  the  King,  Arnoul  now  resumed,  taking  up 
the  discourse,  only  encamp  in  the  meadows 
before  the  Porte  Beauvoisine,  his  very  presence 
will  command  surrender. 

The  proposition  of  continuing  the  march  was  Enthu. 
carried  by  acclamation.    The  Edeling  himself  was  S^Edei. 
worked  up  to  the  highest  pitch  of  enthusiasm :  "*" 
how  often  had  he  combated  against  Goth  and 
Dane,  Alain  and   Magyar,  and  would  he  not 
with  his  long  Lotharingian  blade  now  also  hew 
filthy  Normans  down? 

§  56.  These  incitements  prevailed.  Otho, 
advancing  towards  the  Terra  Normannorum, 
prosecuted  the  enterprise  with  encreasing  zest. 
Had  any  hesitation  been  previously  manifested,  Mutual 

hatred 

it   was    not   for   the    want    of  that    good-will  existing 

0  between 

which  hatred  inspires.  Bitterly  hostile  were  the  J^^T* 
feelings  spurring  on  the  Danskerman  against Germwl8- 
the  Teutscher  and  the  Teutscher  against  the 
Danskerman,  —  wounds  poisoned  by  contempt 
on  either  side, — wounds,  reiterated  in  subse- 
quent ages, — which,  even  at  the  present  day,  are 
raw,  and  easily  fretted  to  exasperation,  as  we 
have  witnessed  during  the  conflicts  which  have 
ensued  in  our  own  times,  upon  the  very  frontier 
where    Otho's    realm   was    most   vulnerable. — 


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560      louis  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

w.2-454  "Call  me  a  Caffre,  call  me  a  Bosjeman,"  ex- 
, — * — v  claimed  a  friend,  bom  beyond  the  Eyder,  but  to 
whom  in  conversation  an  erroneous  national 
origin  was  ascribed, — "but  do  not  call  me  a 
German," — his  eyes,  usually  so  kind,  sparkling 
with  rage. 

No  contingency,  since  the  day  when  Charle- 
magne saw  the  black  sails  on  the  verge  of  the 
horizon,  had  been  more  dreaded,  than  the  estab- 
lishment of  any  Danish  power  within  Germany's 
Exempiifi-  antient  borders.     This  feeling,  combining  pri- 
thisanti.    meval  dispathies  with  recent  injuries,  had  sug- 
themur-    rested  the  assassination  of  the  Danish  Godfrey 

derofGod-&  J 

freyby,    by  his  own  father-in-law,  and  seduced  even  the 

Charles-]*-      J 

g£**j£    Christian  Prelate  of  Cologne  to  co-operate  in  the 
SkSnef    nefarious  slaughter.      Yet  they,  to   themselves, 
^697^600. excused  the  dreadful  deed  by  the  statesman's 
plea  of  hard  necessity.    However  deeply  we  may 
condemn  the  sanguinary  act,  the  end  was  an- 
swered.    Had  Godfrey  lived,  he  probably  would 
have  founded  a  State,  whether  Duchy  or  King- 
dom, a  thorn  in  the  side  of  Germany  no  less 
pungent   than    the    Terra    Normannorum    had 
proved  in  the  Gauls.     Therefore,  so  far  as  Otho 
was  concerned,  he  wholly  surrendered  himself 
.  to  Arnoul's  influence :  or  rather,  since  Arnoul's 
hatred   subserved   Otho's  own   inclinations,   he 
waged  the  war  with  encreasing  energy. 

According   to   the    first    conception    of  the 
alliance,  the  assistance  rendered  to   Louis  was 


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RICHARD    SANS    PEUR.  561 

the  main  object  sought.  In  the  subsequent  stage,  942—054 
the  enterprise  became  inflamed  into  a  silly,  yet  ,_>v_, 

016    047 

ferocious,  wordspite  quarrel  between  Otho  and 
Hugh-le-Grand :  but  now,  all  other  intentions 
had  merged  in  Otho's  desire  of  crushing  the 
Normans,  —  that  their  ruin  should  be  a  done 
thing,  and  a  thing  done  for  ever.  Over  and  above  o^g  fear 
the  general  antipathy  to  which  the  Danes  were  rfth^SSe«. 
obnoxious,  there  was  a  special  cause  of  offence. 
Otho,  magnanimous  as  he  really  was,  could 
nevertheless  bear  malice;  nor  does  his  general 
character  compel  us  to  discard  the  supposition, 
that  the  affront  he  received  from  Guillaume 
Longue-epee,  when  the  Pirate  jostled  him  out  of 
the  higher  room  at  Attigny,  though  years  ago, 
still  rankled  in  his  mind. — Richard  was  the 
filthy  Pirate's  son. — No  sympathy  was  excited  in 
Otho's  breast  by  Richard's  youth ;  and  the  Ger- 
man King  prepared  to  prosecute  the  invasion 
in  a  spirit  of  mortal  enmity. 

When  Arnoul  expatiated  upon  the  terror 
which  Otho's  hostility  had  excited  among  the 
Normans,  his  representations  had  some  founda- 
tion. Soon  as  the  enemy  had  passed  beyond 
Pontoise,  the  intelligence  was  borne  to  Rouen; 
but  the  danger  was  vividly  realized, — and  the 
apprehensions  of  the  Normans  had  instigated 
them  to  avert  the  menaced  ruin  by  resistance, 
not  by  surrender.  Cleverly  and  boldly  had  tkSETS^de 
Richard  and  the  Normans  been  employed  whilst  iL 
vol.  11.  o  o 


the 

Norman* 


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562      LOUIS  d'outrembr,  lothairb,  &c. 

94&-064  awaiting    the    besiegers," — arrow-heads    forged 
, — * — v  and   arbalests    mounted, —  missiles    stored    and 

046—047  m  . 

for  the  de-  fortifications  strengthened, — and  cunning  heads 
Ro^f  and  fearless  hearts  were  devising  the  means  of 
engaging  in  mortal  conflict  with  their  enemies, 
and  yearning  for  the  joyful  hour.  Nay,  so  san- 
guine were  the  anticipations  which  Richard  en- 
tertained concerning  the  success  of  his  plans,  that 
he  not  merely  provided  for  the  defence  of  his 
City,  but  had  also  stationed  the  outposts  and  de- 
vised the  ambushments  whence  his  men  were  to 
pounce  upon  the  enemy  when  they  should  be 
hunted  away. 

S^Sirf  ^'ie  a^*es  went  forward,  retaining  the  same 

J^J"*1  relative  positions  as  erewhile.  The  Germans  in 
the  van, — Louis  bringing  up  the  rear, — and 
Arnoul  and  the  Flemings  interposed  between 
the  two  other  armies.  Thus  they  encamped. 
The  Normans  adhered  to  their  policy  of  entire 
quiescence,  though  the  Germans  were  braving 
them  immediately  before  their  walls. 

No  movement  ensued  on  the  Norman  part: 
no  cognizance  of  the  enemy's  presence  taken  by 
the  besieged.  But  the  ordnance  was  ready: 
stones  and  darts  heaped  and  stacked  behind  the 
battlements :  troops  assembled  where  they  could 
harass  the  invaders  when  they  should  retreat,  an 
event,  not  considered  as  hypothetical,  but  cer- 
tain: the  peasantry,  instructed  to  rise  throughout 
the  country,  whilst,  all  around,  whether  at  a  dis- 


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RICHARD    SANS    PEUR.  563 

tance  or  near  the  City,  scouts  were  placed,  cle-  949-954 
yerly  concealed ; — this  one  on  the  hill,  and  that  ^_ a_^ 
one  amidst  the  long  grass ;  and  a  third  in  the 
thicket;  and  a  fourth,  may  be,  mounted  on  a 
tree.  And  the  walls  were  constantly  guarded  by 
the  sentinels  tramping  the  covert-way  during 
the  dark  and  during  the  light;  and  a  very 
special  watch  stationed  on  the  tower  of  the 
Porte  Beauvoisine,  commanding  the  main-road, 
whereby,  of  necessity,  the  combined  armies  must 
march. 

On  the  north-east  of  Rouen,  the  City  was  Situation 

and  defences 

very  strongly  defended  with  walls  and  ram- of  Rouen, 
parts.  On  the  south-west,  flowed  the  wide  river, 
crossed  by  that  long  bridge,  which,  when  car- 
ried away  by  the  impetuosity  of  the  stream, 
was  renewed  by  Queen  Maude,  whose  struc- 
ture existed  till  recent  times.  Through  this 
bridge,  Rouen  easily  communicated  with  all 
the  adjacent  country.  Thus  had  Hugh-le- 
Grand  been  able  to  throw  in  his  contingent — a 
host  of  well-armed  knights — to  aid  in  receiv- 
ing his  brothers-in-law,  both  or  either,  on  the 
keen  cusps  of  their  lances.  And  Rouen  was  so 
amply  supplied  with  provisions,  that  the  Citi- 
zens were  in  no  danger  of  being  starved  into 
submission. 

Otho  therefore  now  found  himself  entirely  otho's  Me- 
at fault:  but  there  was  no  retreating,  and  the  sentiment! 
difficulties,  instead  of  causing  him  to  lose  cou- amongst  the 

002 


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564      LOUIS  d'outrembr,  lothaire,  &c. 

94a-*64  rage,  spurred  him  on  more  eagerly  against  the 
,_a_,  enemy.     He  now  pursued  the  enterprise  with 
Norm**    aggravated  bitterness,  and  the  opinions  which 
JJ^ty  the  gratuitous  injustice  of  his  conduct  inspired, 
(££t£Stare  so  forcibly  expressed  by  the  poetical  histo- 
rian, that,  however  obscure  and  turgid  his  verses 
may  be,  they  are  in  the  highest  degree  interest- 
ing, as  genuine  exponents  of  the  coeval  Norman 
feeling. 

Dado's  ei-  Otho  rex  magnus  recolendus  atque, 

postulation 

with  Otho.  Cur  Bichardum  percelebrem  sacrumque, 

Nobilem,  justumque,  probum,  modestiim, 
Marchionem  patriciumque  sanctum. 
£t  ducem  nunc,  magnanimumque  fortem 
Ambia  infeato  laniare  ccetu 
Et  maligno  contaminare  nisu, 
Et  honorem  toliere  principatua, 
Quin  potenti  sistere  cogitatu 
Nutui  regis  superique  summi  ? 
Posse  nullus  nam  supero  resisted 
Velle  nee  jam  sidereum  reflectet. 
Hie  comes,  dux,  patriciusque  summus, 
Marchio,  sanctus,  Celebris,  modestus, 
Legibus  plebem  moderabit  almis. 
Torquet  astutus  laceros  reosque, 
Atque  justis  premia  digna  dedet. 
Moribis  Sanctis  meritisque  fulgens 
Sic  poli  splendentia  scandet  astra. 
Tu  potens  rex  atque  vigens  valensque, 
Contereris  numine  sempiterno, 
Incubabis  ridiculssque  sannae ; 
Sicque  Northmannis  reprobatus  ibis 
Ad  tuas  sedis  verecundus  aulam. 


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RICHARD    SANS    PEUR.  565 

Otho  resolved  that  he  would  provoke  the  &4»— 054 
Normans  to  come  forth  from  their  fastness  and 
give  him  battle,  and  the  Edeling  gladly  be- 
sought or  asserted  the  privilege  of  offering  the 
challenge.  Therefore,  when  the  German  troops, 
early,  very  early  in  the  morning,  were  nighing 
the  City,  they  marched  in  full  chivalrous  state, — 
and  the  Edeling,  mounted  on  his  Castilian  steed, 
his  shield  braced,  and  his  banderolle  displayed, 
appeared  at  the  head  of  the  foremost  battalion. 
But  the  scouts,  on  their  parts,  were  enjoying  the 
sport,  and,  whilst  the  Germans  were  progressing, 
their  connected  lines  of  signals  conveyed  the  in- 
telligence to  the  Warders  on  the  Porte  Beauvoi- 
sine  Tower. 

Accurately  had  the  Normans  calculated  and 
anticipated  the  course  which  Otho  would  pursue. 
Seven   hundred  full-armed   knights  were  mar- 
shalled within;  and,  amongst  them,  the  young 
Richard,  burning  with  desire  to  perform  his  first 
feat  of  arms. — The  draw-bridge  dropped,  the  iron  saiiy  of  the 
doors  opened,  the  Norman  cavalry  rushed  out, —  Se^*~ 
shouting  (as  we  are  told)  Dex  aie>  their  slogan,  the  Germans 
— and  a  chance-medley  yet  infuriate  mutual  on-  the  Edeling. 
slaught  ensued.      Wherever  the  Edeling  gal- 
loped, there  was  the  fiercest  fray.     Wherever  he 
wielded  his  gleaming  blade,  there,  the  brunt  of 
the  battle. — The  long  spears  of  the   Germans, 
sharp-pointed   and   infrangible,   did   sanguinary 
execution  amongst  their  enemies;   and,  during 


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566      LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

042—064  one  collision,  which  might  have  been  thought 
,_a_^  decisive,  the  Norman  troopers  appeared  retreating 

through  the  Porte  Beauvoisine,  seeking  shelter 

in  the  City. 
Exploits  The  Edeling  gave  chase  to  the  fugitives. — The 

and  death  n      •  j        tt  a. 

of  the  confusion  encreased.  He  was  seen  prominent  on 
the  very  draw-bridge,  combating  with  marvellous 
prowess,  cutting  down  Bretons  and  Normans. 
He  was  seen  assailed  by  a  tall  Baiocassin  Knight, 
and  receiving  the  foeman's  charge  on  his  golden 
shield.  He  was  seen  engaged  in  single  combat 
with  the  young  Duke  Richard. — He  was  never 
distinctly  seen  again  alive,  but  was  found  lying 
dead  on  his  back,  his  face  turned  towards  heaven. 
— The  death  of  the  Edeling  maddened  both  parties 
to  wilder  efforts,  and  the  comparisons  employed 
by  the  Chroniclers,  whether  in  prose  or  rhyme, 
to  convey  an  adequate  idea  of  the  struggle  about 
the  corpse,  and  for  the  corpse,  and  round  the 
corpse,  prove  how  deeply  the  events  were  im- 
pressed upon  the  national  memory.  As  usual, 
they  sought  their  standards  of  virtue  in  Holy 
Writ  or  the  histories  of  the  antient  Empires. — 
Neither  Caesar  nor  Alexander  ever  shared  in  a 
more  furious  turmoil. — Since  the  old  days  when 
the  mighty  men  of  Israel  fought  the  good  fight 
for  the  Land  of  Promise,  never  a  sterner  strife, 
never  a  more  desperate  conflict. 

Account  of        ^he   basjs  0f  tjje  narrative  is  said  to  have 

the  battle 

from  the    \yeen  derived  from  the  testimony  of  an  eye-wit- 


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RICHARD    SANS    PEUR.  567 

ness;    but  portions,  are  almost  necessarily  con-  942—964 
tradictory.      Accurate  observation  becomes  im-  , — * — s 

946—947 

possible  during  such  scenes  of  turmoil ;  and  Jmmtfve6[ 
though  we  may  doubt  whether  it  was  the  young  J^tSE. 
Richard  who  actually  gave  the  mortal  wound  to 
the  German  champion ;  yet  it  is  extremely  pro- 
bable that  the  report  originated  at  the  very  time 
when  the  air  was  dimmed  with  the  reek  and  dust 
of  the  battle.  The  slightest  suggesting  incident 
would  suffice  to  propagate  amongst  the  Normans 
the  belief  that  the  young  Duke  with  his  own 
good  sword  was  working  their  deliverance. 

We  may  regret  the  loss  of  the  Latin  his- 
tory which  preserved  the  ampler  details;  but 
we  possess  their  substance  in  Benoit's  version ; 
and  it  would  be  the  very  prudery  of  criticism 
to  reject  the  positive  assurance,  that  the  particu- 
lars were  recorded  by  an  actual  observer.  The 
main  facts  are  incontestable.  The  Germans  were  SSSSlftfthe 
completely  discomfited;  yet  they  continued G<snnlin8' 
defending  themselves,  and  the  Normans  were 
busied  equally  in  ridding  themselves  of  their  ene- 
mies, and  gathering  up  the  plunder.  The  num- 
ber of  prisoners  was  extraordinary.  Fifteen  of 
the  most  noble,  and  therefore  the  richest  captives, 
the  primest  fruit  of  the  harvest,  were  reserved  by 
Richard  for  his  own  share ;  and,  heavy  were  the 
chains  and  fetters  with  which  they  were  loaded 
when  they  were  let  down  into  the  deep  damp 
dungeon-pit.     The  booty  was  enormous.     Save 


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568    .  LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

942—964  and  except  the  Battle  of  Hastings,  never  did  the 
, — * — v  Normans  gain  so  glorious  a  victory. 

946—947  .       . 

Rejoicings  §  57.  Within  the  walls,  thankfulness  and 
Rich^T"  gladness. — How  the  Normans  admired  their 
cStion.  young  Sovereign's  aspect  and  bearing.  His  hel- 
met battered, — hauberk  dinted, — sword  notched 
and  jagged,  but  the  edge  not  turned, — that  sword 
which  he  had  received  for  the  defence  of  his 
people. — Their  Supreme  Magistrate  in  the  curule 
chair,  Richard  was  also  their  Commander  in  the 
field  ;  and  his  exertions  during  this  day  of  days, 
complemented  his  inauguration.  Unhurt,  un- 
harmed, but  displaying  every  token  of  the  risks 
he  had  run,  he  speedily  exchanged  the  soiled 
acketon  and  cumbrous  armour  for  the  miniver 
robe.  His  first  care  was  to  visit  and  comfort 
the  hurt  and  the  wounded  :  and,  after  holding  a 
Council,  the  brilliant  banquet  ensued.  Three 
hundred  Knights  were  seated  at  the  board  in 
the  Hall,  merry,  yet  soberly  and  discreetly  cele- 
brating the  great  success ;  not  a  word  of  pride  or 
folly :  and,  when  they  rose,  the  Council  was  re- 
sumed, and  the  young  Richard,  having  made 
the  rounds,  saw  the  last  watch  set,  ere  he 
retired. 
The  corpse  Without  the  walls,  deep  the  grief  and  drear 
Edeibg     the  mourning. — That  fearful  scene  of  desperation 

brought  °  .  r 

before  had  ended  by  the  recovery  of  the  Edeling's  corpse. 
So  much  of  their  good  discipline  did  the  Ger- 
mans maintain,  that,  though  dispersed,  they  did 


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RICHARD    SANS    PEUR.  569 

not   forget  their  duty.      Whilst   retreating,  or  wa-flw 
rather  fleeing  to  the  Camp,  they  rallied,  and,  em-  — a_ ^ 

•  946—947 

ploying  the  broken  weapons  as  a  soldier's  bier, 
they  bore  the  corpse  before  the  King.  Until 
then,  Otho  had  not  known  the  full  extent  of  the 
calamity.  He  fainted  at  the  sight  and  dropped. 
When  he  revived,  all  the  mortification  occa- 
sioned by  the  defeat  was  absorbed  in  the  sorrow 
he  sustained.  But  now  Louis  came  up  as  a^^, 
comforter.  Hard  would  it  be  to  decide  whether  j°m*hiin' 
anger  or  dismay  predominated  in  their  minds. 
Their  lamentations  and  complaints  occupied 
their  time.  But  they  found  relief  amidst  their 
cares.  In  any  case  of  trouble,  we  resort  instinc- 
tively to  our  first  Parents'  anodyne  of  blaming 
others. — And  both  the  Kings  soothed  their  suf- 
ferings by  venting  their  indignation  against  the 
individual,  whom  they  abominated  as  the  pri- 
mary cause  of  their  misfortunes. 

Whence  came  the  evil,  according  to  the 
judgment  which  the  Monarchs  formed  unhesitat- 
ingly?— Not  from  Hugh-le-Grand,  nor  Hugh's 
fraudulent  ambition;  not  from  the  young 
Richard,  the  Pirate's  brazen-faced  bastard;  not 
from  Bernard  the  Dane  nor  his  astuteness.  Still 
less  would  they  have  condemned  themselves,  as 
having  merited  the  chastisement,  by  acknowledg- 
ing in  their  present  humiliation,  the  well-deserved 
reward  earned  by  Otho's  gibes,  or  the  meed  due 
to  the  bad  faith  of  Louis. — No, — no  fault  of  theirs, 


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94&— 954 


048—047 
The  Ger- 


570      LOUIS  d'outrbmer,  lothaiHr,  &c. 

— all  came  from  that  old  villain  Arnoul,  who 

had  seduced  them  into  this. hopeless  enterprise: 

he  must  be  visited  by  condign  punishment.    Yet 

mans  re-    present  duties  must  be  first  performed.     They 

solve  upon   r  r  •/ 

theTtafk.  mu8t  regain  their  honour,  deliver  their  captives, 
avenge  the  slain. 

§  58.  However  diminished  in  numbers,  the 
Germans  continued  in  great  force ;  the  French 
were  invigorated,  and  Otho  determined  to  renew 
the  attack  of  Rouen. — A  desperate  venture,  but 
The  allies  the  high-spirited  warrior  would  try.  The  com- 
to  Rouen,  bined  forces  marched  against  antient  Rothoma- 
gus  and  Rollo's  towers :  the  Germans  in  the  van- 
guard ;  the  Flemings  in  the  centre ;  the  French 
forming  the  reserve  or  rear.  They  advanced 
Tapidly,  their  horses'  hoofs  trampling  on  the  yet 
unburied  dead  as  they  drew  nigh.  The  ground 
where  the  conflict  had  chiefly  raged  was  trodden 
into  bloody  clay. 

Ill-fated  as  the  Edeling's  scheme  had  proved, 

they  tried  the  same  device  again.     It  was  again 

their  object  to  allure  the  Normans  out  from  their 

stronghold,  by  placing  them  under  the  pressure 

of  an  affront  calling  for  satisfaction.     No  longer 

had  they  the  bold  champion  to  tease  and  torment 

the  besieged  by  gesture  and  voice,  but  they  sup- 

Theyin-    plied  his  defiance  by  another  insulting  mode  of 

Normans    approach.     Deafening  was  the  discordant  din  of 

approach,    aurochs-horn   and   sachs-horn,  and   cornet  and 

trumpet,  braying,   blairing,  pealing.      As  they 


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946—947 


RICHARD    BANS    PEUR.  571 

came  nearer,  their  artillery  and  missiles  did  94*-964 
good  service,  and,  despite  the  parapets,  many  a 
tall  Norman  was  hit  or  shot  upon  the  terreplain 
of  the  walls.  The  Porte  Beauvoisine  neverthe- 
less continued  shut,  and  the  assailants  began  to 
fear  that  they  might  be  disappointed  in  their  ex- 
pectation of  coming  to  close  quarters  with  the 
enemy. 

Not  so. — The  Normans  were  incensed  by  the  The  Nor- 

.  .  .  mans  sally. 

annoyance  they  received,  and  more  by  their  ene- 
my's systematic  insolence.  They  could  endure 
it  no  longer.  A  postern  gate  opened,  Richard 
taking  the  command,  the  Normans,  as  we  are 
told,  raising  their  war-cry,  "Dex  aie!"  and 
their  standard-bearer,  Roger  de  Toeny's  ante- 
cessor, waving  the  scarlet  Standard.  A  terrible 
carnage  ensued  in  the  fosses  and  in  the  meadows, 
Richard  exciting  the  fury :  his  own  men,  and 
Alain  Barbe-torte's  men,  and  Hugh-le-Grand's 
Duchy  men,  all  vying  with  Normandy.  The 
butchery  was  outrageous,  and  heaps  of  corpses 
added  to  the  heaps  which  were  already  festering 
on  the  ground.  This  sortie  decided  the  fate  ofTheawail. 
the  day.  The  assailants  fled,  as  angry  as  they  J^J8" 
were  dispirited,  and  sought  cover  in  the  camp 
where  Otho  abided. 

They  were  fairly  secure  there,  for  the  French 
reserve  now  came  into  play,  five  hundred  knights 
having  been  left  stationed  on  the  field,  where  ^J^^f* 
they  might  watch  the  proceedings  of  the  Nor-  "^  camP- 


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572      LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

©42— 054  mans.      The    position   was  selected   by    Louis, 
,_a_^  who  spared  this  cohort,  the  elite  of  his   army, 
without  however  neglecting  the  protection  of  his 
allies.      On  the  whole,  the  Germans  were    in 
better  plight  than  could  have  been  anticipated. 
The  camp  was  amply  provisioned.    The  invaders 
had  found  good  means  of  helping  themselves. 
Fires  were  lighted,  and  burnt  cheerfully,   cal- 
drons and  kettles  set  and  slung,  and  the  sol- 
diers  enjoyed  their  ample   meal,  whilst    Otho 
employed  himself  upon  the  preparations  needful 
for  rendering  the  last  tokens  of  respect  to  the 
departed  hero.      Bishops  and  Barons  being  as- 
sembled, the  corpse  was  deposited  in  the  royal 
nerric*     pavilion.      Amongst  the  stores  which  testified 
i£them     King  Otbo's  opulence  amidst  the  perils  of  war, 
qtho'spa.  sufficient  silk  had  been  found  to  furnish  a  rich 

vilion. 

and  ample  funereal  pall.  The  liche-wake  was 
held ; — tapers  gleamed  in  the  pendent  "corona," 
and  the  suffrages  were  offered  for  the  dead  man's 
soul  till  the  stars  disappeared  in  the  dawning. 
Otho  had  not  slept,  and  could  not  sleep ;  but 
the  solemn  duties  which  banished  slumber,  had 
tranquillized  his  mind.  The  day  broke;  the 
morning  sky  shone  translucent;  and  the  rising 
sun  was  simultaneously  serenaded  by  man  and 
by  the  fowls  of  heaven.  All  along  Rouen  walls, 
and  all  upon  the  platforms  of  Rouen  towers,  the 
Minstrels  were  sending  forth  their  jocund  notes 
and  cheerful   music;    the   tones   of  flute    and 


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RICHARD    SANS    PBUR.  573 

flageolette  accompanying  chofus  and  roundelay,  942—054 
and,  as  our  Trouveur  delights  in  describing,  the  , — A — > 
birds   vied    with   the    musicians,    greeting  the 
glad  light;    and  the  air  was  filled  with  their 
sweet  jargoning,  the  jugging  and  the  piping, 
and  the  whistling  and  the  twittering,  and  the 
cooing    and    the    cawing,    and  the    chattering 
and   the    calling   of   merle    and    mavis,    finch 
and  chaffinch,  swallow  and  sparrow,  ringdove 
and  turtledove,  pye  or  jay.     And  Otho's  spirit  otho  re- 
was  now    thoroughly  refreshed,  his  judgment  spirits,  and 
became  clear,  and  he  determined  to  persist  insanities  of 

the  City. 

wrestling  against  his  ill-fortunes. 

Unarmed,  Otho  hastily  mounted  his  horse, 
rode  the  Rouen  fortifications  round  and  around ; 
reconnoitering  and  surveying  the  whole  site  and 
City.  Well  acquainted  was  Otho  already  with  the 
strength  of  Rouen  walls  and  the  massy  height 
of  the  Rouen  towers ;  but  his  attention  was  now 
particularly  directed  to  the  river,  the  chief 
source  of  Rouen's  prosperity;  yet  nevertheless 
counterbalanced  by  some  disadvantages.  Otho 
noticed  that  the  bridge  was  already  thronged  by 
passengers,  and  also  by  carts  and  wains,  mostly 
laden  with  victual,  which  the  Norman  capital's 
population  required.  As  long  as  the  bridge  re- 
mained open,  there  was  no  chance  of  reducing 
Rouen  by  famine.  All  this  in  favour  of  the  City. 
But  Otho  also  observed  that  the  bridge  was  not 
sufficiently  protected,  the  antient  tete-de-pont, 


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574      LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

942-064  the  bridge-head,  Ermondeville,  now  the  exten- 
, — a — 4  sive  fauxbourg  of  Saint  Sever,  being  then  only 
a  small  village,  through  which  an  entry  could 
be  effected  without  danger. 

Otho  adequately  appreciated  the  various  ob- 
stacles which  would  attend  any  attempt  to  take 
the  City  by  storm ;  but  the  estimate  did  not  dis- 
courage him,  for  the  allied  troops  were  still  very 
powerful,  notwithstanding  their  losses.  The 
French  army,  not  having  taken  any  share  in  the 
recent  engagements,  continued  in  full  strength ; 
the  Germans,  unbroken,  numerous  and  well- 
armed;  and  therefore,  estimating  the  heartiness 
of  others  by  his  own,  it  appeared  to  him,  that, 
otho  pro-  could  the  besiegers  establish  a  strict  blockade  on 
blockade,  both  sides  of  the  river,  north-east  and  south-west, 
the  City  would  be  compelled  to  surrender.  Were 
this  scheme  of  operations  adopted,  he  made  sure 
of  certain  success.  A  Council  of  War  was  con- 
vened— the  high  Princes  of  Allemain  and  the 
The  got-    choicest   of  his   circle.      But  whilst  the   cou- 

man  cap- 

tauiBdo  rage  0f  the  great  Commander  had  risen,  the 
^heme.  sP*r^  of  his  Captains  had  sunk;  they  were 
startled  by  this  proposition,  which  they  deemed 
a  desperate  impracticability.  They  expatiated 
upon  their  difficulties.  No  vessels  had  they; 
by  no  ford  could  the  deep  tidal  river  be  crossed, 
even  when  at  the  lowest.  The  rushing  flood 
was  as  dangerous  as  the  sea.  Too  strong  were 
the  Normans — too  clever — too  mighty  in  arms. 


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RICHARD    SANS    PBUR.  575 

But  there  were  subtle  perils  more  threat-  942—054 
en i rig  than  adverse  elements,  hostility  more  , — * — v 
to  be  feared  than  the  sword.  The  succes- 
sion of  calamities  which  the  Germans  had 
sustained,  encreased  their  natural  impatience  to 
exonerate  themselves  from  blame.  Not  ven- 
turing to  accuse  their  own  Commander  of 
incompetency,  they  cautiously  and  gravely  re- 
iterated their  surmises  that  they  had  been  the 
victims  of  treachery.  But,  though  their  sus- 
picions had  assumed  a  definite  shape,  they  hesi- 
tated to  incur  the  odium  of  naming  the  betrayer. 
They  only  continued  pleading  that  Otho  must 
yield  to  insurmountable  necessity.  Let  not  Otho 
grieve  himself  by  self-condemnation :  his  error 
had  consisted  in  giving  credence  to  a  deceiver. 

§  59.     Under  this  stress,  Otho,  he  who  had  otho  10- 

3  .  licitoa 

brought  thirty  thousand  men  into  the  field,  was*™"* 
compelled  to  sue  for  a  truce: — a  supplication p1*0* 

*  '  rr  paying  his 

decently  veiled  under  the  disguise  of  a  request,  JgfoJJJ^ 
that  he  and  his  Nobles  might  be  permitted 
to  visit  Saint  Ouen's  shrine.  There  did  Otho 
desire  to  watch  and  pray,  —  and  the  Abbey 
would  supply  a  decorous  and  honourable  place 
of  interment  for  his  noble  kinsman. 

Courteously  did  Richard  accede  to  the  solici- 
tation and  grant  the  safe-conduct,  the  locality 
being  peculiarly  well  calculated  for  the  conveni- 
ence and  interest  of  either  party.  Saint  Ouen 
was  situated  beyond  the  City  walls,  and  Otho 


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576      LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

84a-964  would  be  under  the  observation  of  the  Normans, 
/_^«^  and,  at  the  same  time,  protected   against  any 
surprise  by  the  veneration  which  the  consecrated 
precinct  inspired.     Thither  Otho  repaired,  at- 
tended by  his  Princes  and  Captains  and  men  of 
mark,  an  ample  and  important  assembly,  which 
wlt^rf  the  Norman  Trouveur  designates  as  the  "Parle- 
stowm.    ment"  a  term  so  comprehensive  in  the  antient 
vernacular  idiom  and  so  familiar  in  our  own. 
Full  as  the  Meeting  was,  it  might  however  be 
remarked,  that  a  most  influential  member  was 
absent,    a    member   who    had    not  been    sum- 
moned, the  hitherto  animating  spirit  of  the  war 
— the  Flemish  Arnoul. 

Otho  never  belied  his  reputation  for  liber- 
ality. A  munificent  gift  to  the  Community, 
seven  ingots  of  gold  laid  upon  the  altar,  probably 
assisted  the  monks  in  preserving  the  tradition 
of  these  transactions,  and  the  three  rich  scarlet 
carpets  which  covered  the  estrade,  also  remained 
as  further  memorials  in  the  Abbey. 

Otho,  unsupported  by  his  vassals,  now  cast 
the  whole  responsibility  upon  them.  Would 
they  adhere  to  the  opinion  that  Rouen  was  im- 
pregnable? He  had  been  deluded  by  the  plau- 
sible representations  which  a  false  traitor  had 
made ;  and  there  was  no  help  for  it.  They  had 
only  a  choice  of  evils ;  and  let  them  reconsider 
and  finally  decide  which  course  would  be  the 
more  prudent,  to  prosecute  or  to  abandon  the 


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RICHARD    SANS    PEUR.  577 

enterprise?      Otho  received  the  answer  he  had  942—954 
suggested,  and  somewhat  more-     Hitherto,  all  , — * — , 

046    047 

who  believed  that  Arnoul  was  untrue,  had  spoken 
under  their  breath.     None  had  dared  expressly 
to  charge  so  powerful  a  Potentate  with  treason. 
But  they  now  opened  their  minds,  declaring  him  TheGer- 
to  be  the  culprit ;  nor,  was  there  any  disgrace  in  ¥*  I"|me 
confessing,  that  Otho's  cause  had  been  sacrificed  *^j£r 
by  fraud. — Faithfully  had  Otho  performed  his 
covenant  with  Louis.      Discouraged  and  trou- 
bled, the  French,  scarcely  able  to  defend  them- 
selves, would  be  unwilling  or  incompetent  to 
afford    any    farther    aid.       The    Edeling    had 
perished ;  the  power  of  Normandy  rendered  the 
contest  desperate;  and  Otho  must  retire. 

Otho  had  now  obtained  what  he  sought — the 
impeachment  of  the  Lord  Marcher.      But  this 
success  did  not  satisfy  him :  he  wanted  more,  a 
complete  and  final  deliverance  from  the  Traitor. 
He  therefore  proposed  that  Arnoul   should   be^^ 
given   over  into   the    power    of  Richard,   whoj^i11*1 
would  deal,  as  became  a  son,  with  his  Father's  ro^nd^ed 
treacherous  murderer. — Let  Arnoul  be  seized,  but  the  Ger- 

1  i*i«  1  1  1   ,      ,  1  man  nobles 

bound  in  chains,  and  surrendered  to  the  avenger,  refuse,  and 
The  honest  Germans  had,  however,  a  more  acute  otws  re- 
sense  of  honour  than  their  Sovereign,  and  pro- 
tested against  thus  rendering  evil  for  evil. 
Their  opinion,  however,  was  unaltered.  The 
more  speedy  the  retreat,  the  better;  the  longer 
they  tarried,  the  more  irremediable  the  danger ; 
vol.  11.  p  p 


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578      LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

942—954  the  City  was  impregnable;  no  proposals  would 
, — * — ,  be   made  by  the  Normans;  and  further  delay 

946—947 

would  involve  them  in  destruction. 

The  decision  given,  the  members  dispersed ; 
but  ere  Otho  departed,  he  reverently  re-entered 
the  Sanctuary,  and  once  more  knelt  before  the 
altar,  and  he  then  went  forth  right  royally  and 
solemnly.      The  Citizens  flocked  out  to  salute 
o^        the  King.     Otho  gave  his  last  look  at  Rouen ; — 
r^0118    the  day  was  a  day  of  peace — no  bow  was  bent, 
no  weapon  unsheathed ;  he  repaired  to  his  Pavi- 
lion:   and  though  the  anecdote  be  homely,  it 
marks  the  tranquillity  which  had  been  restored 
to   Otho  by  the  determination  he  unwillingly 
adopted, — a  determination  related  by  the  historian 
without  any   circumlocution,  —  how  the   King 
ordered  his  noontide  meal  to  be  made  ready. 
Amoxiis  §  60.      Amoul's    cheek    must    have    burnt 

««*«■■  whilst  the  "  Parliament "  was  sitting  in  the 
Abbey  of  Saint  Ouen.  Otho's  objurgations 
during  the  halt  at  the  Epte,  when  he  declared 
to  Arnoul  that  he  held  him  responsible  for  the 
result  of  the  campaign,  seem  to  have  pressed 
grievously  upon  the  old  man's  mind.  It  was 
upon  his  responsibility  that  Otho  had  under- 
taken the  enterprise.  Each  successive  disap- 
pointment which  Otho  sustained  could  not  have 
failed  to  render  him  more  ungracious :  and  the 
exclusion  of  Arnoul  from  the  Council, — Arnoul, 
hitherto  the   constant  satellite  of  the  German 


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RICHARD    SANS    PEUR.  579 

Sovereign  during  the  campaign, — an  insult  hu-  948—954 
miliating  him  before  all  the  world, — was  also  an  , — * — > 
indication  that  a  sterner  vengeance  than  mere 
disgrace  was  intended. 

No  secrecy  of  debate  could  silence  the  re- 
porters.    The  King's  proposition  oozed  out,  but 
the  reply  of  the  Council  was  not  known,  and  it 
was  universally  bruited  that  condign  punishment 
was  to  be  inflicted  upon  Arnoul.     Otho,  accord- 
ing to   the  universal  rumour,  had  determined 
to  surrender  the  assassin  of  Guillaume  Longue- 
epee  to  Richard,  and  Richard  would  pronounce 
sentence  that  the  criminal  should  be  torn  asunder 
by  wild  horses.     Arnoul  was  exceedingly  ter-An^ 
rifled  by  this  intelligence;  and,  without  a  mo-S1^ 
ment's  hesitation,  he  determined  to  flee  from  aSSrmhS' 
the  dreaded  retribution. 

Rumour  had  revealed  more  and  less  than  the 
truth, — an  exaggerated  account  of  the  peril,  but 
not  the  refusal  of  the  Germans  to  concur  in  the 
vengeance.  Though  Arnold's  apprehensions 
may  have  been  aggravated  by  morbid  terror,  yet 
his  judgment  was  in  nowise  enfeebled  when 
called  into  practical  action.  He  had  the  whole 
day  before  him  for  the  purpose  of  completing  his 
preparations,  and  he  instantly  determined  to  de- 
camp after  nightfall,  man  and  horse,  bag  and 
baggage,  and,  escaping  the  snare,  leave  Otho  to 
his  fate.  A  Netherlander,  Arnoul  did  not  com- 
promise the  steady  and  cautious  character  of  his 

p  p  2 


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580      LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

042—954  nation  by  making  more  haste  than  good  speed. 
t — * — v  The  rich  tents  were  carefully  taken  down  and 

946—947  J 

neatly  folded,  and  the  valuables  trussed  in 
bales,  and  loaded  on  the  steady  sumpter  horses. 
As  cleverly,  expeditiously,  speedily,  and  quietly 
did  the  Flemings  proceed,  as  thieves  packing  up 
their  booty,  and  stealing  out  of  a  dwelling-house. 
This  effected,  Arnoul  and  his  troops  equipped 
themselves  considerately,  donned  helmet  and 
hauberk,  and  girt  their  swords,  and  directing 

^Suhe     their  faces  towards  distant  Flanders,  moved  off 

move  away,  from  the  field. 

Very  opportunely  for  the  Flemings  there  was 
no  moon ;  but  though  unobserved  they  were  not 
unheard.  —  Silently  had  they  commenced  the 
march,  but  silence  could  be  no  longer  main- 
tained. The  clumsy  wheels  creaked.  The  stout 
Netherlandish  waggons  rumbled.  The  beasts 
trod  heavily;  and  the  dull  tumultuous  sound 
of  the  moving  multitude,  transmitted  through 
earth  and  air,  reached  equally  the  Germans  and 
the  French,  inspiring  dire  alarm.  The  belief 
spread  simultaneously  amongst  both  the  en- 
campments,  that  the    Normans   had   made   a 

Panic       sally.     A  contagious  panic  ensued,  absurd,  nay, 

theGer-    almost  insane.     The  night  was  pitch-dark,  and, 

mans  and 

the  French  taken   by  surprise,   when  they  were  enjoying 

mencement  themselves  at  their  ease,  the  allies  absolutely 

Kou!m"f   ^ost  '^eir  w*te  ^  terror.     They  cut  the  cords 

of  the  tents,  they  cast  down  the  pavilions,  they 


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RICHARD    SANS    PEUR.  581 

scattered   their    furniture,   they    sounded    their  942—954 
trumpets,  they  stumbled  about  as  though  they  , — * — , 
were  blind.     The  sky  was  so  black  you  could  confused 
not   see    your  hand   before    you.      The   panic  th*Gcr- 
demented   them.      Disarmed,   half-armed,   un-™"8' 
armed,  neither  vanguard  nor  rear-guard,  flank 
nor  battalion ;  the  pieton  helmet-less ;  the  cava- 
lier spur- less, — no  idea  of  defence,  no  notion  of 
order.      No    soldier    sought    his    Captain,    no 
Commander  kept  to  his  men. — And  now  suc-Thecon- 
ceeded  the  crowning  confusion, — a  fire  blazed  in  thl  °n 
out  in  the  camp. — Huts,  bivouacs,  and  forage,  camp, 
all  flaming; — no  one   could  tell  what  he  was 
seeking,  save  and  except  the  rapscallions  who 
had  prepared  for  the  plunder.     Well  they  knew 
what  they  wanted  and  where  to   find  it:  the 
rich  armour,  damasked  with  gold,  and  all  the 
precious  articles  which  decked  Otho's  pavilion, 
they  grabbled   and  got;    nay,  even  the   royal 
ornaments  he  brought  with  him  were  purloined. 
Suabian  and  Saxon,  French  and  Lotharingian, 
Bavarian  and  Burgundian,  all  scared  alike, — 
no  thought  but  of  safety,  unknowing  what  roads 
they  were  taking, — all  scurried  away. 

Whilst  Arnoul  was  fleeing   from   his  own  Alarm 
shadow,  and  the  French  and  Germans  tearing  thTStorman*. 
after  the  Flemish  fugitives  who  preceded  them, 
the  indwellers    of  Rouen  were   in   a  state   of 
feverish  excitement.     Throughout  the  City  the 
inhabitants  could  distinctly  hear  the  continuous 


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582      LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,   &c. 

948—964  rolling  and  murmuring  of  the  retreating  ene- 
i — * — >  mies,  indicating  operations  which  they  imagined 
were  directed  against  themselves.  Watching  and 
waking,  and  expecting  some  terrible  onslaught, 
the  conflagration  encreased  their  perplexity.   No 
creature  could  rest.     The  garrison  turned  out; 
but  all  alarm  was  dispelled  by  the  dawning.    The 
sentinels   stationed  on  the  summits  of  the  tall 
towers  distinctly  understood  the  movement,  and, 
with  great  joy,  announced  that  the  assailants 
had  wholly  abandoned  their  position  and  raised 
the  siege. 
Rejoicings         A  general  jubilee  ensued,  and  the  strangely 
people  of    uncouth   numbers  of  the   Laureate — for    Dudo 

Rouen. 

fully  deserves  the  title  quite  as  truly  as  that  of 
Historian — may  be  read  as  recording  the  senti- 
ments, and  re-echoing  the  screeching  voices  of 
the  exulting  crowd, — how  they  hooted,  and  how 
they  shouted,  and  how  they  scoffed  at  Otho's 
cowardice;  how  they  scorned  him,  how  they  de- 
rided him,  how  they  threatened  him  with  shame 
upon  shame. 


Otho  surge  velocius,  et  fuge  nunc  citus, 

Natalera  pete  glebam ! 
Vindex  nam  Superus  tua  territat  agmina. 

Surgens  nunc  cito  cede ! 
Ductor  subdolus  evanuit  tuus ;  en  fuga 

Te  nunc  erue  prsepes ! 
Contra  velle  Dei  quid  adhuc  recubas  ?     Fuge ! 

Nunc  i,  nunc  fuge,  nunc,  nunc ! 


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RICHARD    SANS    PEUR.  583 

Cum  Northmannica  prepedient  tibi  et  agmina  942—954 

Heheu !  turpius  ibis.  \ 

Gressum  nunc  pete,  nunc  fuge,  nunc  iter  arripe  94&— 947 

Fidos  cedere  coge ! 

Rex  nunc,  ne  pereas,  fuge,  cede,  liquesceque 
Septus  labere  coetu ! 

Certainly,  Richard's  first  impression  was  to 
head  the  Normans,  and  complete  the  dispersion 
of  the  allies;  but  his  Counsellors  suggested 
caution: — the  apparent  retreat  might  be  a 
stratagem.  However,  when  it  was  fully  as- 
certained that  the  besiegers  had  really  fled  in 
right  earnest,  it  was  determined  he  should  con- 
tinue at  Rouen  for  the  protection  of  the  City, 
whilst  all  the  disposable  forces  were  despatched 
against  the  enemy. 

Arnoul  and  the  Flemings  having  gained  the  Fleming* 

ii.i  i  /*»  "^  French 

start,  they  kept  it,  and  were  clear  on,  many  retreat  in 

safety. 

hours  before  the  Normans  had  put  themselves 
in  motion.  They  knew  their  business  well; 
and  so  far  as  we  can  judge  from  the  significant 
silence  of  all  historical  records,  as  well  as  from 
subsequent  transactions,  effected  their  retreat  to 
rich  Flanders  without  a  cut  from  the  Norman 
sword. 

The  French  also  departed  in  good  order,  and 
continued  to  elude  or  avoid  the  Normans.  We 
scarcely  hear  anything  more  concerning  them, 
either  for  good  or  for  harm,  except  that  they  re- 
turned safely ;  and  therefore  the  Transrhenane 


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584      LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

042-954  or  German  army  alone  sustained  the  chastise- 
, — * — s  ment  which  Norman  courage  and  alertness  in- 

946—947 

flicted  upon  the  unprovoked  invaders. 

§61.  The  Germans  behaved  so  incau- 
tiously that  it  seemed  as  if  they  courted  dis- 
aster.— Without  guidance  or  enquiry,  they 
plunged  into  the  forest,  totally  ignorant  of 
the  ways,  whilst  every  track  and  every  road, 
every  path  and  every  defile,  every  hill  and 
every  hollow,  every  thicket  and  every  dell, 
was  and  were  thoroughly  known  to  the  eye 
and  mind  of  the  country's  defenders.  The 
Norman  troops  were  consequently  able  to  spread 
themselves  over  the  ground  much  more  speedily 
than  the  enemy ;  and  the  first  encounter  is  said 
skirmish  to  have  ensued  at  Bihorel,  where  a  single  farm- 
house  preserves,  as  we  are  informed,  the  name 
of  the  now  extirpated  groves.  But  the  news 
had  spread  like  wild-fire  amongst  the  peasants 
throughout  the  country;  they  sharpened  their 
scythes  and  mounted  their  pitch-forks;  they 
hewed  their  truncheons  and  ground  their 
hatchets;  they  hafted  their  pickaxes,  and 
weighted  their  clubs;  diligently  fashioning 
every  flesh-gashing  and  split-skull  weapon 
which  rustic  ingenuity  could  devise  for  the 
butchery  of  the  enemy. 

Whilst  the  Germans  were  blindly  plunging 
into  the  thick  of  the  forest,  the  self-organized 
levies  had  assembled  themselves  to  the  number 


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RICHARD    SANS    PEUR.  585 

of  ten   thousand    and    upwards,  in   a   position  942—954 
whose  name  bespeaks  its  character, — the  "  Bad-  , — A — > 

946—947 

pass,"  "Mal-pas,"  "Maupertuis,"  "Malum  fora-Theam- 
men,"   or   "Maromme."  —  An    awful    carnage  Maron£n°e. 
ensued ;  many  of  the  peasantry  were  cut  down, 
but  a  detachment  of  the  regular  Norman  troops 
came  up  and  took  their  share  in  the  conflict. 

The  Germans  suffered  exceedingly,  but  worse 
was  preparing  for  them.  Two  of  Richard's  regi- 
ments,— we  can  hardly  find  a  better  name, — had 
stationed  themselves  further  on,  behind  a  cross- 
ing of  the  forest  roads.  The  bushes  were  here 
dense  and  tangled,  and  the  exuberant  growth 
of  hawthorn,  which  adorned  the  romantic  val- 
ley, afforded  peculiar  facilities  for  concealment. 
When  the  enemies  had  fairly  entangled  them- 
selves in  the  mazy  intricacies  of  the  forest,  out 
burst  the  Normans  from  their  ambuscade.  Never 
was  greater  clatter  of  brands  heard  than  during 
this  sylvan  affray,  or  harder  blows  hit,  or  brighter 
showers  of  sparks  struck  out  from  the  shining 
helms.  The  conflict  ended  by  the  complete  dis-  shameful 
comfiture  of  the  Germans.  Five  hundred  men  German*. 
perished,  but  far  more  stinging  to  Otho  than  the 
loss,  was  the  shame.  The  Germans  were  so 
completely  bewildered,  that  the  greater  number 
fell  into  the  power  of  the  peasantry,  probably 
compelled  to  surrender  by  starvation.  Un- 
lucky was  the  churl  who  was  not  able  to  lead  a 
leash  or  two  of  captives,  with  their  hands  tied 


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586      LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothairb,  &c. 

943-054  behind  them,  to  receive  their  lodging  in  the 
, — * — >  prison  of  Rouen. 

Flight  of  The  German  army  was  now  entirely  broken 

nJL-4x-  up;  no  halt,  no  resistance; — "sauve  qui  peut" 
tfceinces-  — was  the  universal  sentiment,  if  not  the  outcry. 
fare  of  the  The  Normans  continued  hanging  on  their  rear, 

Normans. 

constant  skirmishing  and  some  hard  fighting.  In 
Normandy  and  through  Normandy  and  beyond 
Normandy,  the  trail  of  the  Germans  could  be 
tracked  by  their  corpses ;  nor  did  the  "  Rout  of 
Rouen"  terminate  until  the  last  encounter  en- 
sued not  far  from  Amiens,  on  the  Beauvoisine 
road.  So  great  was  the  massacre  in  this  final 
scuffling  fight,  that,  according  to  tradition,  the 
"  Rougemare "  received  the  designation,  which, 
commemorating  the  bloodshed,  is  retained  by 
the  locality  at  the  present  day. 

Thus  ended  the  "Rout  of  Rouen," — when  the 
Norman  troops  returned  triumphant  from  the 
most,  perhaps  the  only,  justifiable  warfare  which 
a  Christian  nation  can  wage.  Richard  came 
forward  to  meet  Normandy's  defenders, — two 
thousand  citizens  following  in  his  train.  Strange 
were  the  events  and  vicissitudes  chronicled  by 
that  Porte  Beauvoisine — few  so  satisfactory  as 
the  present,  which  ensured  a  long  period  of  in- 
ternal tranquillity.  As  for  Arnoul,  he  returned 
safely  to  his  own  country,  resumed  his  govern- 
ment with  wisdom  and  energy,  and  improved 
the   opportunity  of  displaying   his   activity  by 


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RICHARD    SANS    PBUR.  587 

recovering  Herlouin's  long- contested  County  of  942—954 
Ponthieu.  , — * — , 

0d6    047 

§  62.  History  may  be  resolved  into  a  series 
of  interwoven  6r  perhaps  cyclical  epics.  The 
poets  obeyed  the  teaching  manifested  by  the  Al- 
mighty's dealings  in  the  world, — human  destiny, 
aided  and  guided,  by  Divine  wisdom  and  power, 
to  a  definite  end;  our  attention  being  always 
directed  to  the  one  man,  through  whom  each 
several  concatenation  of  events  is  to  be  com- 
pleted. The  first  lines  of  the  iEneid  point  out 
the  course  into  which,  whether  we  will  or  no, 
all  history  falls. 

The   main   action   of  our  tale  now  reverts  strenuous- 

ness  of 

to   Louis    and    his    antagonist    Hugh-le-Grand.  J*™— w« 

0  °  bearing  up 

Hugh,  his  strength  vastly  encreased  by  his  Nor-  Jjg™£  hi8 
man  alliance,  Louis  determined  to  assert  his  an- tune8, 
cestorial  rights,  his  spirit  wholly  unconquered. 
The  transactions  through  which  he  had  lost  his 
liberty,  and  still  more  the  extortions  to  which  he 
submitted,  and  the  concessions  he  made  for  the 
purpose  of  regaining  it,  seemed  to  proclaim  the 
nullity  of  the  royal  power.  Normandy,  that  Nor- 
mandy which  the  Battle  of  the  Rescue  had  re- 
conquered for  the  Crown  of  France,  was  now, 
not  merely  an  independent  State,  but  a  rival.  He 
had  been  shamed  equally  by  his  subjects  and 
by  his  enemies.  His  reputation,  whether  as  a 
general  or  a  statesman,  tarnished.  No  roof  over 
his  head,  except  a  stranger's.      His  body  con- 


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588      LOUIS  d'outrembr,  lothaire,  &c. 

942-054  stantly  oppressed  by  the  indwelling  disease,  and 
/ — * — ,  that  now  encreasing ;  and  the  Normans  rejoicing 
in  the  belief,  that  the  vexation  he  had  sustained 
by  the  failures  before  Rouen,  and  the  fatigue  of 
the  retreat,  had  exacerbated  the  infirmity.  And 
yet  thus  troubled,  thus  desolate,  thus  borne 
down,  he  was  girding  himself  for  the  fight.  If 
the  much  abused,  nay,  mischievous  epithet  of 
"  Hero "  ever  truly  appertained  to  a  Sovereign, 
surely,  unfortunate  as  he  may  have  been,  none 
could  more  justly  claim  the  honour  than  Louis 
d'Outremer. 

Scarcely  less  conspicuous,  however,  in  the 
annals  of  France  than  Louis,  was  the  Saxon 
Otho,  ere  long  to  be  denominated  "  the  Great." 
Editha  had  left  him  only  one  male  heir,  the 
young  Liudolph,  a  youth  apparently  of  excellent 
disposition,  and  upon  him,  the  Porphyrogenitus, 
all  the  fathers  affections  were  concentrated. 
otWaen-  Otho's  attention  had  been  much  directed  to- 
power— his  wards   Italy,   where   the   contests  between   the 

influence 

over  Kings  and  Princes  of  Lombardy,  and  the 
miserable  calamities  of  the  Apostolic  See,  in- 
vited the  intervention  of  more  efficient  authority. 
But,  as  yet,  Otho  had  never  crossed  the  Alpine 
ranges.  Full  employment  had  he  found  in 
restraining  the  Sclavonians,  and,  great  as  were 
the  attractions  of  Italy,  the  Imperial  Eagle  on 
the  summit  of  his  palace  looking  to  the  West, 
never  allowed  him  to  forget  his  claims.     Otho 


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RICHARD    SANS    PBUR.  589 

was  tacitly  seeking  to  vindicate  the  supremacy  04^-954 
which  Charlemagne  had  enjoyed ;  Lorraine  was  , — * — , 
yielding  to  Otho's  influence;  and,  in  France, 
the  prestige  of  his  authority,  notwithstanding 
all  occasional  retrocessions,  had  been  gaining 
ground  ever  since  the  homage  performed  by 
Hugh-le-Grand  and  the  Nobles  at  Attigny;  a 
transaction  equally  important  and  obscure. 

Although  the  conduct  pursued  by  Otho 
manifested  his  desire  of  exercising  an  influence 
approaching  to  superiority  over  France,  Louis 
did  not  manifest  any  jealousy.  The  pretensions 
might  be  warranted  by  Otho's  near  connexion 
with  the  family;  and  Louis,  ceasing  to  regard 
his  brother-in-law  as  a  rival,  might  view  in  him 
a  guardian  of  the  young  Lothaire. — Valiantly  as 
Louis  continued  the  struggle,  it  was  scarcely 
possible  that  he  could  be  unconscious  that  his 
decaying  health  would  probably  occasion  his 
early  demise. 

But  more  instant  was  the  need  of  support  Louis  needs 

1  .  -rm  the  support 

against  the  great  antagonist.      Whatever  sem-ofotho 

against 

blances  of  amity  between  Hugh-le-Grand  and  Hugh-ie- 

*  &  Grand. 

Louis  accompanied  the  King's  restoration,  they 
must  be  included  in  the  copious  category  of  the 
conventional  deceptions  required  by  society's 
decencies,  analogous  to  the  perplexing  cases 
which  constitute  the  delights  of  casuistry. 
Many  a  Ductor  dubitantium  might  be  tempted 
to  decide  that,  humanly  speaking,  it  was  hardly 


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590      LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothairb,  &c. 

w»-964  right  that  Louis  should  be    righteous.      Louis, 
/ — * — s  a  man  of  the  world,  living  in  the  world  and 

947—948  ° 

for  the  world,  could  not  decently  condonate 
the  injuries  he  had  received,  and  still  less  than 
the  injuries,  the  insults  he  had  endured.  Would 
Louis  have  been  fit  for  a  King,  had  he  been 
gifted  with  the  grace  and  forbearance  enabling 
him  to  forgive  such  an  enemy? 
Historical         &  63.     The  exemplary  diligence  of  French 

importance  J  *         ^  ° 

tLtb^°n~  h*stor*ans  ™ight  be  well  emplojjed  upon  a  mono- 
rivSTAreL-  graph  devoted  to  the  running  contest  between 
bishops.  jke  rjvaj  Archbishops  of  Rheims,  which  has 
accompanied  us  since  the  days  of  Charles-le- 
Simple,  so  worrying,  so  wearying: — commencing 
by  murder,  and,  exhibiting  in  succession,  samples 
of  every  abuse  arising  through  the  usurpations 
of  the  State  and  the  heated  passions  of  unscru- 
pulous and  unconscious  competitors. 

At  this  juncture,  Saint  Remy's  patrimony 
afforded  the  only  refuge  remaining  to  Louis 
throughout  his  dominions.  Therefore  it  was  of 
the  greatest  importance  to  him,  that  Artaldus 
should  be  protected  in  his  See,  both  materially 
and  morally,  whilst  the  two  Hughs,  —  Duke 
Hugh  and  Hugh  the  Parvulus, — were  equally 
impatient  to  avail  themselves  of  the  King's  po- 
litical depression,  in  order  that  they  might  now 
effect  the  Carlovingian  Prelate's  final  expulsion. 
Thibaut-le-Tricheur  most  willingly  combined 
with   them,    and  they   all  alacriously  renewed 


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RICHARD    SANS    PEUR.  591 

the   quarrel.      The   pettiness   of  the  numerous  942— 954 
squabbles  forbids  many  details.     We  may  only  t — * — » 

*  J  .  ©47—948 

notice,  that,  after  insulting  Arnoul's  territory,  Military 
Hugh  -  le  -  Grand    and    the    Parvulus    besieged  opera  10M' 
Rheims,   and   failed.      Louis   on   his  part  was 
equally   unsuccessful    in    his    attempt   to    gain 
possession   of  Mouzon, — the   important  border 
fortress  of  Champagne, — which  held  out  firmly 
for  the  pretending  Prelate.      These  operations 
were    interrupted    by    a    tremendous    tempest, 
which  ravaged  Rheims,  accompanied — as  it  is 
said — by  an  earthquake.    Louis,  however,  partly 
carried  on  the  war  for  the  purpose  of  masking 
his  proceedings,  for  he  had,  considerately,  com- 1^  neg0. 
menced  negotiations  with  Otho,  in  order  thatotho.™ 
the  Archiepiscopal  disputes  might  be  settled  by 
proceedings  more  conformable  to  the  character 
and  importance  of  the  points  at  issue, — a  course 
which  would  also  result  to  his  own  advantage. 

§  64.  The  Parvulus  had  incurred  the  cen- 
sure of  the  ecclesiastical  law,  equally  by  his 
contempt  of  the  Papal  brief  and  his  acts  of 
violence,  and,  at  the  same  time,  Duke  Hugh, 
despoiler  of  the  Church,  had  in  like  manner 
exhibited  himself  as  a  delinquent.  Moreover, 
the  private  claims  of  the  competitors  involved 
matters  which  concerned  all  the  Churches  of 
Germany  and  the  Gauls. 

Five  successive  Councils  were  therefore  held,  Council* 
for  the  purpose  of  ventilating  this  great  ecclesi- the  pur- 


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592      LOUIS  d'outrembr,  lothaire,  &c. 

042—954  astical  cause.  Inasmuch  as  the  Church  was, 
, — * — v  under  some  aspects,  the  State,  and  the  State  the 

947— -©48 

pom  of  dis.  Church,  it  is  not  always  practicable  to  distin- 

S tho  guish  between  a  Synod  and  a  Secular  Assembly. 

Yet,  there  is  one   test,  —  never  did  any  truly 

ecclesiastical  Synod  or  Council  allow  the  Laity 

to  discuss  faith  or  doctrine.      On  the   present 

AW*F  occasion   a  mixed   convention   of  Prelates  and 

— Mixed 

£™^or  Nobles,  for  such  unquestionably  is  the  import 
S£  «£*  of  the  term  "  Placitum,"  was  held  in  the  Royal 
tSoiOT.    encampment  hard  by  the  river  Cher. 

The  two  Kings  presided;  they  treated  each 
other  as  equals.  Yet  Otho  always  preceded 
Louis  when  they  entered  the  place  of  meeting, 
whilst  Louis  did  not  always  sit  by  Otho's  side. 
Hugh-le-Grand  was  summoned;  he  approached 
the  vicinity,  but  he  did  not  come  close,  and 
jealously  watched  the  result.  He  declined  ap- 
pearing before  the  Convention  in  person.  Being, 
however,  desirous  at  this  juncture  to  avoid  any 
semblance  of  contumacy,  he  despatched,  as  his 
Proctor,  a  household  Chaplain  or  Clerk,  sly  Sigi- 
baldus.  But  the  main  object  which  Sigibaldus 
sought  to  effect,  was  not  so  much  the  exonera- 
tion of  Hugh-le-Grand,  as  the  protection  of  the 
Parvulus ;  and  with  this  intent  he  tendered  an 
instrument  purporting  to  be  signed  by  Artaldus 
himself,  whereby  he  resigned  all  his  pretensions 
to  the  See,  which  said  instrument  Sigibaldus 
alleged  he  had  brought  from  Rome.     The  mem- 


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RICHARD    SANS    PEUR.  593 

bers  of  the  <c  Parliament,"  for  thus  the  meeting  ms-wk 

is  incidentally  denominated,  were  strangely  per* 

plexed   by   such  an   unexpected   plea  in    bar. 

There  was  the  document, — but  they  could  not 

believe  in  it, — and,  evading  the  difficulty,  they 

adopted  the  prudent  resolution  that  the  matter 

should   be    referred  to    a   purely  ecclesiastical 

Synod,  appointed  to  be  held  at  Verdun. 

Fully  and  solemnly  was  this  Synod  attended,  J**"^** 

assembled  in  the  Cathedral  of  Notre  Dame.    Ru-  5od"rf  Ver- 
dun—re- 

precht  or  Robert,  Archbishop  of  Treves,  presided,  Jgjjjjjl^ 
and  the  Primate  of  Germany  thus  assumed  the  £j2Kg £ 
right  of  sitting  in  judgment  upon  the  primacy  of 
the  Gauls,  a  token,  slight,  yet  indisputable,  denot- 
ing the  encreasing  ascendancy  which  "  Eastern 
France"  was  gaining,  or  striving  to  gain,  over 
the  other  members  of  the  Carlovingian  empire. 
Amongst  those  who  assisted,  Israel  Scotigena 
from  Ireland,  the  representative  of  the  Celtic 
Church,  the  greatest  Greek  scholar  of  his  age, 
he  who  had  educated  Bruno,  King  Otho's 
youngest  brother,  might  attract  the  public 
curiosity:  and  here  also  was  Bruno  himself, 
the  future  Archbishop  of  "Koelln  am  Rhein," 
already  distinguished  by  his  talent  and  energy. 
Hugo  Parvulus  was  also  cited,  due  respect  being 
rendered  to  the  rank  he  claimed,  although  that 
rank  might  be  contested,  inasmuch  as  Adalbero 
and  Goceline,  the  Prelates  of  Metz  and  Tulle, 
were  despatched  to  accompany  and  conduct  him. 

VOL.  II.  Q  Q 


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594      LOUIS  d'outrembr,  lothaire,  &c. 

h»-064  But  the  stout  Parvulus  would  not  come :  there- 
/ — A — *  fore  in  his  absence,  an  interlocutory  decree  was 

948—040  J 

Jan.  948—  passed,  empowering  Artaldus  to  take  possession 
m^zo^.    of  the  See,  and  the  Synod  adjourned  to  Mouzon. 
§  65.     When  the  time  arrived,  the  Parvulus 
made  a  feint  of  appearing;    he  entered  Saint 
Peter's  portal,  the  Church  where  the  Synod  was 
sitting ;  but  when  he  had  proceeded  thus  far,  he 
stopped,  turned  round,  and  marched  back  again ; 
sfeibaidus  and  Sigibaldus,  now  acting  as  his  Proctor,  pre- 
»*™-ped     sented  another  writing,  a  most  suspicious  bull, 
p^utol!6  *BSue(*  *n  the  nanie  of  good  Pope  Agapet,  pur- 
porting  to  enjoin  the  restoration   of  Hugh  as 
Archbishop.     Forgery  flourished  during  the  me- 
dieeval  period.     The  fabrication  of  papal  bulls 
was   an    established  manufacture.      When  our 
venerable  old  London  Bridge  was  demolished,  a 
pair  of  forceps,  of  the  same  fashion  as  those 
which    are    used    abroad    to    "plomber"   your 
baggage,  was   found  in  the   bed  of  the  river, 
being  the  machine  by  which   some  ingenious 
artist  in  the  old  time  had  been  accustomed  to 
supply  dispensations  or  pardons.     Possibly  some 
clever  apparitor  who  may  have  lodged  in  one  of 
the  houses  projecting  from  the  bridge  had  ac- 
cidentally dropped  his  tool  out  of  the  window. 
Antient  manuscripts  contain  rules  for  detect- 
ing the  cheat,  such  as  counting  the  dots  which 
compose  the  borders  of  the  reverse  and  obverse 
impressed  upon  the  leaden  seal;  but  in  most 


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RICHARD    SANS   PBUR.  595 

cases  the  document  is  so  clumsily  penned,  that  «M»-e64 
the  falsity  is  self-detected ;  and  such  was  the  case 
with  the  instrument  propounded  by  Sigibaldus. 
Had  this  alleged  bull  been  genuine,  it  was  so 
informal  that  it  would  have  been  destitute  of 
legal  validity,  therefore  the  Prothonotary  turned 
down  the  face  of  the  parchment  when  he 
laid  it  on  the  table.  And  the  Fathers  of  the 
Synod  having  consulted  the  famous  canons  of 
the  Council  of  Carthage,  they  decreed  that  Ar- 
taldus  should  retain  possession  of  the  See,  whilst 
Hugh,  comporting  himself  as  Archbishop,  having 
been  contumacious,  had  incurred  the  penalties  of 
excommunication,  and  so  should  continue  excom- 
municate, unless  he  cleared  himself  of  the 
default  in  a  general  Council  of  the  Gauls,  to  be 
held  at  Engleheim  on  the  Rhine. 

§  66.     So  deliberate  and  consistent  was  the  Moral 
system  which  Hugh-le-Grand,  aided  by  the  Nor-  S 
mans,  was  pursuing  against  Louis,  so  dogged 
the  enmity  of  the  King's  opponents,  that  he  had 
no  reason  to  expect  they  would  ever  cease  from 
concerting  his  destruction.     But  this  prospect  of 
perils  only  excited  him  the  more  to  exert  his  in- 
ventive activity.     Louis  confided  in  the  sanctity 
of  the  royal  character.     Well  did  Louis  know, 
and  thoroughly  did  he  appreciate,  the  venera- 
tion commanded  by  the  crowned  and  anointed 
Sovereign.     He  cheered  himself  by  the  dawnSnpport 
of  the  support  which  he  expected  to  obtain  from  J^ei- 

Q  Q2 


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596      LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

94b-«64  the  Aquitanian   Princes.     If  their  loyalty  was 
, — * — *  tepid,  the  hatred  they  entertained  towards  Hugh- 

048— 049    ,    r      '       ,  .  '„        A11  ,„    .        m        . 

le-Grand  was  intense.  The  Abbot  of  Saint  Martin 


TifaZdi  was  threatening  the  southern  banks  of  the  Loire. 
udNSu«.  Other  proud  and  prosperous  rulers  bordering  on 
the  Midi  were  expected  by  Louis  to  be  amicable. 
Much  he  relied  upon  the  friendship  of  the  Count 
of  Macon,  Letholdus.  But,  most  of  all,  were  the 
hopes  of  Louis  grounded  upon  the  confidence  he 
placed,  and  justly,  in  Otho.  All  jealousies  be- 
tween him  and  his  brother-in-law  had  vanished. 
Whatever  vast  designs  the  German  King  was 
forming,  they  were  perfectly  consistent  with  the 
prosperity  and  stability  of  the  French  monarchy 
under  his  protectorate.  Never  did  a  Sovereign 
reign  in  whom  prudence,  courage,  and  ambition, 
wisdom  and  moderation,  were  more  efficiently 
conjoined,  than  in  him  who  was  destined  to 
terminate  the  abeyance  of  the  Imperial  authority. 

§  67.  But  Louis  would  not  trust  solely  to 
the  sword.  The  moral  existence  of  the  State 
could  be  sought  only  in  the  Church,  and  the 
Clergy  were  the  only  functionaries  competent  to 
guide  the  popular  opinion,  or  by  whom  any  sen- 
timents of  good  order  could  be  diffused.  It  was, 
therefore,  through  the  medium  which  the  organ- 
ization which  Latin  Christendom  afforded,  that 
Louis  determined  to  invoke  the  sympathy  and 
rouse  the  conscience  of  his  subjects. 

In  this  distressing  era  of  papal  history,  we 


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RICHARD    SANS    PEUR.  597 

are    relieved   by    the    happy    obscurity   which  ws-ow 
attends  the  pontificate  of  the  second   Agapet,  , — * — v 
concerning  whom  scarcely  anything  is  known  04g_7th 
except  his  piety  and  his  charity.     At  the  solici-  SSlST of 
tation  of  Otho  and  Louis,  the  Pontiff  despatched  S^ertST 
his  Legate  Marinus  to  the  Gauls,  for  the  pur- SmbS^ 
pose  of  presiding   over  the   Council   convened  Legate. 
in  Charlemagne's  antient  palace  of  Engleheim. 
None  of  the  Prelates  under  Hugh-le-Grand's 
influence    attended ;    and    the    great    majority 
came    from    Lorraine    and    Otho's    dominion. 
Nevertheless  it  was  accepted  as  representing  the 
Churches  of  Germany  and  the  Gauls.     Strictly 
speaking,  this  Council  was  anomalous,  neither 
national  nor  provincial;    but  all  irregularities 
were  ignored,  and  the  Synod,  without  compro- 
mising its  ecclesiastical  functions,  also  partially 
assumed    the   character   of  an    Imperial    Diet,  otho  and 
When   Otho  and  Louis  were  introduced,  they  introduced 

into  the 

took  their  rooms  next  the  Legate.  The  busi- Council. 
ness  was  opened  by  the  Archbishop  of  Treves, 
who  briefly  stated  the  objects  for  which  the 
Fathers  were  called  together, — the  restoration 
of  lawful  authority,  and  the  tranquillization  of 
the  Commonwealth,  in  the  first  place: — and,  in 
the  next,  the  settlement  of  the  claims  between 
the  rival  Archbishops,  by  which  the  State  had 
been  so  perniciously  distracted. 

Marinus  replied  on  the  part  of  the   Holy 
See. — The  re-establishment  of  the  royal  authority 


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598      louis  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

942—964  was  a  necessary  preliminary  to  the  settlement  of 
t — * — >  the  affairs  of  the  Church ;  and  therefore,  would  it 

948—949  . 

please  the  Council  to  hear  and  determine,  in  the 
first  instance,  the  cause  of  the  most  serene  King  ? 
^8ther"  "Let  him  be  heard,"  was  the  acclaim. — Louis 
theT^-  prepared  to  rise,  but  the  Prelates  requested  him 
SSill^4  t0  continue  seated,  and  he  began  his  address, — 
a  piteously  impassioned  summary  of  the  misfor- 
tunes he  had  sustained  since  his  birth, — even 
such  as  in  this  our  history  we  have  told  them. — 
How  Hugh's  father  had  usurped  the  royal  au- 
thority:—  how  his  own  infant  life  had  been 
saved  by  Ogiva's  device,  when  she  concealed 
him  in  the  bundle  of  hay: — how  Ogiva  was 
compelled  to  seek  refuge  for  him,  far  away  in 
the  dark  north  :< — how  Raoul,  after  Jting  Robert's 
death,  had  continued  the  usurpation:  —  how 
Louis  had  been  recalled  to  the  royal  authority, 
though  his  possessions  had  been  withheld: — all 
the  frauds  and  violences  perpetrated  by  Hugh, 
of  which  he  had  been  the  victim : — the  shameful 
treason  which  Hugh  had  concerted  with  the 
Norman  Pirates: — lastly,  the  most  painful  ex-- 
tortion  to  which  he  submitted  as  the  only  means 
of  escaping  a  miserable  death,  —  the  cession 
of  the  rock  of  Laon. — Could  Hugh  deny  the 
challenges  deeds  ?  And  as  for  himself,  had  he  misgoverned  ? 
ciwe«.  Had  he  abused  his  royal  authority  ?  Could  any 
living  creature  prefer  any  just  cause  of  complaint 
against  him  ?— If  so,  let  the  accusers  come  for- 


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RICHARD    SANS    PEUR.  599 

ward.      Let  Hugh  take  up  the  challenge,  and  wa— 964 
Louis  would  submit  to  the  judgment  of  the  Holy 
Synod  and  King  Otho,  or  clear  himself  by  the 
battle  trial. 

Archbishop  Artaldus  then  recited,  with  much  impeach- 
detail,  the  acts  of  violence  committed  by  Duke  ferrwipre" 


Hugh,  and  the  vexation  and  persecution  he  had  Hugh,  who 
suffered  from  that  arch-tyrant.  The  impeach- aPP«r- 
ment  preferred  against  Duke  Hugh, — for  to  such 
the  proceedings  virtually  amounted, — therefore 
contained  two  Articles,  distinct,  yet  closely  con- 
nected with  each  other — Hugh's  offences  against 
the  Crown,  and  his  violation  of  the  rights  of 
the  Church — treason  and  sacrilege.  Hugh-le- 
Grand  acted  as  though  he  were  entirely  indifferent 
to  the  result.  No  one  answered  for  him;  no 
reply  was  made  on  his  behalf.      His   Proctor  sfcftddus 

r  J  presents 

Sigibaldus,  however,  whether  employed  by  thejjjjjj^ 
Duke  or  employing  himself,  came  forward,  as-jj^pj^ 
serting  the  rights  of  the  Parvulus,  and  boldly  ^^ 
reproduced  the  rejected  instrument.     This  im- 
pudent   act    excited    the    greatest    indignation 
amongst  the  Gallican  Prelates.     Archbishop  and 
Bishops  rose  up  against  him,  crying  out  against 
the  shameful  imposition.      The  Proctor,  there- 
fore, now  found  himself  placed  at  the  bar  in  the 
character  of  a  culprit :  sentence  of  degradation 
was  passed  against  him,  and  he  was  banished 
the  country. 

On  the  following  day,  business  was  resumed, 


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600      LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

wa-064  the  text-books  were   opened,  and  the  various 
,     a    v  chapters  of  the  canon   law   bearing  upon   the 
various  charges  made  against  the  Duke  were 
read.     And,  pursuant  to  the  canons,  and  par- 
ticularly the  seventy-fifth  canon  of  the  fourth 
Council  of  Toledo,  and  the  opinions  and  decrees 
of  the  Holy  Fathers,  Pope  Sixtus,  Pope  Alex- 
ander,   Pope    Innocent,    Pope   Zosimus,    Pope 
Boniface,  Pope  Celestine,  Pope  Leo,  Pope  Sym- 
machus,  and  all  the  other  Doctors  and  Fathers 
of  Holy  Church  who  had  spoken  and  written  in 
Hugh-fe-   that  behalf,  he,  Duke  Hugh,  the  usurper  of  the 
■uredand"  royal  rights,  the  persecutor  of  the  See  of  Rheims, 

summoned 

to  obey  the  was  warned  that  he  would  incur  excommunica- 

decroeof 

the  synod,  tion  unless  he  should  repent  and  make  amends 
for  his  misdeeds, — Thirty  days  of  grace  were 
allowed  to  him  for  the  purpose  of  declaring  his 
submission  to  the  decree;  and  the  Synod  was 
adjourned  to  another  session,  to  be  held,  at  the 
end  of  the  said  respite,  in  the  Basilica  of  Saint 
Vincent  the  Martyr,  at  Laon. 
OTof  §  68.  The  session  was  accordingly  held,  but 
^^^ao  Hugh  presented  himself;  he  had  derided  all 
g*£  the  Clergy's  threats  and  monitions ;  he  took  no 
heed  of  the  proceedings.  Yet  one  further  attempt 
was  made  to  enforce,  perhaps  we  should  rather 
say  persuade,  this  haughty  delinquent  to  render  a 
decent  obedience  to  the  ecclesiastical  authority ; 
and,  after  a  further  adjournment,  the  Synod  re- 
assembled at  Treves.     The  session  was  short. 


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RICHARD    SANS    PEUR.  601 

Hugh-le-Grand  continued  contumacious.  On  the  m&-»64 
third  day,  he  had  failed  to  appear  either  in  person  , — A — > 
or  by  any  one  in  his  behalf.     Marinus  proceeded  Hngh-ie- 

•       j  •      1  /»  tt  xi-  j.*  ctz'        Grand  con- 

in  due  canonical  form.   Upon  the  motion  of  King  tinning 
Otho's  Procurator,  Liudolph,  the  sentence  of  ex- d<£»,  h^b 
communication  was  fulminated  against  Hugh;aiiyexcom- 

mnnicated. 

but  still  only  provisionally,  and  until  he  should 
appear  before  the  Legate  and  offer  competent 
satisfaction.  If  he  still  neglected  to  do  so  in  due 
time,  then  the  power  of  absolution  was  reserved 
to  the  Holy  See, — he  must  repair  to  the  Pope 
at  Rome. 

But  Hugh  was  not  to  be  won  over  by  the  Hugh  de- 
tenderness   with   which  he  had  been  handled.  wj«*y 

of  the 

He  would  not  bend  before  Bishop,  Legate,  or000080- 
Pope ;  and,  if  we  may  be  permitted  to  construe 
his  actions  into  words,  we  might  have  heard  him 
exclaim  with  a  sneer,  that  he  cared  no  more  for 
the  whole  succession,  living  or  departed,  who 
had  been  evoked  against  him,  —  Pope  Sixtus, 
Pope  Innocent,  Pope  Alexander,  Pope  Zosimus, 
Pope  Boniface,  Pope  Celestine,  Pope  Leo, 
Pope  Symmachus,  or  any  other  Pontiffs,  Doc- 
tors, or  Fathers  of  Holy  Church  —  than  he 
did  for  their  mosaic  portraits,  exhibited  in  gaunt 
procession,  on  the  walls  of  the  Basilica.  To 
him  their  opinions  or  warnings  were  as  chaff 
and  straw  when  they  stood  in  his  way.  He  was 
the  man  who  would  defend  his  rights  and  his 
wrongs,  without  apprehension  of  bell,  book,  or 


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602     louis  d'outremer,  loxhafre,  &c. 

94fl-^964  candle.  Consistently,  therefore)  with  these  views, 
* — A — ^  Hugh-le-Grand  had  never  desisted  from  present- 
ing a  hostile  front,  and  be  prosecuted  the  war 
vigorously,  whilst  Synods  and  Councils  were  de- 
bating. What  they  were  doing  was  naught  to 
him.  He  renewed  active  operations;  brought 
together  kith  and  kin,  and  vassal  and  retainer, 
and  more  than  all,  his  allies;  and  ravages  and 
outrages  were  renewed  in  the  same  manner  as 
before. 

§  69.  We  possess  very  ample  details  con- 
cerning these  transactions,  secular,  ecclesiastical, 
and  military.  Artaldus  himself,  in  the  first  in- 
stance, renders  us  the  good  service  of  amply  and 
accurately  reporting  all  the  Synodical  proceed- 
Ampie      ings. — Next,  Frodoardus,  the  Archbishop's  Chap- 

tu£fo?"    k"n>  muck  an(*  0ften  *n  the  camp,  yet  as  often 

$p£^hn  accompanying  his  Principal,  furnishes  a  consecu- 

history.     tjve  narrative. — Lastly,  Louis  numbered  amongst 

his  suite  an  individual,  who,  though  not  a  writer 

himself,  has  nevertheless  transmitted  to  us  most 

valuable    information,   which    otherwise    would 

have  been  lost.      This  was  Raoul,  an  officer  of 

noble  birth,  much  in  the  King's  confidence,  from 

whose  recollections  we  derive  a  large  proportion 

of  the  materials  which  enable  us  to  pursue  the 

Carlovingian  history  until  its  close. 

Raoui,  the        Raoul  was  the  father  of  Richerius  the  Monk, 

Richeriua   a  Chronicler,  for  our  purposes,  invaluable,  in- 

ckronicier.  asmuch  as  his  work,   embodying  the  paternal 


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RICHARD    SAN8   PEUR.  603 

traditions,  enables  the  enquirer  to  bridge  over  U&-464 
the  hitherto  hopeless  chasm  concerning  the 
events  which  established  the  Capetian  dynasty. 
A  sturdy  man-at-arms  was  the  clever  and  astute 
Raoul,  who  shared  in  many  of  the  enterprises 
related  by  his  son,  and  a  contemporary  of  the 
circumstances  to  which  he  bears  record.  His 
details  may  ofttimes  be  reckoned  trifling,  yet  let 
it  be  always  kept  in  mind  that  even  these  minims 
constitute  integral  portions  of  European  history. 
— Each  skirmish,  each  foray,  each  device,  each 
success,  each  mischance,  each  retreat,  was  a  trial 
of  strength  between  the  rising  and  the  expiring 
dynasties. 

§  70.     It  might  have  been  supposed,  that  The  aia- 

en*  y  of 

after  his  appearance  before  the  Council  of  Engle-  l°™»  < 


heim,  Louis  would  almost  have  been  prepared  to  g1"1^ 
resign.  He  had  narrated,  and  truly,  the  succes- 
sion of  misfortunes  he  had  sustained. — To  con- 
fess before  the  world  that  you  are  unlucky,  is 
nearly  equivalent  to  a  proclamation  that  you  are 
ruined.  But  he  presented  himself  as  a  man 
renovated  in  body  and  in  spirit,  casting  off 
his  griefs,  and  resuming  his  operations  with 
innate  alacrity.  On  the  other  hand,  Hugh's 
influence  was  somewhat  diminished.  Though 
he  defied  the  ban  of  the  Church,  his  ad- 
herents were  not  so  sceptical.  Many  of  his 
knights  and  soldiers,  dreading  the  excommuni- 
cation, had  deserted  his  cause,  particularly  the 


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604     louis  d'outrembr,  lothaire,  &c. 

843-064  knights  who  held  military  benefices  in  the  patri- 
, — * — v  mony  of  Saint  R6my.     They  were  serving  in 

018     OAO 

Hugh's  ranks  on  behalf  of  Hugh  the  Parvulus, 
but  Artaldus  had  possession  of  their  lands,  and 
the  expectation  that  by  submission  to  the  canoni- 
cal Prelate   they  would   be  reinstated  in  their 
possessions,   may  have  aided  the  conscientious 
scruples  they  were  said  to  have  entertained. 
importance       The  importance  of  Normandy  also  becomes 
Sort^en  signally  appreciable.     So  nearly  were  the  parties 
mandy  to  now  matched,  that,  had  not  Hugh-le-Grand  been 

Hugh-le- 

Grand,  supported  by  Richard's  troops,  he  would  hardly 
have  been  able  to  make  head  against  the  King. 
But  the  red  shields  were  foremost  in  his  ranks, 
and  the  keen  Norman  arbalisters  always  ready 
to  garrison  his  towers.  Guido,  the  Bishop  of 
Soissons,  had  returned  to  his  allegiance  and  his 
duty.  Hugh,  supported  by  the  Normans,  at- 
tacked the  antient  and  much  venerated  Mero- 
vingian capital.  By  his  missiles,  he  fired  the 
Episcopal  buildings  and  a  large  portion  of  the 
City,  and  then,  spreading  his  troops  widely  over 
the  Rhemois,  committed  terrible  ravages. — 
Champagne  wine  must  have  become  scarce 
during  these  wars. 
success*  §  71.  In  the  meanwhile,  Duke  Conrad  had 
Mouam  been  raising  levies  in  Lotharingia  for  the  King's 
service, — "three  Cohorts,"  as  they  are  termed. 
The  Parvulus,  now  deprived  of  Hugh-le-Grand's 
support,  had  taken  refuge  in  Mouzon,  on  the 


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RICHARD    SANS    PEUR.  605 

Lotharingian  border  of  Saint  Remy's  patrimony.  942—964 
A  great  moral  effect  would  be  produced  in 
favour  of  Louis,  could  the  pertinacious  ecclesias- 
tical offender  be  caught.  French  and  Lotharin- 
gians  joined  and  attacked  the  place.  The  scanty 
garrison  surrendered,  the  pseudo-Archbishop  es- 
caped, but  his  soldiers  were  taken  prisoners,  and 
triumphantly  conducted  before  the  King. 

Louis  went  on  cheerily.  Next  to  Hugh-le- 
Grand,  Thibaut-le-Tricheur  had  been  the  King's 
greatest  tormentor.  Louis,  determining  to  pun- 
ish the  Count's  insolence,  stormed  Thibaut's 
castle  of  Montaigue.  Encouraged  by  this  suc- 
cess, Louis  bethought  himself  whether  it  might 
not  be  possible  to  recover  the  last  lost  jewel  of 
his  crown.     Accordingly,  he  forthwith  marched  Montaigne 

.  taken  by 

to  Laon.    He  reconnoitred  the  fortress,  and  com-  Louis— *• 

invests 

menced  a  partial  investment  or  irregular  siege ;  Ufa- 
his  forces  not  being  adequate  for  more  decided 
operations.    Frequent  skirmishes  were  fought  be- 
tween the  assailants  and  the  garrison,  the  latter 
making  manifold  sallies.     They  fought  on  the 
slope  of  the  rock  and  below  the  rock,  and  in  the 
plains  far  and  near.     Nine  close  conflicts,  hand 
to  hand,  are  commemorated  as  having  occurred ; 
but  this  display  of  valour  proved  unprofitable; 
the  royal  troops  were  unprovided  with  artillery, 
winter  was  drawing  on,  and  Louis,  by  the  advice  He  wtums 
of  Raoul,  returned  to  his  lowly  but  comfortable  terquaTte^ 
quarters  at  Rheims,  where  King  and  Confidant 


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606     louis  d'outbembr,  lothazre,  &c. 

942—964  discussed  the  operations  of  the  future  campaign. 
, — * — v  During  this  season  of  quiet  retirement,  however, 
an  event  occurred,  not  a  novelty,  yet  always 
gratifying — Gerberga  was  happily  brought  to 
a  hid     ^ed  again,  presenting  her  husband  with  another 
fa"™*0      male  child,  who  replaced  the  lost  Garloman. 
Archbishop  Artaldus  was  the  sponsor,  the  baby 
being  named  Louis,  after  the  father.     Great  joy 
must  this  accession  to  the  family  have  occasioned, 
for  notwithstanding  the  numerous  children  which 
Gerberga's    fertility  had    produced,    none    but 
Lothaire  was  now  surviving,  their  spans  of  life 
probably  shortened   by  some  congenital  infir- 
mity. 
April— 949       §  72.     Spring   was   advancing,  the   flower 
™*«        buds  bursting,  all  parties  in  movement,  Gerberga 
the  busiest,  and  inasmuch  as  Louis  could  not  quit 
the  scene  of  military  action,  the  nobly  indefati- 
gable matron  repaired  to  her  Royal  brother  at 
Aix-la-Chapelle,  for  the  purpose  of  hastening  his 
promised  aid.     Otho  had  delayed  in  rendering 
assistance,   being  employed  in  the   Sclavonian 
marches.     The  Germans  continued  their  bitter 
persecutions  of  this  race,  whom  they  crushed 
with  inexorable  barbarity,  overwhelming  them 
with  contempt,  and  by  that  contempt  justifying 
their  tyranny. 
{S^?n1,  Splendidly  characteristic  of  the  present  and 

chai^cast9"  future  was  the  Paschal  feast  which  Otho  cele- 
chapSe.    brated  in  Charlemagne's  Eagle-crowned  Pfaltz, 


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RICHARD    SANS    PEUR.  607 

where  Gerberga  received  an  affectionate  greeting  942-054 
from  her  Royal  brother. — He  appeared  invested  , — * — , 

949—960 

with  all  the  dignity  of  antient  days.  Stately 
was  the  presence,  the  nobles  of  the  Belgic  Gauls, 
as  well  as  their  Tudesque  compeers,  here  reve- 
rently encircling  the  antient  Imperial  throne. 
Here  also  were  the  Representatives  of  the  Na- 
tions and  Powers  seeking  Otho's  friendship  or 
protection. 

Edred,  ruling  the  four-fold  empire  of  Britain,  otho's 

__  court  &t- 

testified  his  respect  for  Editha's  widowed  hus*  tended  by 

amboana* 

band,  cultivating  the  connexion  as  an  additional  ^f™j? 
honour  decking  glorious  Athelstane's  family.     2*&^ 

Lothaire  of  Provence,  the  husband  of  theEmpire- 
lovely  Adelaide,  and  Berenger,  Marquis  of  Friuli 
and  of  Ivrea,  were  now  the  rival  kings  of  dis- 
tracted Lombardy,  and  yet  conjointly  reigning. 
They  despatched  their  Legates — they  might  need 
Otho's  assistance  against  the  bloody  Magyars, 
who  were  tormenting  Italy  from  the  valley  of 
the  Arno  to  the  very  heel  of  the  peninsula,  or 
possibly  they  sought  to  collect  some  information 
concerning  his  plans  and  designs. — Otho  cour- 
teously cultivated  his  social  and  political  rela- 
tions with  the  Greek  Empire,  not  as  a  rival  of 
the  Eastern  Caesars,  but  as  though  he  were  their 
equal.  Perhaps,  even  now,  Otho  in  his  heart 
acknowledged  none  but  an  Emperor  as  being 
his  compeer.  Constantine  Porphyrogenitus  re- 
ciprocated in  these  courtesies.      Rich  were  the 


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608       LOUIS  d'OUTREMER,   loth  a  ire,  &c. 

042-064  gifts  proffered  by  Constantino's  splendid  Ambas- 
, — * — ,  sadors,  their  chief  the  beardless  Protovestiarius, 

049—060 

Count  Solomon,  whose  aspect,  declaring  him 
duly  qualified  to  have  the  care  of  an  Ottoman 
Harem,  might  amuse  the  jeering  Germans  as 
a  fitting  representative  of  the  luxurious  and 
effeminate  Byzantium.  Gerberga,  heartily  wel- 
comed by  her  brother,  received  assurances  that 
sufficient  succour  should  be  given,  and  she 
cheerfully  returned  to  her  husband.  Otho  was 
sincere,  yet  some  time  elapsed  before  the  Lor- 
raine troops  could  be  mustered,  whilst  Louis, 
hopeful  as  though  he  had  never  sustained  mis- 
fortune, was  impatient  to  take  the  field  against 
the  rebel  Duke;  and  he  earnestly  desired  not 
only  the  advantage  but  the  honour  of  striking 
an  effective  and  single-handed  blow,  before  the 
German  reinforcements  should  arrive. 
©4o-LaAn  §  73.  Raoul  devised  a  plan  for  the  surprise 
fJt^ta^  and  re-capture  of  Laon,— he  was  thoroughly  ac- 
ty8!^  quainted  with  the  City  of  the  Rock  and  all  its 
ways,  the  ascents  and  the  descents,  the  nooks 
and  the  crannies,  the  streets  and  the  gates,  and, 
above  all,  the  sentiments  of  the  garrison  and 
the  citizens.  A  surprise  was  impossible ;  Hugh's 
powerful  forces  were  supported  by  a  large  pro- 
portion of  the  inhabitants  who  had  espoused  the 
Usurper's  cause.  Hugh-le-Grand  had,  without 
doubt,  spent  much  money  there,  and  the  fortifi- 
cations which  Louis  had  erected  for  the  citadel's 


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RICHARD    SANS    PBUR.  609 

better  defence,    were   now   bristling  to   oppose  ms— 9u 
their  Founder. 

On  either  part  the  desultory  warfare  was  con- 
ducted doggedly,  and  yet  slackly.  Laon  being 
ill  supplied  with  provisions,  the  garrison  were 
accustomed  to  send  out  stable-folk,  upwards 
of  sixty  or  more,  for  the  purpose  of  gathering 
and  collecting  horsemeat,  green  or  dry.  This 
troop  sallied  forth  daily.  Now,  according  to 
Raoul's  ingenious  suggestion,  an  equal  num- 
ber of  the  King's  men  clad  themselves  exactly 
like  the  Laon  men,  wearing  also  the  same 
fashioned  cap,  by  which,  when  the  tall  truss 
of  forage  was  loaded  before  the  Rider,  his  visage 
was  almost  entirely  concealed.  The  Guisers, 
Raoul  himself  being  one  of  the  Party,  carefully 
watched  the  proceedings  of  the  authentic  fora- 
gers. The  Laon  true-men  idled  in  their  busi- 
ness. The  King's  folk  rode  up  to  the  City,  the  The  surprize 
gate  opened  to  receive  them.  As  soon  as  they 
had  passed  the  Portal, — down  with  the  trusses, 
out  with  the  swords. — The  Citizens,  or  at  least 
a  faction  amongst  them  who  demonstrated  a  des- 
perate disloyalty,  defended  themselves  valiantly 
in  the  narrow  climbing  streets:  but  the  assail- 
ants, offering  a  compact  front,  were  protected 
laterally  by  these  defiles;  and,  threading  their 
way  between  the  city  walls  and  the  houses,  they 
penetrated  onwards,  though  with  much  peril. 
Possibly  the   Royal  soldiery  would  have   been 

VOL.  II.  R  a 


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610      LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

942—064  beaten,  had  not  reinforcements  poured  in.     After 
, — « — ,  much    bloodshed,   the    Duke's   men    effected   a 

MO— OfiO 

retreat  into  the  great  Tower,  but  the  City  was 
gained. 

§  74.  This  was  an  encouraging  success. 
Louis  rallied  his  friends,  and  Otho  energetically 
supported  the  Royal  cause.  Moreover,  his  most 
inconsistent  son-in-law  Duke  Conrad,  he  who 
had  espoused  Otho's  daughter,  the  lovely  Liut- 
garda  of  the  silver  spindle,  joined  Louis  with  a 
large  Army  of  Lorrainers;  and  a  rapid  succession 
of  alternate  gains  and  losses  excited  both  the 
contending  parties. 

If  Louis  was  thus  aided,  Hugh-le-Grand  en- 
creased  his  battalions  from  the  ranks  of  the 
never-failing  Normans ;  and  he  stationed  a  pow- 
erful garrison  in  the  neighbouring  Senlis.  Here 
Louis  was  unpopular. — The  inhabitants  of  this 
antient  City,  however  embued  with  Carlovingian 
recollections,  had  become  staunch  adherents  of 
Hugh.  The  showers  of  bolts  darted  from  the 
949-    Norman  arbalests  deterred  the  French,  though 

tacks seniis  they  established  their  position  before  the  walls ; 

*%•  and  Hugh  was  also  enabled  to  victual  the  Tower 
of  Laon.  But,  by  concentrating  the  Ducal 
forces  in  and  about  Senlis  and  Laon,  a  large  pro- 
portion of  the  modern  Isle  de  France  was  left 
exposed.  Louis  promptly  availed  himself  of  this 
strategical  error,  and  ravaged  the  undefended 
country  as  far  as  the  Seine.     There,  however,  he 


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RICHARD    SAN3    PEUR.  611 

was  compelled  to   halt:    his  troops  could   not  940-954 
cross   the   river;    the  boats  had   been   cleared  < — A — * 

9W—960 

away ;  pontoons  had  not  been  thought  of ;  and 
the  King  returned  to  Rheims. 

Hugh  now  tried  to  throw  Louis  off  his 
guard.  For  this  purpose  he  offered  a  settle- 
ment of  their  differences;  but  whilst  the  dis- 
cussions were  pending,  he  made  an  attempt  to 
recover  the  City  of  La&n  by  a  coup-de-main. 
The  scheme  did  not  answer:  and  though  the 
Normans  fought  on  his  behalf,  the  attack  failed.  Hugh  fails 
The  endeavours  for  a  pacification  were  renewed,  ing  to  re- 

cover  Laou. 

the  Bishops  of  Auxerre  and  Troyes  concurred 
with  Duke  Conrad  as  mediators,  and  a  length- 
ened truce  was  concluded,  to  endure  until  the 
Paschal  festival  of  the  following  yean 

§  75.  Notwithstanding  the  checks  which 
Louis  had  received,  he  was  acquiring  support  from 
public  opinion.  His  undaunted  perseverance, 
his  unity  of  purpose,  and  the  justice  of  his  cause, 
all  pleaded  potently  in  his  favour.  Hugh-le- 
Grand  boldly  spurned  the  ecclesiastical  censures : 
yet  the  excommunication,  which  damaged  him 
before  the  world,  was  weighing  upon  his  mind, 
and  this  sentiment  possibly  motived  his  over- 
tures for  peace. 

Agapet,  though  the  most  quiet  of  Pontiffs,  H^;. 
could  no  longer  delay  asserting  his  authority.  SSELi. 
He  summoned  a  Council  to  be  held  at  Rome  5^1^ 
in    Saint   Peter's   Basilica.     The    Acts   of  theJILK1 

R  R  2 


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612      LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

Q42--954  Council  of  Engleheim  were  produced  and  read, 
r-^— j  sentence  was  pronounced  condemning  Hugh,  the 
shall  Pope  subscribed  his  name,  and  commanded  the 
King.  *  Italian  Prelates — for  none  other  were  summoned 
— to  do  the  like;  and  he  then  promulgated  the  Ex- 
communication against  Hugh,  the  great  disturber, 
unless  and  until  he  should  have  given  satisfac- 
tion to  his  King.  This  Decree  being  trans- 
mitted to  the  Prelates  of  the  Gauls,  they  exerted 
themselves  strenuously  in  labouring  to  promote 
the  much -desired  restoration  of  tranquillity, 
addressing  themselves  to  Hugh-le-Grand's  con- 
science, and  warning  him  against  the  impending 
peril: — the  Apostolic  Anathema  was  a  sword 
piercing  through  body  and  soul, — and,  at  last, 
he  agreed  to  treat.  In  fact,  all  parties,  including 
Louis,  were  tired  out,  and  he  entreated  Otho  to 
co-operate.  Duke  Conrad  was  sent  forward  to 
open  the  negotiations  ;  and  Hugh  -  le  -  Grand 
gladly  entertained  the  proposals  of  accommo- 
dation. 

An  interview  ensued  on  the  shores  of  the 
Maine,  the  parties  being,  as  usual,  separated  by 
the  stream.  Hugh-le-Noir,  of  whom  we  have 
so  long  lost  sight,  also  attended  as  a  common 
friend. — Neither  King  Louis  nor  Hugh-le-Grand 
had  much  inclination  to  face  each  other:  their 
reciprocal  propositions  and  answers  were  ex- 
changed by  Conrad  and  Hugh-le-Noir,  and  by 
the    Bishops    Adalbero    and    Fulbert,    crossing 


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RICHARD    8AN9    PEUR.  613 

and  re-crossing  the  water.     A  peace  was  con-  043-454 
eluded,  and  all  points  which  Louis  could  fairly  , — * — > 

950—061 

demand  were  conceded.     Hugh  surrendered  the    950— 
object,  so  precious  in  his  sight,  the  Tower  oftkmb£" 
Laon,  which  was  forthwith  evacuated  by  his  gar-  iSS*and 
rison.     The  proud  Duke  of  all  the  Gauls  became  Grand :  the 

r  #  latterper- 

the  King's  Homager,  performing  the  ceremony  fonnsW- 
which  testified  the  Vassal's  subjection  to  his*^*^6 
Suzerain,  renewing  the  oath  of  fealty,  and  clench-  LaflIL 
ing  his  oath  by  earnest  declarations  of  friendship. 
It  appeared  as  if  their  present  love  was  no  less 
ardent  than  their  previous  enmity ;  and  Hugh- 
le-Grand's  actions  were  consistently  conformable 
to  his  words.  He  obeyed  the  King's  behests, 
raising  the  forces  which  Louis  required  for  the 
expedition  he  was  contemplating.  A  complete 
and  triumphant  victory  seemed  to  have  been 
achieved  by  the  King,  and  Louis  entered  Laon, 
now  all  his  own. — Tower,  City,  Gates,  Walls, 
once  more  in  his  possession,  without  dispute  or 
challenge,  and  he  was  preparing  for  the  full  re- 
sumption of  his  power. — But  the  hand  of  God 
was  upon  him;  he  became  grievously  ill,  took 
to  his  bed,  and  his  work  was  stayed. 

§  76.     Louis  laid  by,  fresh  political  troubles  „  dm— 

5  J*  r  Louis  afflict- 

perplexed  him.      A  harassing  series  of  disturb-  gj£ji,"rwe 
ances  ensued,  not  exactly  directed  against  the 
King,  and  yet  as  troublesome  as  if  they  were, 
being  connected  with  the  interminable  dispute 
between  Artaldus  and  the  Parvulus.     Compelled 


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614      LOUIS  d'outremer,  loth  aire,  &c. 

04&-064  to  be  inactive,  Louis  improved  his  enforced  lei- 
t — * — ,  sure.  After  neatly  a  year  of  illness,  convales- 
cence and  languor,  his  flesh  a  cumbrance  and  a 
burden,  but  his  spirit  unsubdued,  recollecting 
his  past  sufferings  and  disgraces  and  humilia- 
tions only  as  incentives  to  vigorous  action,  he 
again  rose  up  for  the  purpose  of  completing  the 
great  stroke  of  policy  which  he  hqd  so  long  con- 
templated, the  restoration  of  the  Royal  autho- 
rity in  the  Kingdom  of  Aquitaine. 

But  even  success  in  this  important  enterprise 
would  be  unsatisfactory,  unless  Louis  could  en- 
sure the  Royal  Succession  to  the  line  of  Char- 
lemagne.— What  claimants  might  not  arise  when 
the  Throne  should  become  vacant  by  his  own 
©si—    death,  an  event  possibly  near  at  hand?     Louis 
j£££       therefore,  according  to  the  antient  usage  of  the 
bttSS-*0  Monarchy,  caused  the  young  Lothaire  to  be  de- 
King.88    signated  as  King,  but  no  evidence  remains  to 
shew  that  the  act  was  followed  by  any  solemn 
recognition. 
Reject  The  undelayed  surrepder  made,  erewhile,  by 

theAqui-y  the  Aquitanian  Princes  of  their  charters  to 
thecal  Louis,  when,  after  his  successes  in  Burgundy, 
see  p.  893.  he  presented  himself  beyond  the  Loire,  in 
order  to  obtain  a  legal  renewal  of  their  autho- 
rity, afforded  the  most  remarkable  testimony 
of  the  respect  commanded  by  that  tower  of 
strength,  the  King's  name.  Louis  therefore  de- 
termined to  avail  himself  of  their  passive  loyalty. 


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061-46S 


RICHARD    9AN8    PRUR.  615 

Could  the  supremacy  of  the  Crown  be  again  un- 
equivocally acknowledged  and  actively  obeyed 
by  these  important  and  semi-regal  Potentates, 
Louis  would  be  King  indeed.  Louis  accom- 
plished the  journey  alone,  leaving  Oerberga  in 
the  management  of  affairs.  —  Had  not  Louis 
effected  his  compromise  with  Hugh-le-Grand, 
his  entry  into  Aquitaine  would  have  been  im- 
practicable, for  whether  he  proceeded  by  the 
route  of  Paris  or  by  the  route  of  Burgundy,  he 
must  traverse  Hugh's  dominions.  He  preferred 
the  latter  road,  probably  that  he  might  confer 
with  his  trusty  friend  Lethaldus,  the  Count 
of  Macon.  It  was  in  this  country  that  Louis 
fixed  bis  camp,  being  joined  by  Hugh's  levies. 
— No  force,  no  menaces  were  needed :  wherever 
Louis  appeared,  he  was  joyously  greeted  and 
obeyed. 

Many  of  the  Princes  of  Aquitaine  eagerly  Ptognw 
prevented  Louis  at  Macon,  repairing  thither  to  submi^on 
renew  their  fealty.     First  and  foremost,  Charles  Aqni- 

"T  tanian 


Constantine,  Count  of  Vienne,  the  grandson  of  Princes. 
renowned  King  Boso, — Guillaume  Tete  d'etoupe, 
— Stephen,  Bishop  of  Clermont, — and  many 
more  whose  names  are  not  recorded,  also  rendered 
due  homage.  In  treating  of  French  affairs  it 
must  always  be  recollected  that  the  Aquitanian 
chronicles  are  few  in  number,  very  scanty  and 
jejune ;  hence  the  history  of  half  France  is  in  a 
manner  unknown. 


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961—062 


616      LOUIS  d'outremer,  loth  aire,  &c. 

m«-964  From  Macon  to  Besan^on,  this  city  being  also 
included  in  the  dominions  of  Lethaldus,  who 
forthwith  performed  homage  and  took  the  oaths 
of  fealty,  thus  rendering  himself  the  immediate 
subject  of  the  King.  Prosperity  seemed  to  at- 
tend Louis:  he  was  now  preparing  to  march 
onwards  beyond  the  Loire,  and  pursue  his  royal 
progress.  But  again,  the  warning  was  re- 
peated,—  again,  bis  steps  were  stayed.  —  The 
leaves    were   falling  —  the    season    stormy  and 

Loo*  fails  sickly.     He  fell  ill — he  was  attacked  by  a  bilious 

ill  again.  v  " 

fever — no  faithful  Gerberga  nigh  to  help  him. 
However,  her  place  was  in  some  degree  supplied, 
inasmuch  as  the  sufferer  was  tenderly  nursed  by 
the  affectionate  Lethaldus.  The  army  was  dis- 
banded, and  as  soon  as  Louis  was  able  to  move, 
Lethaldus  being  his  care-taker  and  companion, 
the  invalid  returned  home. 
Troubles  in       §77.     To  home, — but  not  to  quiet.     Whilst 

Lorraine. 

crossing  the  frontiers  of  Burgundy,  Louis  was 
encountered  by  unwelcome  intelligence.  Fre- 
derick, brother  of  Adalbero,  Bishop  of  Metz, 
and  soon  to  become  son-in-law  of  Hugh-le- 
Orand,  was  advisedly  seeking  to  gain  a  footing 
in  Lorraine.  There  was  a  mean  and  obscure 
village  called  "  Fanis,"  near  the  source  of  the 
Ornain,  adjoining  a  hill  where  the  Romans  had 
formed  a  camp  commanding  the  surrounding 
country.  We  know  how  frequently  and  how 
advantageously  these  antique  monuments  of  mili- 


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RICHARD    SANS    PBUR.  617 

tary  science  were  utilitized  during  the  middle  p*8^96* 
ages.  Frederick  sagaciously  followed  the  lead  '^^ 
taken  by  the  old  masters  of  the  World,  and  he 
began  to  raise  a  strong  castle  within  the  en- 
trenchment. This  act  gave  great  offence  to 
Louis  and  Gerberga.  Frederick  had  not  cared 
to  ask  their  permission,  and  when  settled,  he 
defied  them,  ravaging  the  country,  which 
seems  to  have  been  in  obedience  to  Louis,  all 
around. 

Louis  appealed  to  King  Otho,  despatching 
a    special    embassy    to    speak    on    his    behalf. 
Hugh -le- Grand    did    the    like,    probably    fur- 
thering Frederick's  interests;  and,  to  conciliate 
Otho,   his    embassadors   brought  with   them   a 
magnificent  gift,  two  live  roaring  lions.     Not- 
withstanding this  nuzeer,  Otho  decided  in  fa- 
vour of  France,  and  enjoined  Frederick  not  to 
raise  any  fortifications   otherwise  than   by  the 
assent  of  the  French  King.    Whether  this  assent 
was  or  was  not  obtained,  cannot  be  ascertained,  ^^ 
but  the  building  of  the  Castle  proceeded,  andgSt4^ 
the  very  important  Town  of  Bar-le-Duc  arose Fredenck- 
under  its  protecting  shadow. 

But,  however  anxious  to  remain  at  peace, 
Louis  was  compelled  to  involve  himself  in  fur- 
ther dissensions.  Many  of  the  nobles  of  the 
Vermandois  were  excited  to  acts  of  plunder.  Old 
Arnoul  of  Flanders,  who  continued  flashing  up 
in  activity,  had  ejected  Roger,  the  son  of  Her- 


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618      LOUIS  d'outremrr,  lothaire,  &c. 

94&-954  louin  of  Montreuil,  from  his  county.     Hugh- 
, — * — v  le-Grand   mixed  himself  up  in  the   quarrel — 
Louis  mediated,  and  a  peace  was  concluded  until 
the  following  December. 
951—  $  78.     Amidst    these     State    troubles    and 

ritEe***  national  misfortunes,  there  arose  a  family  annoy- 
oj^aby    ance  of  that  class  equally  provoking  to  subjects 
Sfiw-  and   to   kings.      Ogiva,   the    English   Adeliza, 
(s£evoi.i.  Ogiva,  the  dowager  Queen,  Ogiva,  King  Ed- 
ward's   daughter,    Ogiva,    Athelstane's    sister, 
Ogiva,  Charles-le-Simple's  grieving  relict,  Ogiva, 
Louis  d'Outremer's  tender  mother,  Ogiva,  suc- 
cessor of  Holy  Salaberga,  allowed  herself  to  be 
carried  off  in  broad  noon-day  by  the  Vermandois 
Prince  Herbert  the  Handsome,  fourth  son  of 
Loo5g       Herbert  the  regicide,  and  subsequently  Count  of 
2J|j£i     Troyes.     Louis   was  exceedingly  nettled.     He 
triage,   confiscated  all  Ogiva's  possessions.     He  seized 
the  palace  of  Attigny,  her  residence — which  he 
re-united  to  his  domain — and,  dealing  with  the 
Abbey  of  Saint  Salaberga  as  vacant,  he  granted 
her  preferment  to  his  own  faithful  Gerberga, 
who  became  lay  Abbess  in  the  place  of  her 
mother-in-law.     It  may  be  remarked  that  the 
successors  of  Louis  d'Outremer  misapplied  their 
prerogative  rights  over  this  unfortunate  founda- 
tion to  such  an   extent,  that  the  inmates  de- 
generated from  bad  to  worse,  until  the  suppres- 
sion  of  the  Convent  in  the  fifteenth   century. 
All  said    and   done,    the    Secular    Lords    were 


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RICHARD    SANS    PEUR.  619 

chiefly  to  blame  for  these  ecclesiastical  irregu-  m&-*54 
larities,  which  were  consequent  upon  the  con-  , — « — > 

.  968—064 

stant  abuse  of  their  pattonage,  whether  usurped 
or  lawful. — This  position  is  emphatically  exem- 
plified by  the  sequel  of  the  abduction.  Herbert 
the  Handsome,  as  yet  possessing  scarcely  any 
estate  beyond  the  expectations  of  a  younger 
brother,  was  as  needy  as  the  heroes  of  his  class 
usually  are — he  had  little  to  give — and  he 
therefore  made  a  liberal  provision  for  his  mellow 
bride  by  granting  her  the  Abbey  of  Saint 
Medard  as  a  dowry. 

§  79.  Many  remarkable  events  now  oc- 
curred in  Italy  and  Germany,  of  which  we  shall 
hear  more  hereafter,  inasmuch  as  they  ex- 
ercised very  great  influence  upon  the  affairs  of 
France.  Bruno,  elected  to  the  Archbishoprick 
of  Cologne,  was  also  created  Duke  of  Lor- 
raine, a  promotion  pregnant  with  important  con- 
sequences. Duke  Conrad,  having  joined  in  the  Troubles  in 
unnatural  conspiracy  concerted  against  Otho  by  Ac— the 
his  brethren  and  his  son,  sought  and  subsidized  Magyar 

invasion 

the  Magyars,  who  joyfully  obeyed  the  call,  and  j"8*!**6* 
to  the  vast  detriment  of  the  land.  The  Ogre 
Hordes,  led  on  by  their  horrid  Hetumogors, 
Botond,  and  Zultu,  and  Lelu,  commenced  their 
invasion  by  swarming  into  the  northern  parts 
of  France,  ravaging  the  Vermandois,  spreading 
over  the  Laonnais  and  Champagne,  and  the 
Chalonnais,    until     they     reached     Burgundy, 


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620     louis  d'outrbmer,  lothaire,  &c. 

942^64  whence  they  entered  Italy.  Wasting  the  coun- 
^j^j  try  which  they  punished,  they  themselves  wasted 
away.  Many  were  slaih,  more  perished  by  in- 
fectious diseases  which  probably  had  reached 
them  from  Asia.  When  they  were  cleared  out 
of  France,  the  pestilence  which  they  had  dis- 
seminated continued  to  desolate  the  country, 
and  became,  as  is  conjectured  by  nosologists, 
the  European  source  of  that  dire  visitation, 
which  human  science,  during  the  youth  of  the 
generation  now  verging  upon  eld,  having  been 
permitted  to  moderate,  nay,  as  we  fondly  fancied, 
almost  eradicate,  has  been  replaced  by  another 
sword,  delivered  by  the  Supreme  into  the  power 
of  the  Destroying  Angel  for  the  chastisement  of 
mankind.  But  the  main  body  of  these  grimly 
terrific  tribes  directed  their  course  to  Germany, 
which  country,  as  we  shall  afterwards  have  occa- 
sion to  relate,  they  well  nigh  brought  to  de- 
struction. 

§  80.     Troubles  again  and  again  teeming : — 

a  renewal  of  the  miserable  discord  in  the  Ver- 

mandois: — Louis  and  Archbishop  Artaldus  again 

marching  out  to  repress  the   Nobles  who  had 

963—     usurped  various  strongholds. — Hugh-le-Grand 

<kXd  re-   cancelled  his  engagements  with  the  King,  joined 

mbmii».    the  Revolters,  and  had  the  worst  of  it,  and  so 

sorely,  that  he  was  compelled  to  sue  for  peace, 

imploring  the  intervention  of  the  burthened  Ger- 

berga,  who  repaired  to  him,  ill-qualified  as  she 


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RICHARD    SANS    PEUR.  621 

then  was  for  any  journey.     Yet  she  ventured,  94&-9S4 
and  mediated  effectually.   This  transaction  shews  , — * — > 

968—864 

how  rapidly  the  power  of  Louis  must  have  been 
reviving;  the  great  Duke  of  all  the  Gauls 
compelled  to  present  himself  as  a  supplicant. 
Gerberga  returned  safely  to  Rheims,  and  now,  a 
great  cause  of  joy  I — We  have  seen  how  the 
Royal  progeny  had  been  smitten,  so  that  Lothaire 
and  the  youngest  boy,  his  father's  namesake, 
had  alone  been  spared  to  continue  the  lineage. 
But  the  anxiety  was  now  much  diminished,  if 
not  entirely  removed,  by  Gerberga's  fertility. 
Gerberga's  fruitfulness  relieved  her  Consort  from 
the  dread  lest  the  august  lineage  should  fail. 
She  now  was  delivered  of  twins, — Charles,  evi-  gga- 
dently  so  designated  that  the  glorious  name  borne  to" 
might  be  perpetuated,,  and  Henry,  after  his  il-  Gerberm, 
lustrious  grandfather; — but  the  stern  avenging audHenry: 
Nemesis  was  rapidly  filling  up  the  measure  of  dies, 
misfortune.  The  newly-born  babe  Henry  died 
very  shortly  after  his  baptism.  Two,  however, 
still  lived,  and  the  parents  might  comfort  them- 
selves with  Lothaire,  albeit  not  of  a  very  pro- 
mising constitution,  and  Louis,  now  five  years 
of  age.  But,  shortly  afterwards,  the  little  lad 
was  carried  off, — probably  a  victim  to  the  pre- 
vailing contagion,  —  and  the  eldest  and  the 
youngest  of  the  Royal  progeny,  Lothaire  and 
Charles,  alone  remained.  Charles,  the  descend- 
ant of  Charlemagne,  and  of  Egbert,  and  of  Otho 


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622      LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

p*^054,  the  Magnificent,  survived.     Better  for  him  had 
'-^—>  he  been  removed  from  the  evil  to  come. 

Yet  the  King,  unquestionably  supported  by 
his  heroic  Queen,  would  not  relax  in  his  efforts : 
he  quitted  Laon,  and  fixed  himself  at  Rheims, 
intending  to  exert  himself  in  the  defence  and 
oel      restoration  of  the  Realm.     It  chanced  that  when 
2JJ321*,  riding  near  the  river  Aisne  he  suddenly  turned 
brfISLon     hfe  horse  out  of  the  straight  road,  and  dashed 
Louw'       across  the  fields;  but,  as  far  as  can  be  collected, 
without  any  definite  object  in  view,  or  any  ade- 
quate reason  to  instigate  the  gallop.   The  ground 
was  very  rotten.   The  horse  stumbled.   Louis  was 
taken  up  by  his  attendants  grievously  bruised. 
He  told  them  that  a  wolf,  or  something  like  a 
wolf,  or  which  he  imagined  was  like  a  wolf,  had 
crossed  before  him,  and  he  had  given  chase  to 
the  phantom  animal.     He  had  received  some 
severe  internal  injury  by  the  fall,  which  occa- 
sioned great  pain ;  and  to  this  was  superadded 
further  affliction.      After  lying  ill  for  a  consi- 
derable period,  a  disease,  unconnected  with  the 
bodily  hurt,  broke  out — as  the  Leeches  described 
the  symptoms — into  a  horrible  elephantiasis,  his 
body   covered   with   purulent  tubercles.     Con- 
iojep.064gume(j  ky  this  frightful  malady,  Louis  died  on 
bSS.and  the  fourth  of  the  Ides  of  September,  in  the  thirty, 
third  year  of  his  age,  and  in  the  eighteenth  of 
his  reign,  so  lengthened  in  the  narrative  by  his 
unwearied  energy  and  activity.     He  was  buried 


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RICHARD    SANS    PEUR.  623 

in  the  Basilica  of  Saint  Remy.     The  Tomb  has  942-954 
been  long  since  destroyed,  but  the  Psalter  of  ^—^ — v 
Queen  Emma,  his  son  Lothaire's  Spouse,  Pre-Tomband 
served  in  the  Abbey  library  until  the  revolution,  |£j£ph  of 
contains  a   copy   of  his   epitaph,   undoubtedly 
composed  within  a   short  time  after  his  death. 
The  uncouth  and  barbarous  verses  conclude  with 
a  bootless  prayer  for  the  preservation  of  the  Car- 
lovingian  dynasty. 

Sanguine  Ceesareo  jacet  hie  excelsa  propago, 

Francorum  populo  prodita  de  Carolo, 
Dam  sibi  ter-denos  et  tree  floreret  in  anno* 

Augustum  nomen  Rex  Ludovicus  erat. 
Bemigiu8  Begum  sanxit  consulta  priorum : 

Huic  dederat  sceptrum :  prestat  hie  et  tumulum. 
Octavum-decimuTn  regnando  subegerat  annum ; 

Quadria  September  Idibus  exit  iter. 
Lector,  posce  Deum,  Francorum  posce  salutem. 

Hoc  regale  genus  servet  in  orbe  Deus. 


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Chapter  IV. — Part  II. 


LOTH  AIRE    AND    LOUIS OTHO    AND    HIS    SONS — RICHARD 

SANS   PEUR — ACCESSION    OF  THE    CAPETS. 


951—987. 

TheBwth       §  1.     Tendimus  in  Latium. — Various  as  are 
iteX^)-  the  constructions  which  these  deeply  significant 

mentinto  •  i       t\  i  •  n» 

civiiiza-     words  may  receive,  the  roet  himself  unconscious 

tion.  m 

of  the  full  import  conveyed  by  his  strain,  yet 
they  primarily  may  be  accepted  as  predicting  to 
all  Mankind  the  direction  taken  by  all  history, 
even  from  the  hour  when  the  Servant  of  God  de- 
clared the  avenging  task  entrusted,  by  the  Eter- 
nal decree,  to  that  dreadful  Nation,  fore-doomed 
to  be  brought  from  afar,  from  the  very  ends  of  the 
Earth. — That  Nation,  swift  as  the  eagle  flies,  and 
devouring  as  the  Eagle  by  which  they  were  self- 
symbolized;  the  noble  bird  emblazoned  upon 
every  shield  and  embroidered  upon  every  ban- 
ner, borne  or  unfurled  by  every  Potentate, — 
Caesar,  Czar,  or  Keiser, — who  has  assumed  an 
Emperor's  name. — That  Nation  of  fierce  counte- 
nance, neither  regarding  the  person  of  the  old, 
nor  shewing   favour  to  the  young; — destined 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  625 

to  found  the  great  Fourth  Monarchy,  diverse    w-»w 
from  all  Kingdoms  which  had  previously  pre-  *  ^1^ 
vailed  amongst  men,  appointed  to  devour  the^^on- 
whole  Earth,  and  break  her  in  pieces,  and  tread  fidSE* 

Common- 

her  down,  and  through  whose  transmitted  au-wealth- 
thority,  the  Populations  of  the  terraqueous  globe 
are  now  ruled. — The  reek  of  Civilization  is  oecu- 
menical.— Even,  already,  in  this  our  Generation, 
is  there  any  portion  of  the  human  race,  however 
barbarous  or  remote,  which  is  not  governed  by 
the  Civilized  races,  or  affected  either  directly  or 
indirectly  by  the  influences  comprehended  under 
the  idea  of  Civilization  ? — so  all-commanding,  so 
undefinable,  and  of  which  we  can  only  guess  at  the 
specific  characteristics  by  pursuing  the  negative 
process  of  exhaustion.  It  is  the  boast  of  philo- 
sophical history,  and  a  truth  undeniable,  that, 
from  Rome,  all  modern  Civilization  is  derived. 

At  the  era,  however,  which  we  have  reached 
in  this  our  narrative,  the  looking  Rome-ward 
must  be  construed  with  reference  to  the  great 
achievement  reserved  for  Otho,  namely,  the  actual 
revival,  in  the  person  of  one  individual,  of  the 
Imperial  succession  amongst  the  Latins,  virtu- 
ally in  abeyance,  since  the  fated  Eight  hun- 
dred Eighty  and  Eight,  the  mortal  crisis  of 
the  Carlovingian  Empire.  Otho  effected  this 
restoration,  and  the  goal  he  attained  becomes 
the  starting-point  of  modern  history.  The  con- 
formation given  to  Western  Europe  by  the 
.   vol.  n.  s  s 


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626  LOUIS  D>OUTREMEB,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

wi-an   "Holy  Roman  Empire"  which  Otho  founded, 
* — * —  subsisted  till  the  second  phase  of  the  great  revo- 

851-962  r  ° 

"HoiyRo-  lutionary  crisis  which  now  convulses  civilized 

nunEm- 

to^dedbr  society. — Whatever  aspect  the  European  Com- 
SSSvSbj  monwealth  may  assume,  will  be  grounded  upon 
the  platform  of  Otho's  Empire. 

§  2.  An  author  sins  against  good  taste, — or 
is  thought  to  do  so, — if  he  preconizes  the  import- 
ance of  his  self-imposed  labour,  but  he  may  be 
permitted  to  allude  to  its  difficulties  as  a  plea  for 
indulgence,  should  he  fail.  Let  me  therefore  sue 
for  a  lenient  judgment  upon  the  present  passage 
of  my  work,  indispensably  needful  if  we  seek  to 
obtain  a  right  understanding  of  the  subjects  I 
have  chosen,  and  offering  extreme  perplexity. 
intimate     if  We  seek  the  complement  of  German  history 

connexion,  *  " 

oSSEm,  during  Otho's  reign,  Italy  and  the  affairs  of  Italy 
j^™**  must  be  considered  as  holding  a  station  scarcely 
Fn*e*'      secondary  to  those  of  his  ancestorial  Realm. 
The  converse  of  the  proposition  is  equally  un- 
deniable.   The  history  of  Italy  is  utterly  unsus- 
ceptible of  a  satisfactory  development,  otherwise 
than  engrafted  upon  the  history  of  Germany. 
jjpg-      Lastly,  in  the  histories  of  France  and  of  Nor- 
SSto?***  mandy,  Otho  is  a  primary  personage,  whilst  his 

Franoe  and 

Normandy,  family  became  deeply  involved  in  the  dissensions 
and  the  plots,  the  crimes  and  the  misfortunes, 
which  developed  and  consummated  the  Capetian 
revolution. 

This  is  one  of  the  periods  when  the  inter- 
lacements of  events  baffle  the  endeavours  and 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  627 

mock  the  skill  of  the  synoptic  historian.     Never   «i-w 
can  his  work  assume  a  symmetrical  form.    The  '  ^1^* 
mass  becomes  amorphous.     There  are  over-many 
centres  of  crystalization.    But  the  task,  imprac- 
ticable to  the  historical  narrator,  is  fully  within 
the  sphere  of  the  historical  biographer.    Take  5^S!* 
your  Man  as  the  centre,  and  the  perplexing  !& 5n£ 

tary. 

cycles  and  epicycles  will  combine  in  harmonious 
unity. — The  individuality  of  the  Soul  is  the 
foundation  of  all  history. 

No  delusions  in  ethical  science  are  more 
fraught  with  danger  than  those  nominal  abstrac- 
tions which  conceal  from  us  the  reality,  that  all 
the  judgments  we  pass  upon  the  aggregates  of 
human'  society  are  only  estimates  of  individual 
responsibility.  It  is  only  through  those  indivi- 
duals whose  acts  become  known  to  us,  that  our 
miserably  imperfect  conjectures  respecting  the 
secondary  causes  of  human  events  can  be  sus- 
tained. Yet,  never  render  worship  to  any  Man 
as  a  Hero.  View  the  most  sinful,  or  the  least, 
amongst  those  whom  the  World  celebrates,  but 
as  rebels  suffered,  or  servants  chosen  by  the 
Almighty. — Leaders,  only  because  they  are  per- 
mitted to  guide — not  Creators,  but  working  out 
the  will  of  the  Creator. 

Old  words  with  new  meanings  originate  new 
ideas.  None  perhaps  in  our  days,  more  detri- 
mental to  the  highest  interests  of  mankind,  or 
more  fatal  to  our  temporal  or  eternal  welfare 
than  the  trivial  term  "  masses ;"  seducing  us  not 

S  S  2 

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628  LOUIS  irOUTREMEB,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

g51-Qe7 .  merely  to  forget,  but  to  ignore,  the  tremendous 
^^  truth  which  our  imperfect  faculties  can  only 
humbly  confess,  though  incomprehensible,  that, 
in  His  book  were  all  our  members  written  before 
the  Worlds  were  made, — each  single  Child  of 
Adam  as  distinctly  known  by  the  Maker  of 
all  things,  the  Judge  of  all  men,  and  as  much 
the  object  of  His  anger  or  His  love,  as  if  that 
Child  of  Adam  floated  alone  in  the  boundless  in- 
finity of  space. — "  Every  one  of  all  the  Millions 
"  that  live,  or  have  lived,  is  as  wholly  an  inde- 
"  pendent  Being  in  himself  as  if  there  were  no 
"  one  else  in  the  world  but  he." — And  therefore 
every  Child  of  the  Protoplast,  who,  since  he  was 
formed  out  of  the  ground,  has  returned  or  shall 
return  to  the  dust  from  which  he  was  taken,  is, 
if  we  may  dare  to  speak  as  though  we  could 
scan  the  Omnipotent  Mind,  more  important 
before  the  Eternal  than  all  the  orbs  or  stars  or 
planets  in  the  Cosmical  Universe. — They  were 
made  for  time,  but  man  for  eternity. 
SadST  I  3-  Otho's  life,  as  yet  unwritten,  would 
supply  materials  for  a  monograph  no  less  inter- 
esting and  instructive  than  the  historical  portrait 
of  Charlemagne,  to  whose  era  the  same  observa- 
tions respecting  the  difficulties  arising  from 
richness  of  subject  and  complexity  of  plot 
equally  apply. — No  Monarch  perhaps  ever  more 
fitted  to  his  task,  more  varied  in  talent,  more 
attractive  from  his  idiosyncracies  and  from  the 


ienoy 
ofOtho's 
character. 


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851—062 


RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  629 

opportunities  which  were  offered  for  their  dis-   wi-w 
play  and  exercise. 

To  posterity,  Otho  presents  himself  almost 
as  a  Knight  errant,  flourishing  anterior  to  the 
era  when  this  brilliant  character  of  the  me- 
diaeval drama  was  potentially  realized;  and 
most  particularly  does  he  assume  that  aspect, 
whilst  engaged  in  the  memorable  adventures 
which  connected  a  persecuted  Beauty's  deliver- 
ance with  the  acquisition  of  an  Empire. 

German  writers  have  not  been  unwilling  to  «cbiy*ny» 

taid  to  hsT6 

acknowledge  this  resemblance.     Chivalry,  even  gg,^ 
in  Otho's  father's  time,  is  said  to  have  been  ma- theFowtor" 
tured;  and  very  curious  antient  memorials  are 
extant,  claiming  an  archaic  date,  testifying,  how, 
under  the  auspices  of  Henry  the  Fowler,  the  first 
Tournament  was  celebrated  with  great  solemnity 
and  magnificence  in  the  Maiden's  borough,  the 
mythological  Magdeburg.    There  are  books  am-  The  amou 
biguously  dubious  between  truth  and  figment,  bTOh-" 
which  constitute  essential  portions  of  history. 
Turpin  may  be  instanced,  and  our  Geofrey  of 
Monmouth  also,  and,  in  this  category,  we  are  fain 
to  include  the  record  which,  in  the  early  part  of  the 
sixteenth  century,  we  identify  as  having  been  in  the 
custody  of  Hans  von  Hueburg,  "Erbtruchsetz" 
or  Hereditary  Seneschal  of  the  Archbishopric  of 
Saltzburg.    This  precious  tome,  Hans  lent  or 
presented  to  Max  Wirsung,  a  rich  merchant  of 
Augsburg,  an  active  partner  in  the  printing  office 


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630  LOUIS  tfOUTREMER,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

051^087   established  by  Sigmund  Grim,  a  Physician  in 

* — * — *  that  Imperial  city  ;    and  the  Merchant,  under- 

isia      taking  the  task  of  editorship,  published  the  book 

pubucauon  ^  j^g  own  expense,  and  dedicated  the  volume 

buTS?"'    to  the  noble  functionary  from  whom  he  had 

received  the  same. 

Some  few  years  afterwards,  Johann  Kirch- 
berger,  Administrator,  or  "Vicarius,"  of  Saint 
Maurice's  Collegiate  Church  at  Magdeburg,  be- 
came possessed  of  another  exemplar  of  the  antient 
muniment,  but  much  more  ample  in  details. 
Emulating  the  liberality  of  the  Truchsess,  the 
Vicarius  bestowed  the  valuable  Codex  upon  the 
"  well-known  George  Ruexner,"  who,  causing  the 
contents  to  be  printed,  tells  us  that  the  manu- 
script itself  was  burnt :  but  whether  by  accident 
or  design  does  not  clearly  appear. 

Such  is  the  somewhat  suspicious  manner  in 
which  the  famous  "  Tllrnier-buch,,  was  first  pre- 
sented to  the  world.    But,  corroborative  evidence 
has  been  adduced  in  an  instrument,  advancing 
considerable  pretensions  to  authority.    As  far  as 
the  reputation  of  Goldastus,  the  mostdistinguished 
•    amongst  the  juridical  antiquaries  who  have  illus- 
trated the  constitutional  history  of  the  Empire, 
can  impart  confidence,  we  ought  to  consider  the 
tS££0'   <cStatiUa  et  Privilegia  Ludorum  equestrium  sive 
SSbSto"     Hastiludiorum"  as  authentic.     On  the  face  of 

Henry  the 

Fowi«r.  these  Ordinances  and  Grants,  they  fully  confirm 
the  Turnier-buch.  No  small  proportion  of  the 
antient  German  nobility  discover  the  names  of 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  631 

their  ancestors  in  these  stattftes,  prescribing  the .  0gl^fl67J 
regulations  of  the  Lists  and  the  Field,  and  pur-  -  ^l^ 
porting  to  be  the  enactments  promulgated  by 
King  Henry  in  the  presence  of  all  his  Peers 
summoned  from  Germany,  from  Gaul,  and  from 
the  Sclavonian  lands. 

In  our  more  critical  age,  the  Book  of  Tourna- 
ments and  the  corresponding  Statutes  have  been 
discarded  as  apocryphal,  yet  the  learned  indi- 
viduals who  are  now  diligently  compiling  the 
"Year  Books"  of  the  Teutonic  Empire,  notice,  Extant  to 

r        7  '  which  the 

that  passages  may  be  found  in  early  and  indis-  ^^^ 
putably  genuine  chronicles  affording  support  to mtt 
the  documents  in  question.  Perhaps  the  most 
charitable  mode  of  dealing  with  these  pro- 
blematic productions  may  be  to  consider  them  as 
somewhat  similar  in  character  to  our  Battle 
Abbey  Roll — which  we  are  willing  to  accept  as 
an  expanded  rifacciamento  of  an  authentic  ori- 
ginal, including  many  noble  personages  who 
would  have  had  a  right  to  appear  there,  had 
they  taken  a  part  in  the  proceedings. 

The  venerable  science  of  Heraldry  and  the  German 

Heraldry 

artificial  institutions  of  Chivalry  mutually  assisted  "£?&?' 
in  imparting  shape  and  form  to  each  other.  The ,mcter' 
armorials  of  Germany  and  the  Germanized 
Slavo-Wendic  States  possess  a  very  peculiar 
character. — Grim  half-fleshed  skulls,  Devil-like 
wiverns,  thorny  dorsal-finned  serpents,  fiery- 
tongued  crested  dragons,  and  very  many  other 
bearings  are  therein  exhibited  which  Menestrier 


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051-602 


632  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

951-967  or  Feme  or  Guillim  would  abandon  as  nonde- 
script and  undescribable,  and  seeming  to  indicate 
a  remote  origin.  These  are  found  abundantly 
also  in  Italian  blazonry,  because  it  was  mainly 
from  Imperial  concessions,  or  by  reason  of  their 
Teutonic  descent,  that  the  Italian  nobility  re- 
ceived or  displayed  their  scudi  gentilizii,  of 
which  the  learned  Bartholus  expounded  the  law. 
§  4.  If  Henry  really  patronized  any  customs 
or  martial  exercises  of  the  before-mentioned  na- 
ture, Otho  may  in  some  degree  have  inherited 
his  marked  predilection  for  those  combats,  which, 
though  more  immediately  dictated  by  Teutonic 
customs,  have  been  frequently  adopted  as  tests 
of  truth  amongst  all  antient  races,  imparting 
their  animating  spirit  to  chivalrous  enterprise; 
when  the  appetite  for  "  passages  of  arms" — not 
unseldom,  however,  approximating  to  conven- 
tional fanfaronades — became  contagious. 
B«ttie «-  Discouraged  by  the  Church;  as  a  temptation 

£"5?*  of  Providence,  the  Battle  Ordeal  had  been  de- 
"**  clining  in  estimation.  Where  the  Lex  Romana 
prevailed,  it  was  indeed  only  partially  admissible; 
but  Otho,  receding  from  the  advance  of  enlighten- 
ment, gave  inordinate  encouragement  to  this  rough 
process.  Abstract  principles  were  to  be  defined 
by  animal  strength.  Such  was  the  case  when 
Otho  ordained  that  celebrated  Duel  which  settled 
the  conflicting  doctrines  of  lineal  representation 
in  the  second  degree,  and  of  proximity  in  the 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  633 

first; — the  one  motived  by  the  natural  feelings   «i-«7 
of  affection,  and   the  other  grounded  on  the  * — ^ — 
technical  principles  of  law.  m~ 

The  conflict,  so  prominent  in  the  history  of  Duel  or. 

*  dered  bj 


mediaeval  jurisprudence,  ensued  at  "  Steil,"  in  gJ^Sj. 
Westphalia,  and  constituted  a  species  of  episode  Se^SS 


irpoio 
Idlng 


in  a  private  war,  which,  raging  between  twoj>££J££ 
great  Saxon  nobles,  Everhard  and  Bruning,  had **' 
disturbed  the  whole  country.  For  the  purpose 
of  terminating  the  bloody  feud,  a  great  Conven- 
tion of  the  People  was  held.  The  mission  of 
the  Folkmoot  concerned  the  whole  Community, 
but  the  parties  in  a  private  suit  profited  by  the 
opportunity  of  bringing  their  case  before  the 
national  tribunal. — A  dispute  had  arisen  with 
respect  to  a  partible  inheritance ;  to  wit,  whe- 
ther the  sons  of  a  son  dying  in  the  lifetime  of 
his  father  and  their  grandfather,  should  or 
should  not  be  excluded  by  their  uncles,  the 
grandfather's  surviving  sons.  Pursuant  to  cus- 
tom, the  Assembly  directed  that  the  question 
should  be  submitted  to  "  Scheiderichter,"  — 
"Arbitrators"  as  we  must  call  them  in  modern 
English,  but,  according  to  the  original  idea — 
lost  in  our  own  language,  though  emphatically 
retained  in  some  of  the  Teutonic  as  well  as 
Semitic  dialects, — "Dividers/' 

Otho,  however,  would  not  hear  of  it.  Never 
would  he  abide  that  men  of  noble  birth,  chiefs  of 
the  people,  should  be  treated  so  disrespectfully. 


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634  LOUIS  IPOUTREMER,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

95i-w7   A  combat  between  "Gladiators" — a  singular 
'm-m  s  term>   and  raising  points    for  consideration — 
was, — as  Otho  declared,  the  only  decent  process 
for  settling  disputes  compromising  Estates  of 
high  degree.    The  sword  of  the  grandchildren's 
sturdy  advocate  triumphed  in  the  debate;  and 
judgment    being    given   accordingly,  the  prin- 
ciple that  the  share  of  such  a  Feud  should  de- 
scend as  a  vested  interest  to  the  deceased  Father's 
issue,  became  the  established  law. 
otfcowm-         otho  was  sternly  consistent    in    his    pre- 
uStpSu,    ference  for  the  Battle  trial.      He  risked  the 

wife  of 

ESESnef    reputation  of  his  only  daughter,  by  compelling 
he££t\>y    her  to  abide  the  result  of  this  perilous  and 

the  battle 

^  fallacious  process.  A  villanously  false  accusation 
having  been  preferred  against  the  royal  lady,  she 
earnestly  entreated  to  be  allowed  to  clear  herself 
by  canonical  compurgation,  and  her  imperial  pa- 
rent denied  the  request.  The  Accuser  was  dis- 
gracefully vanquished,  but  her  husband,  Duke 
Conrad,  continued  to  withhold  his  love  from  his 
innocent  consort.  Liutgarda  patiently  endured 
her  tribulations  until  her  death.  She  was  interred 
in  Saint  Alban's  Basilica  at  Mayence,  and  her 
silver  spindle,  perhaps  a  nuptial  present,  or  the 
symbol  by  which  she  received  seizin  of  her 
u  Morgengabe,"  was  suspended  over  her  tomb. 
Furthermore,  to  Otho's  fostering  we  may  also 
attribute  the  renewed  development  of  a  custom 
then  almost  forgotten  in  usage — the  challenge 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  635 

given  by  a  single  Champion  against  a  whole  host   •»-«» 
of  enemies.    The  Edeling's  defiance  of  the  Rouen  — • — 

°  961— 902 

Normans  affords  a  memorable  exemplification  of 
this  practice;  and  we  shall  have  to  describe 
another  combat,  nearly  parallel  in  circumstances, 
which  came  off  before  the  gates  of  Paris. 
Similar  demonstrations  of  devoted  courage 
or  vapouring  bravery,  may  be  traced  equally 
to  the  scriptural,  the  mythological,  and  the 
classical  ages.  Yet  Otho's  general  encourage- 
ment of  such  appeals  to  the  sword  is  not  the 
less  illustrative  of  the  process  whereby  so  many 
divers  elements  and  modes  of  thought,  ultimately 
combined  in  generating  the  splendid  pageant, 
equally  real  and  unreal,  of  Knighthood  feasting 
in  Saint  George's  Hall,  or  tilting  in  the  field  of 
the  Cloth  of  Gold  between  Guisnes  and  Ardres. 

§  6.    Although    we    may    correctly   assert  gfg** 
that  the  Imperial  dignity  had  fallen  intoabey-£^J 


ance,  we  must  not  suppose  that  the  culminating  S*gUMt 


Ho  Church. 

honour  of  the  Christian  world  could  have  passed  £?££ 
out  of  sight,  or  been  forgotten  out  of  mind.  fjjgjJJ^  ° 
When  the  Imperial  succession  had  failed  under  J£I$&JDL 
Irene's  female  reign, — for  who  could  acknowledge 
a  woman  to  be  Supreme  Head  of  the  Christian 
Commonwealth,  —  it  was  held  that  an  inter- 
regnum  had  occurred.    Eome  therefore  asserted 
her  rights,  and  her  Senate  and  her   People, 
assuming  to  act  as  the  virtual  representatives  of 
the  Western  Empire,  concurred  with  Pope  Leo  in 


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636  LOUIS  IWUTREMER,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

951-087   placing  the  Diadem  on  the  brows  of  the  Frankish 
r—+ — » Sovereign.    In  theory,  the  Imperial  authority  was 
TheEmp©-  an  Ordinance  grounded  upon  the  most  exalted 
chriSaSatj.  Christian  principles,  but  amalgamated  with  the 
policy  of  the  world.     If  the  sectaries  of  Maho- 
met were  combined  in  defence  of  their  false  faith 
under  their  Caliph,  was  it  not  equally  incumbent 
on  the  followers  of  the  Cross  to  confederate  under 
one  Temporal  head,  whose  mediation  should  pre- 
vent the  shedding  of  Christian  blood,  and  whose 
power  should  protect  them  against  every  infidel 
enemy?    Accompanied  by  this  solemn  admo- 
nition was  the  sword  delivered  by  the  Pontiff 
to  the  successor  of  the  Caesars  j   and  such  the 
call  which  Charlemagne  obeyed. 

A  glorious  hypothesis,  but  involving  mutu- 
ally destructive  interferences  and  insuperable 
contradictions;    irreconcilable  to  Divine  Faith, 
and  irremovable  by  human  ability.    Yet  piety 
and    policy,  the    purest    aspirations    and    the 
most  selfish  views,  are   all  found    at  various 
periods  to  have  encouraged  this  majestic  vision ; 
and  after  the  dethronement  of  Charles-le-Gros, 
the  encreasing  confusion  of  affairs  in  Italy  in 
general,  and  in  Rome  in  particular,  where  the 
most  profligate  of  men  had  been  promoted  to  Saint 
Peter's  Chair  by  the  violences  of  the  ferocious 
and  profligate  nobles,  called  loudly  for  a  remedy. 
Encouraged  by  these  openings,  various  Sove- 
reigns had  laboured  to  obtain  the  Imperial  dig- 


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RICHABD  SANS  PEUR.  637 

nity.     Such  reverence  was  rendered  to  Charle-   <»i-«7 
magne's   renown,  that,  however  imperfect  the, — * — . 
protection  afforded  by  his  memory  to  his  des-  Emperor. 
cendants,  when  on  the  Throne,  yet  any  remote  or  sfij^ 
indirect  link  of  kindred  was  factiously  or  fondly  £?£*? 

*    Tingian 

construed  to  impart  an  inchoate  claim.  Thus  the  ggftS. , 
"August  Berenger" — grandson  in  the  female p' 65*"630)* 
line  of  Louis-le-Debonnaire,  had  been  nominally 
invested  with  the  Imperial  dignity.  From  a  pa- 
ternal ancestor,  the  Lombard  Eric,  Berenger  had 
inherited  Friuli,  a  Marquisate  or  a  Duchy, — the 
terms  are  nearly  convertible, — a  most  powerful 
member  of  the  Lombard  realm :  not  contermin- 
ous with  the  narrowed  limits  of  the  Austrian  . 
province  now  so  named,  but  extending  from  the 
neighbourhood  of  Verona  far  into  the  Tridentine, 
and  comprehending  all  those  Sub-alpine  districts 
on  the  northern  side  of  the  mountains,  or  in- 
cluded in  their  ramifications,  whose  antient 
unity  with  Italy  is  still  manifested  by  their 
employment  of  the  Italian  tongue. 

Berenger  possessed  brilliant  talents,  norJESbKii. 
were  his  competitors,  Lambert,  and  Guido,  and  pe-~™1- 
the  unfortunate  Hugh  of  Provence,  destitute  of 
merit  or  valour.  Yet  these  abortive  revivals 
were  so  fragmentary  and  unconsequential,  that, 
during  their  spasmodic  existence,  they  only 
mocked  the  Majesty  of  the  Western  Common* 
wealth : — none  of  these  Sovereigns  or  Pretenders, 
acknowledged    as  Caesars   in  any  Transalpine 


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638  LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

,fl51~087  ,  state,— none,  obtaining  any  permanent  Cisalpine 

'g^re  *  authority  as  legitimate  Emperors. 
j^jrth°:         Henry  the  Fowler,  seated  on  Charlemagne's 
t^ aSSi-  throne    at    Aix-la-Chapelle,    wielding    Charle- 

orum," 

fuT^S*.  magne's   sceptre,  and    wearing    Charlemagne's 
SSSf'al^'  Imperial  diadem,  is  supposed  to  have  contem- 
plated  the   full    acquisition    of   Charlemagne's 
power.      The  son  of  the   Saxon  Conrad  rises 
before  posterity  invested  with   so  much  gran- 
deur, and  clothed  with  such  dignity,  that  he 
has  been  not  unfrequently  quoted  as  an  Em- 
peror ;  and  though  he  never  positively  employed 
the  Imperial  title  in  his  official  acts,  yet  the 
style  of  "Advocatus  Romanorum,"  which  he 
assumed,  approximates  closely  to  the  assertion 
of  such  an  authority,  possessing  at  the  same 
time  a  happy  or  unhappy  ambiguity. 
totSbt5?s         Otho,    inheriting    his    father's    dominions, 
££r™   spirit,  and  wisdom,  entertained,  from  the  be- 

the  whole 

c^iorta-  ginning,  designs  even  more  ample.  Since 
plre'  the  homage  of  Attigny  he  had  been  steadily, 
though  quietly,  gaining  influence  in  Prance.  A 
supremacy  over  the  whole  Carlovingian  Terri- 
tory throughout  Germany,  and  throughout  the 
Gauls,  would  open  the  road  to  the  portals  of 
the  Capitol,  and  his  dealings  with  the  Oriental 
Ca&sars  testified  his  anxiety  to  be  deemed  an 
Emperor's  Peer.  But  the  fratricidal  conflicts 
which  attain  such  melancholy  importance  dur- 
ing  the  earlier    periods  of    Otho's  reign,  the 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  639 

strenuous  warfare  he  waged  against  the  Sclavo- .  **-■»*. 
nians,  and  the  need  of  resisting  the  Magyar  de- '  ^{^ 
vastations,  had  hitherto  allowed  him  but  small 
leisure  for  pursuing  such  an  enterprise.  Thus 
embarrassed,  however  ardently  Otho  may  have 
encouraged  the  hope  of  emulating  his  father,  and 
whatever  devices  or  plans  for  awakening  the  Im- 
perial authority  from  slumber  may  have  flitted 
before  his  fancy  or  occupied  his  thoughts,  it  is 
very  possible  that  he  might  have  postponed  the 
attempt  indefinitely,  had  he  not  been  stimulated 
by  a  combination  of  circumstances  equally  per- 
suasive to  the  statesman,  and  inviting  to  the 
warrior,  consonant  with  his  exalted  feelings,  and 
attractive  to  his  imaginative  mind. 

g  6.    The  Italian  Peninsula,  in  the  age  im-  poimcai  <u. 

°  7  *■>  virion*  of 

mediately  succeeding  the  cessation  of  the  Carlo- Itai7' 
vingian  imperial  authority,  may  be  viewed  as 
including  three  leading  political  divisions. 

Lombardy,  often  (and  perhaps  more  diplo-^gjT 
matically)  styled  the  kingdom  of  Italy,  threatened  *"*■ 
or  commanded  all  the  rest.  That  sweetest  bidding 
of  repose,  "felicissima  notte"  whose  harmony 
first  rejoices  the  weary  and  benighted  traveller 
at  Airolo  as  he  descends  the  Saint  Qothard,  is 
a  living  announcement  that  he  has  entered  the 
frontier  of  the  Lombard  conquests,  far  more  em- 
phatic than  the  neighbouring  ruined  tower 
which  failed  to  guard  them.  The  boundaries  of 
Lombardy  girdled  all  the  regions  where  the  dia- 


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640  LOUIS  D'OUTBEMER,  LOTHAIBE,  &C. 

.a51";a87 ,  lects  which  Dante  would  have  acknowledged  as 
wilm  '  appertaining  to  the  "  Volgare  eloqnenzia"  are  still 
spoken,  from  the  North  and  Northward  into  and 
beyond  the  Alps,  and  the  Saint  Bernard  and 
Mont  Cenis  passes;  and  Southward  unto  the 
Apennines  ;  and  beyond  the  Apennines  unto  the 
frontiers  of  the  Exarchate  and  the  Pentapolis, 
and  the  Duchy  of  Rome. 

Lwnjjj1  These  lands  had  been  partitioned  by  the 

2l££couii-  Barbarian  victors,  Autharis  and  Cleph,  and  their 
"■  "  successors,  amongst  thirty-four  Dukes;  and 
many  Marquises,  those  of  Friuli,  Tuscany,  and 
Spoleto  being  the  most  important.  Moreover  an 
hundred  Counts  were  placed  in  the  several  Cities, 
whose  numbers  were  encreased  by  divisions  of 
their  territories,  as  well  as  by  farther  creations 
under  the  Carlovingians.  A  vast  array  of 
"  Gastaldi"  and  "  Capitanei,"  obtained  their 
sortes  or  allotments,  the  various  ranks  consti- 
tuting altogether  a  crowd  of  Nobles,  ail  claim- 

F^fim  *nS  Qothfc  or  Teutonic  origin. — No  aristocracy 
in  the  West  so  truly  realized  the  feudal  idea, 
none  so  powerful  against  their  Sovereign,  or 
more  intent  upon  controlling  his  authority. 
During  three  generations  and  four  they  retained 
their  long  beards  and  their  laws.  The  latter, 
though  gradually  modified  by  the  Roman  juris- 
prudence, they  never  positively  abandoned ;  for 
even  until  the  Revolution  a  text  from  the  "  Leges 
Longobardorum  "  might  be  occasionally  quoted,  at 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  641 

Florence  or  Milan,  with  reasonable  pertinence, .  •"■j*8* , 
in  forensic  proceedings.  Yet,  in  all  other  res-  -  ni-m ' 
pects,  snbdued  by  the  magic  influence  of  Italian 
soil,  and  Italian  sky,  and  above  all  of  the  Italian 
tongue,  the  Lombards  became  a  thoroughly 
Italian  population.  Proud  as  they  were  of  their 
descent,  they  wholly  forgot  their  ancestral  lan- 
guage, and  exhibited,  in  their  general  character, 
all  the  talents  and  all  the  vices  which  adorn  and 
pollute  the  Garden  of  the  World. 

The  second  group  of  Ausonian  dominations  Bomeand 
°      r  th«  Ex- 

included  Rome — Borne,  disgraced    and  tyran-  g^^ 

nized  by  the  ferocious  and  profligate  Nobility 
and  the  debased  citizens  who  composed  the  lite- 
public, — and  the  Exarchate  of  Ravenna;  the 
latter  territory  having  fully  reverted  to  the 
Byzantine  Empire. 

Lastly,  Apulia  and  the  adjoining  regions,  nJJi£ac 
where  the  Lombard  Dukes  reigned  with  inde- 
pendent authority,  each  a  Sovereign  in  his  own 
Duchy  or  City.  Naples  however  was  still  claimed 
by  the  Byzantine  Emperor,  though  much  annoyed 
by  the  Saracens. 

§  7.     Lombardy  was  at  this  juncture  divided  l0""*™ 


between  Lothaire,  son  of  Hugh,  late  King  of  Italy  TL*« 
and  Count  of  Provence,  and  the  second  Berenger, 
grandson  of  the  first,  and  who,  in  addition  to 
Friuli,  held  the  Marquisate  of  Ivrea,  a  very  im- 
portant territory,  inasmuch  as  it  gave  him  the 
keys  of  the  Saint  Gothard  and  Mont  Cenis  passes. 
vol.  n.  tt 


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651—902 


951— 
Lothairc's 


642  LOUIS  iyOUTREMER,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

ibi-987  Lothaire,  a  prince  of  promising  virtue,  had 
espoused  the  lovely  daughter  of  Rodolph,  King 
of  Transjurane-Burgundy.  Adelaide's  youthful 
charms  were  of  small  import  in  estimating  her 
worth,  when  compared  with  her  wisdom,  her  dis- 
cretion, and  her  piety.  One  child,  the  infant 
Emma,  destined  to  obtain  such  unhappy  import- 
ance in  French  history,  was  the  only  fruit  of  the 
marriage. — Berenger  laboured  under  the  general 
suspicion  that,  instigated  by  his  wicked  wife 
pension  Guilla,  the  daughter  of  Boso,  Duke  of  Tuscany,  he 
Adelaide.0*  had  removed  Lothaire  by  poison ;  and  both  Ber- 
enger and  Guilla  were  extremely  desirous  that  the 
widowed  Queen  should  marry  Adalbert,  their  son. 
Adelaide  peremptorily  refused.  Berenger 
and  his  wife  endeavoured  to  overcome  her  re- 
sistance by  gifts,  by  anger,  by  menaces — all 
failing,  they  realized  their  threats,  for  she  was 
entirely  in  their  power.  They  stripped  off  her 
garments — they  tore  her  hair  out  by  the  roots, — 
they  beat  her, — they  kicked  her, — they  cast  her 
into  a  foul  dungeon,  beneath  a  Castle  hard  by 
the  Lago  di  Garda,  one  poor  little  serving-maid 
An^ao,  being  her  only  companion.  Aided  by  a  kind 
£££?toL  Priest,  the  faithful  Martin,  Adelaide  escaped 
from  prison.  Many  were  willing  to  believe  that 
the  Queen  had  been  delivered  by  the  energetic 
little  serving-maid,  who,  unprovided  with  spade 
or  mattock,  excavated  the  earth  under  the 
dungeon  door  with  her  own  hands.  All  autho- 
rities, however,    concur    in    representing    that 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  643 

Adelaide's  most  efficient  helper  was  the  faithful   «i-«7 
Martin.     If  Martin  ever  quitted   her  side,   it  — * — 

^  9  051-003 

was  with  the  intent  that  he  might  work  more 
effectually  in  Adelaide's  cause. 

Adelaide  was  tracked  by  her  enemies. 
Amongst  other  adventures  we  are  told  how  the 
fair  fugitive  became  entangled  in  the  marshy 
borders  of  the  lake.  The  Sun  rose  and  the  Sun 
set,  and  rose  and  set  again,  and  she  would  have 
been  death-starved  by  hunger  and  misery  had 
she  not  been  rescued  by  a  fisherman. — At  one 
perilous  juncture,  chased  at  full  gallop  by  her 
savage  tormentors,  they  raised  the  view-halloo, 
and  were  gaining  upon  her,  till  she  baulked  them 
by  plunging  down  amongst  the  tall  stalks  of  the 
growing  corn;  and  though,  dashing  after  her, 
they  searched  the  field  with  their  lances,  she 
continued  undiscovered  by  the  perverse  diligence 
of  her  hunters,  and  they  lost  their  prey.  But 
soon  a  brighter  fortune  dawned. 

Through  the  intervention  of  Adelhard,  Bishop  jjg- 
of  Reggio,  his  brother,  Albert  Azzo,  had  accepted  mSS'uL1* 
the  hazardous  duty  of  standing  forward  as  Ade-  g**j- 
laide's  protector  and  defender.    Prince  of  the*0*11" 
sacred  palace,  Marquis  of  Modena  and  Reggio, 
Albert  Azzo,  adopted  as  an  ancestor  of  the  house 
of  Este,  figures  prominently  in  the  magnificent 
vision  raised  by  the  prophetic  Melissa  before  the 
spell-bound  Bradamante  in  Merlin's  cave. 

TT2 


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644  LOUIS  DWJTREMER,  LOTHAIBB,  &C. 

•51-887    .  Vedi  qui  Alberto,  invitto  Capitano, 

_   ^  Ch*  ornera  di  trofei  tanti  delubri 

851"~g62  Ugo  il  figlio  £  con  lui,  che  di  Milano 

Fara  l'acquisto,  e  spieghera  i  Colubri. 
Azzo  &  quell'  altro,  a  cui  restera  in  mano 
Dopo  il  fratello,  il  regno  degl9  Insubri. 
Ecco  Albert  Azzo,  il  cui  savio  consiglio, 
Torra  d'  Italia,  Berengario,  e  1  figlio, 

E  sara  degno,  a  cui  Cesare  Otone 

Alda  sua  figlia  in  matrimonio  aggiunga, 
Vedi  un'  altro  Ugo,  6  bella  successione, 
Che  dal  patrio  valor  non  si  dilunga. 
Costui  sara,  che  per  giusta  cagione 
A  i  superbi  Roman  l'orgoglio  emunga, 
Che  '1  terzo  Otone,  e  il  Pontefice  tolga 
De  la  man  loro,  e  91  grave  assedio  sciolga. 

value  of  This    ideal  representation    diverges  widely 

S^SJS11  ^rom  ^°  ^ac's >  ^ut  *^e  bright  tints  of  Ariosto 
impress  upon  our  minds  many  an  historical  pic- 
ture which  fades  from  our  memory  after  we  have 
dozed  before  the  groupe  as  delineated  by  the 
veracious  and  lifeless  pencils  of  Saint-Marc  or 
Muratori : — Truth  is  not  always  true  to  Nature. 

Powerful,  however,  as  Albert  Azzo  may 
have  been,  he  could  not  carry  on  the  contest 
against  Berenger,  whose  strength  earned  for  him 
in  Italy  the  strange  epithet  of  the  "  Khinoceros," 
and  Albert  Azzo  would  have  been  unable  to 
oppose  a  permanent  resistance  against  the 
T"yrant. 

This  task  was    reserved  for  Henry's  son. 


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RICHARD  BANS  PEUR.  645 

The    tale    of   Adelaide's    sufferings   resounded   wi-wj 

throughout  the  Carlovingian  states.     Even  in  . — ^ — > 

the  most  secluded  monasteries  the  inmates  were   ki-w 

otho  do- 
excited  to  wonder  and  to  pity.    Her  beauty,  her  SSE1*0 

virtues,  Berenger's  unpopularity,  the  disturbed  e^JT1 

state  of  Lombardy,  all  concurred  in  stimulating 

Otho    to    recover    Charlemagne's    inheritance. 

The  Princes  and  Vassals  of  the  Empire  were 

summoned,  and  the  Saxon  King  declared  the 

causes  and  the  objects  of  the  enterprise  in  which 

he  determined  to  engage ; — he  would  humiliate 

the  pride  of  the  tyrannous  Berenger,  liberate  the 

oppressed  Widow,  win  at  one  and  the  same  time 

Adelaide's  hand  and  the  sceptre  of  Italy,  and 

then  present  himself  in  the  antient  Capital  of 

the  world. 

§  8.    The  valley  of  the  Etsch,  or  Adige,   «n- 

Otho  eaten 

that  poetical  stream,  that  cerulean  stream  whose  gj^h 
Teutonic  and  Italian  denominations  exemplify  so  Sth?5SU 
forcibly,  by  their  contrast,  the  unsubdued  harsh- 
ness of  organization  in  the  one  race,  and  the 
sense  of  harmony  bestowed  upon  or  acquired  by 
the  other,  affords  the  most  accessible  military 
road  from  the  Schwaben-land  to  Ausonia.  Otho 
commenced  his  march  with  a  mighty  force, 
accompanied  by  Liudolph,  Editha's  son,  his  only 
son,  in  whom  all  the  father's  hopes  and  affections 
had  hitherto  centred ;  but  who,  from  very  ob- 
vious and  excusable,  however  illaudable,  mo- 
tives, already  contemplated  his  father's  roman- 


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646  LOUIS  IVOUTREMEB,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

•si-*?   tic  combinations  of  love  and  war  with  bitter 
— * —  vexation  and  anxiety. — Next  in  station,  Henry  of 

851— 962  y  i  « 

Bavaria,  still  revelling  in  nnforgotten  jealousies, 
unallayed  and  scarcely  concealed; — Conrad,Duke 
of  Lorraine,  Otho's  valiant  but  turbulent  son-in- 
law  ; — Frederick,  Archbishop  of  Mayence ; — and 
a  vast  number  of  other  Nobles  and  Prelates. — 
No  more  fancies  about  hats  of  straw,  but  an  army 
of  ardent  warriors  fully  equipped  in  a  manner 
befitting  high  enterprise. 

All  the  results  of  the  hostilities  now  com- 
menced, and  which  continued  fitfully,  until  Otho 
fully  accomplished  his  designs,  are  clearly  estab- 
lished. But  the  details  relating  to  transactions 
in  a  far  country,  obscurely  known  to  the  chro- 
niclers, are  related  with  corresponding  con- 
Liudoiphi   fusedness.     It  should  seem  that  the   grieved 

grudges  " 

SShe^frL  and  affronted  Liudolph  separated  himself  from 
£]££*?     his    father,  pursuing  his   own  course  for  the 

himself.  '     x  ° 

purpose  of  thwarting  the  expedition.  Otho, 
^<*tri-  however,  advanced,  heading  his  vast  army  of 
SrS^e.  Saxons  and  Bavarians,  Franks  and  Lotharin- 
gians.  No  opposition  was  offered  in  the  plains  of 
Lombardy.  Otho's  triumphant  progress  is  traced, 
not  by  battles  or  conflicts,  but  by  the  promulga- 
tion of  his  charters.  Proud  Milan  opened  her 
gates,  and  Otho's  occupation  of  the  City  as  Lord 
and  Master,  was  commemorated  by  the  tiny  coin, 
the  Ottelini,  struck  by  his  orders  during  his 
residence.    The  diminutive  denomination,  popu- 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  647 

larly  given  to  the  mintage,  testifies  the  smallness  wi-** 
of  the  pieces,  possibly  also  the  baseness  of  the  *  ^  > 
metal.  These  continued  in  circulation  long  after 
Otho's  line  had  passed  away,  and,  when  Frederick 
Barbarossa  commenced  his  reign,  the  Citizens  in 
their  daily  dealings,  might  have  been  usefully  re- 
minded of  their  subjugation  to  the  Saxon  Caesar. 

Berenger  retreated  to  Pavia,  taking  refuge  in  g^ir 
the  strong  fortress  whose  site  is  still  marked  by  Pana,** 

°  '    abandon* 

the  gigantic  castellated  Palace  of  the  Visconti; hlBpoiltl<m- 
now  equally  the  monument  and  memorial  of 
past  splendour  and  modern  Vandalism.  But 
the  Lombard  King  could  not  maintain  his  posi- 
tion, and  he  fled  before  the  face  of  the  enemy. 
Otho,  thereupon,  forthwith  assumed  the  royal 
authority,  and,  proclaiming  himself  as  King, 
issued  his  royal  Precepts,  dated  in  the  first  year 
of  his  reign  in  Italy ;  the  style,  however,  being 
singularly  curious.  The  Titles  of  "Bex  Franco- 
rum  et  Longobardorurri9  and  of  "Rex  Francorum 
et  Italicarum"  are  equally  adopted  in  separate 
instruments.  This  variation  can  scarcely  be  as- 
cribed to  accident,  and  may  be  construed  as  testi- 
fying, not  only  to  the  much  dominion  he  had  gained, 
but  to  the  more  he  asserted. — Otho,  King  of  the  ^cu*!6" 
Pranks  West  or  East,  or  East  and  West,  as  he&fWmieif 

7  '  King,  and 

chose  to  construe  the  ethnological  name — Otho,  i£££r, 
not  merely  King  of  the  Lombards,  but  of  all  the  «>jai  m«. 

*  0  '  dates  and 

populations  to  whom  the  enchorial  denomination  ^SST 
of  "Italians"  appertained. 


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951-062 


Dec.  951— 
Adelaide 


648  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER,  LOTHAIBE,  &C. 

951-987  Otho  ranged  victoriously  throughout  the 
plain  of  Lombardy,  which  passed  completely 
under  his  power,  save  and  except  some  strong- 
holds retained  by  Berenger  or  his  lieges.  But, 
in  the  meanwhile,  Otho's  brother  Henry  had 
been  despatched  to  Canossa,  for  the  purpose  of 
bearing  the  Royal  wooer's  offer.  No  hesitation 
on  the  part  of  the  illustrious  Messenger  to  perform 
the  office, — for  Henry  and  his  nephew  Liudolph 
happened  now  to  be  at  variance, — no  reluctance 
felt  or  affected  by  the  blooming  Widow ;  she  was 
JJgSJ*  conducted  to  Pavia,  where  the  Victor  was  pre- 
EouJoT1*1  sented  to  the  Bride  whom  he  had  won.  The 
nuptials  were  celebrated  with  exuberant  magni- 
ficence, and  doubly  joyful  was  the  Christmas 
festival,  the  wedding,  and  the  holiday.  But 
scarcely  had  Otho  begun  to  sip  the  honey  when 
he  was  compelled  to  quaff  the  gall. 

Indeed,  what  must  have  been  the  undutiful 
thoughts,  but,  humanly  speaking,  the  incontrol- 
lable  thoughts,  which  distracted  the  young,  the 
ambitious,  the  energetic  Liudolph,  when  he  beheld 
the  lovely  Adelaide  upon  the  throne,  seated  by  his 
grey-headed  father's  side, — she  so  fitted,  through 
age  and  station,  to  become  the  consort  of  the  son? 
What  plan  more  politic,  or  more  conformable  to 
nature  and  to  reason,  than  that  Adelaide,  as  the 
wife  of  Liudolph,  the  designated  successor  to  the 
German  Empire,  should  unite  in  their  descendants 
the  kingdoms  of  Germany  and  of  Italy  ?    Nor 


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RICHABD  SANS  PEUR.  649 

was  it  possible  for  Liudolph  to  forget  that,  though   rci-w 
designated  by  Otho  as  his  successor,  his  very  *    ^  » 
title  to  that  succession  had  become  defeasible. 
Eldest  he  always  must  be,  but  the  son  of  Otho 
and  of  Editha  was  not  the  son  of  a  crowned 
King  and  a  crowned  Queen ;  and,  were  such  an 
heir  to  be  the  fruit  of  the  nuptials,  his  claims 
might  be  completely  annulled.     Liudolph  could 
scarcely  have  concealed  his  vexation,  nor  did  he 
care  to  conceal  it.     He  again  severed  himself  ^S^h 
from  his  father   and  hurried   on   to   Saxony,  £SkSg°» 

J  9  rebellion 

where  he  took  up  his  abode  at  Saalfeld  in  Thu-"i,ta,l0lh* 
ringia,  "  the  place  of  fatal  counsels/' — and,  ac- 
cording to  tradition,  there  was  the  plan  of  rebel- 
lion arranged. 

Necessity  compelled  Otho  to  make  his  Queen 
acquainted  with  her  barbarian  dominions  much 
sooner  than  he  had  anticipated.  Having  hastily  0£^;_ 
returned  with  her  to  Germany,  he  despatched  SSSiSIy. 
Duke  Conrad  to  Italy  for  the  purpose  of  defend- 
ing the  country.  But  Conrad  himself  was  un- 
faithful. Conrad  was  combining  with  Liudolph 
and  with  Henry  of  Bavaria  against  Otho, — a  son, 
a  brother,  and  a  son-in-law, — concerting  his  ruin. 
Berenger  retained  sufficient  power  to  enable  him 
to  co-operate  with  Otho's  domestic  enemies :  and, 
it  should  seem,  that  they  sought  to  restore  the 
Lombard  to  his  dominions,  in  order  that  he  might 
unite  with  them  against  Otho,  their  common  foe. 
This  consummation  could  not  be  accomplished  by 


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650  LOUIS  D»OUTREMER,  LOTHA1RE,  &C. 

fisi-w   force;  but  an  appeal  to  the  Victor's  clemency 
*  m^ N  might  have  some  effect,  and    Berenger,   upon 
Conrad's  advice,  submitted  to  the   humiliation 
with  the  double  intent  of  recovering  his  power, 
and  of  aiding  in  the  plans  which   Otho's  en- 
venomed   kindred  were    concocting    against  a 
brother,  a  father,  and  a  Sovereign. 
%£L?lx.        Discontent  was  prevailing  widely.    The  ultra- 
2£?i£*"  montanes,  whether  of  the  Bomane  tongue  or  the 
ri*fe'        Tudesque,  equally  hated  and  despised  the  "  Ita- 
lians," for  they  merged  the  personality  of  the 
dominant  Teutonic  race  in  the  general  idea  of 
the  regions  which  they  ruled.     In  their  opinion, 
Adelaide  was  an  Italian  though  she  had  not  a 
drop  of  Italian  blood  in  her  veins :   her  Emma, 
Lothaire's  little  daughter, — and  fated  to  become 
another  Lothaire's  queen, — was  an  Italian  bam- 
bino,  likewise,   and,  when    she   grew   up,  her 
local  nationality  contributed  much  to  the  aver- 
sion she   encountered.     As  for  Adelaide,  her 
exemplary  virtues,  aided  by  her    beauty  and 
pleasant    manners,    ultimately    conquered    all 
hearts,  but,  at  the  first  blush,  the  marriage  was 
very  unpalatable  to  the  German  multitude. 
^_  Berenger,  repairing  to  King  Otho  at  Magde- 

^Se.  burg,  was  received  with  frigid  respect.    A  de- 

to  appeal 

£££°id  putation  of  Palatine  nobles  came  forth  to  meet 

SSSny.    him,  and  he  was  conducted  to  the  lodging  which 

wired  on.    had  been  prepared  for  him.      But    Berenger 

found  that  he  was  treated  rather  as  a  prisoner 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUB.  651 

than  as  a  guest.    Three  days  elapsed  ere  the   *i-*n 
Lombard  was  admitted  to  see  the  King's  face :  < — * — > 

°  7      851—863 

and,  though  permitted  to  return  to  Italy,  pro-gTldo1llllJf 
mises  and  pledges  were  exacted  from  him,  that  STLST™ 
he  would  appear  before  the  Convention  sum- 
moned to  be  held  at  Augsburg  on  the  seventh 
day  of  August,  the  seventh  of  the  ides  of  the 
month,  being  the  Saturday  before  old  Saint 
Laurence  his  day. 

The  Assembly  possessed  the  combined  cha-  «a- 
racter  of  a  Parliament,  or  Placitum,  and  angj^ 
Ecclesiastical  Synod.    All  the  nations  subjected  3  S£Lny 
to  Otho, — Saxons,  Bavarians,  Suabians,  Lorn-"™"*** 
bards,- — were  represented  by  their  Nobles.   The  SiTi^e 


Ecclesiastical    Estate   was  solemnly  imposing.  g^ST 
The  names  of  the  principal  Prelates  of  Germany  J^SS™ 
and  Italy,  from  Mayence  laved  by  the  broad  Rhine,  XGiSi4 
to  the  Etruscan  hill-forts  of  Gortona  and  Arezzo,  app6*r* 
shew  how  Otho's  mandate  was  obeyed  far  and 
nigh.    The  representatives  despatched  by  Con- 
stantine  Porphyrogenitus  again  bore  witness  to 
the  interest  excited  in  the  Eastern  Empire  by 
the  affairs  of  the  West.    And  this  constitutional 
Council,  so  memorable  in  European  history,  is 
connected  with  an  incident  not  without  import- 
ance in  the  annals  of  science,  for,  during  the 
Session  a  large  stone,  its  magnitude  most  mar- 
vellous, fell  from  the  heavens  upon  the  earth 
amidst  a  raging  storm — hail,  rain,  and  thunder. 
Before  this  solemn  and  venerable  Senate,  Ber- 


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652  LOUIS  IVOUTREMER,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

»5i-987  enger,  and  his  son  Adalbert,  humbly  appeared 
- — ^ — »  as  suppliants,  soliciting  King  Otho's  peace.  The 
prayer  was  granted,  but  upon  hard  terms.  Sur- 
rendering the  Lombard  kingdom  to  Otho,  they 
received  the  same  back  again  from  him,  not  as 
an  independent  Sovereignty,  but  as  a  Benefice, 
of  which  the  successor  of  Charlemagne,  by  deli- 
vering the  golden  sceptre,  gave  them  seizin. 
The  father  and  the  son  placed  their  hands  be- 
tween the  hands  of  Otho,  and  commended  them- 
selves to  him  as  vassals,  taking  the  oaths  accord- 
ingly. Berenger  was  then  saluted  as  King  of 
Lombardy,  but  with  contracted  boundaries  ;  inas- 
much as  the  Conqueror  enforced  an  important  ces- 
sion. Otho  retained  the  Marches  of  Verona  and 
Aquileia,  the  best  part  of  the  Friulian  duchy. 
This  district  was  placed  under  the  government  of 
Henry  of  Bavaria,  to  the  end  that  the  high  road 
to  Italy  should  be  always  kept  open  and  free. 
Lomb«dy,  Thus  did  the  whole  soil  of  antient  Lombardy 
L^£tho  and  its  appurtenances,  with  some  few  exceptions, 
Empire,  grounded  upon  antient  rights  or  claims,  such  as 
allodial  Monaco  and  the  doubly  dubious  republic 
of  the  Lagunes,  become  vested  in  the  Imperial 
crown,  and  an  integral  portion  of  the  Holy 
Roman  Empire ;  and  so  continued  according  to 
the  theory  of  the  "Reichs-verfassung,"  until  the 
era,  still  distinct  within  the  recollections  of  many 
surviving  amidst  the  present  generation,  who 
lived  when  that  Empire  was  dissolved. 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  653 

§  9.  A  period  ensued,  abounding  with  events  •"-** 
equally  contrasting  and  interesting,  during  which  < — ^ — > 
Otho's  sorrows  were  scarcely  counterbalanced 
by  his  triumphs.  It  would  be  my  delight  to 
narrate  them  minutely,  but  time  presses,  space 
decreases,  old  age  advances,  and,  amongst  the 
details  which  I  reluctantly  avoid,  I  can  only 
glance  at  some  few  prominent  incidents  bearing 
upon  the  personages  who  figure  in  the  History 
of  France  or  Normandy,  or  who  contributed  to 
the  development  of  the  Empire. 

Liudolph's  vexation  was  becoming  unbearable,    ora-s 
Blooming  Adelaide  did  not  disappoint  the  expec-  £JEt3f. 
tations  which  might  be  most  reasonably  enter- SSuSS 
tained ;  and,  in  due  time  after  the  nuptials,  she  °2&Jd2- 
brought  forth  her  eldest  son.     The  delighted  SSS;** 

Otho  (after- 

Husband  bestowed  upon  the  child  of  his  newjgJn.y. 
love  the  name  borne  by  his  own  noble  father, 
Henry,  the  crowned  King.  But  this  first  bud  of 
the  Sachs  Lombardey  branch  was  prematurely 
blighted,  and  the  wailing  rival  removed,  Liudolph 
became  somewhat  more  easy — but — alas  and 
alackaday! — not  for  long.  The  months  during 
which  the  heir  whilome  apparent,  but  now  pre- 
sumptive, enjoyed  the  absence  of  a  competitor, 
were  numbered. 

More  hopes,  gossips  and  rockers,  full-fed 
nurses  and  knowing  matrons,  were  again  congre- 
gating in  the  burthened  Queen's  apartments. 
Adelaide  did  well,  and  Otho  was  able  to  compli- 


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654  LOUIS  D'OUTRBMER,   LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

ki-987  ment  his  brother  Bruno  by  bestowing  upon  the 
. — " — *  new  Nephew  the  name  of  the  Uncle,  who  pro- 
bably  lifted  him  up  from  the  font. 

In  essentials,  all  distinctions  of  rank  are 
obliterated  by  the  opening  and  the  closing  events 
of  human  life ;  the  bosom  as  much  as  the  grave, 
— under  equivalent  circumstances,  the  tempta- 
tions identical.  The  same  mean,  sordid,  and 
selfish  sentiments  are  inspired  by  the  chances 
of  succession  to  the  greedy  grandame's  grimy 
rag-wrapped  guinea,  the  gilded  Coronet,  or  the 
golden  Crown.  We  may  fancy  Liudolph  collect- 
ing all  the  cradle  reports,  and  the  earnest  interest 
he  took  in  his  tiny  brother's  teething.  For  the 
encouragement  of  Liudolph,  the  baby  Bruno  was 
a  dwindler,  being  evidently  destined  soon  to  drop 
from  the  bough ;  but  any  cheerful  anticipations 
thus  arising  were  again  dashed  ;  and  a  third  child 
was  born,  upon  whom  paternal,  or  perhaps  the 
more  prescient  maternal,  affection,  conferred  the 
othoii.:  father's  name.  Youngest  and  last  of  the  legiti- 
££&*  mate  children  begotten  by  Otho,  the  boy  pros- 
5rf£  pered — fine  and  healthy ; — and,  unless  gained  or 
regained  by  force,  Liudolph  might  be  all  but 
certain  that  the  covenanted  inheritance  would 
be  denied  to  him. 

Hatred,  malice,  and  every  bad  passion  now 
raged  amongst  the  Royal  family.  Liudolph, 
Conrad,  and  other  nobles  were  fiercely  incensed 
against  Henry  of  Bavaria.     Liudolph  headed  a 


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051—963 


RICHARD   SANS  PEUR.  655 

conspiracy  against  his  father,  and  this  sinful  act  «n-w7 
pacified  his  Uncle,  who,  never  folly  renouncing 
his  enmity  against  Otho,  readily  joined.  But  if 
these  kinsmen  mutually  were  at  variance,  they 
nevertheless  merged  all  differences  in  their  com- 
mon feeling  of  dislike  and  enmity  against  the 
glorious    King.      The    dethronement    of   Otho  comwem^ 

of  Otho'i 

was  the  object  distinctly  avowed.  So  conta-J^ 
gious  was  the  discontent  —  so  bitter  the  anti-hlm" 
pathy  entertained  by  the  Germans  against 
the  Italianized  Adelaide — that  even  Bruno,  so 
loudly  lauded  for  learning  and  piety,  is  suspected 
to  have  been  momentarily  seduced  into  the  revolt. 
It  is  said  he  invited  Conrad,  Otho's  son-in-law,  to 
usurp  either  the  kingdom  of  Lorraine,  or,  as  it  is 
alleged,  the  very  Empire.  The  unnatural  war 
was  pursued  with  so  much  enmity  and  energy, 
that  it  seems  to  have  been  merely  by  chance 
that  father  and  son  were  not  brought  into  actual 
and  personal  conflict.  Yet,  during  this  most 
melancholy  period,  Otho  achieved  a  victory 
which  may  almost  be  considered  as  having  res- 
cued Western  Christendom  from  destruction. 

Liudolph's  cause  was  popular,  especially 
amongst  the  young,  and  general  sympathy  was 
elicited  by  the  apprehension  that  his  claims 
would  be  defeated  by  the  new  passion  which  had 
fascinated  his  father. 

Bruno's  culpability  may  be  a  dubious  impu- 
tation, but  there  is  no  uncertainty  concerning 
the  guilt  incurred  by  the  other  conspirators. 


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656  LOUIS  tfOUTREMER,   LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

wi-as7   Conrad  and  Liudolph,  taking  the  lead,  concurred 


051—962 


in  an  act  of  treason,  not  only  against  Germany, 
a>2-3    but  the  Christian  Commonwealth.      Doubting 

Conrad  and  ° 

SatS'in?1*  whether  they  could  make  head  against  Otho,  the 
m!^.  desperate  animosity  of  his  kinsmen  induced  them 
to  invoke  the  Magyars,  and  to  bring  upon  their 
own  people  the  enemies  who  prided  themselves 
in  deserving  the  epithet  bestowed  upon  Attila, 
"  The  Scourge  of  God."  At  this  period  Zulta 
Duke  or  King  of  the  Magyars,  Zulta,  who  fixed 
the  circling  boundaries  of  the  kingdom.  As  if 
the  desire  of  conquest  and  the  prospect  of  plunder 
were  not  sufficient  to  set  the  savages  in  move- 
ment, large  gifts  in  money  were  transmitted  to 
Zulta  by  Conrad.  And  the  foul  misdeed,  which 
might  perhaps  be  doubted,  at  least  as  to  the  fall 
extent,  if  we  had  no  other  voucher  than  the 
French  and  German  Chroniclers,  is  proved  in- 
contestably  by  the  statement  of  the  anonymous 
historian,  who,  simply  designated  as  the  "No- 
tary of  Bang  Bela,"  is  the  only  authority  for  the 
^  **-  primeval  periods  of  Magyar  history.  This  in- 
JfFw,011  sane  instigation  brought  on  the  great  inroad  of  the 
S^Jbw  Magyars  into  France,  Burgundy,  and  Italy,  and 
the  miserable  desolation  which  we  have  already 
noticed  as  having  ensued  shortly  before  the 
death  of  Louis  d'Outremer. 

Conrad's  subsequent  repentance,  in  which  he 
was  consistent  till  his  death,  shows  how  deeply 
he  felt  his  guilt.     But  Liudolph's  angry  feelings 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  657 

hardened  him  against  the  truth.    It  was  he,  who  .  ^y967 . 
had  sinned  most  deeply,  not  merely  toward  his  'wI^ST 
Father  but  as  a  public  enemy.    For  Liudolph 
furnished  the  Magyars  with  the  guides,  who  en- 
abled them  to  effectuate  their  desolating  invasion. 

The  melancholy  feud  between  Otho  and  his  t^^. 
nearest  of  kin,  having  raged  during  nearly  three  2£2£dtf 
years,  a  pacification  was  concluded  in  the  Diet 
of  Arnstadt:  and  the  incidents  which  accom- 
panied the  restoration  of  peace,  were  not  without 
a  touch  of  sweetness.  Whilst  Otho  was  chasing 
in  the  forest  near  Sonnen-feld  in  Thuringia,  be- 
tween Cronach  and  Ooburg,  a  locality  whose  name 
bespeaks  the  connexion  thereof  with  the  antient    w- 

*  Liuddph'i 

Teutonic  belief,— a  supplicant,  bare-headed,  bare-  lEJc^Sj. 
footed,  cast  himself  upon  the  ground  before  the  repentonoe- 
Royal  Huntsman.  It  was  Liudolph,  humbly  ap- 
pealing to  his  Father's  mercy.  As  for  Conrad, 
he  was  deprived  of  his  Duchy,  and  all  other  the 
possessions  derived  from  Otho's  bounty ;  nothing 
left  to  him  beyond  his  paternal  inheritance. 
The  bold,  the  generous,  yet  stiff-necked  warrior 
submitted  meekly  and  contentedly  to  this  im- 
poverishment and  humiliation.  His  heart  was 
wholly  changed;  and  he  henceforward  desired 
life,  only  that  he  might  be  spared  until  he  could 
testify  his  repentance. 

But  the  mischief  could  not  be  undone.  The 
Magyars  cared  nothing  for  the  reconciliation  be- 
tween King  Otho  and  the  recreants  who  had 

VOL.  II.  uu 


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658  LOUIS  POUTREMER,  LOTHAIEE,  &C. 

.  ^y887 ,  sought  their  alliance,  and  were  determined  to 
'"JS^T  accept  the  invitation  they  had  received,  to  its 
fullest  extent.   The  attack  upon  Northern  France 
was  only  their  first  campaign. 
«»-  §  13.    Not  long  subsequently  to  the  Pacifi- 

SSjXLd  cation  of  Arnstadt,  certain  Legates  or  Ambassa- 
&?£°  dors,  despatched  by  Zulta,  appeared  most  unex- 
pectedly  before  Otho,  professing  friendship,  nay, 
obedience.  Otho  at  once  guessed  the  truth ; — 
they  had  come  to  spy  out  the  state  of  the  Country. 
— Indeed,  the  device  was  very  clumsy,  inas- 
much as  there  was  no  one  previous  time  or  era, 
when  amicable  relations  had  subsisted  between 
Teutscher  and  Mogor,  and,  there  was  no  call  now 
for  any  alteration  of  sentiment.  Otho  treated 
the  cunning  intruders  with  civil  contempt ;  and, 
having  been  well  feasted,  they  received  some 
inconsiderable  gifts,  and  were  sent  away. 

Scarcely  had  Otho  thus  freed  himself  from 
them,  when  intelligence  arrived,  transmitted  with 
great  alarm  by  his  brother  Henry,  that  the  allies 
whom  Conrad  had  set  in  movement,  were  come. 
955_  The  Barbarians  were  pouring  into  the  land. 
m4jS?2L  The  Magyar  Hordes,  when  they  re-entered 
Germany,  were  more  fiercely  determined  upon 
rapine  than  ever  before. — Botund  the  son  of  Cul- 
pun,  Zobols  the  son  of  Eleud,  and  Ircun,  or  Urcun, 
the  son  of  Eugee,  were,  according  to  the  Mogor 
chronicles,  the  chief  Commanders  .-—Magyar  scho- 
lars must  decide  as  to  the  accuracy  of  their  un- 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  659 

couth  names.  The  desire  of  avenging  the  shameful   •«-*» 
death  inflicted  upon  Lelu  and  Bulzu  exacerbated  ^£jjj 
their  native  fury.    Wasting  the  country  as  they 
advanced,  they  halted  to  the  east  of  the  river 
Lech,  not  far  from  Augsburg,  the  residence  City. 

Otho  rallied  his  vassals  and  subjects,  prepar- 
ing most  energetically  for  the  conflict ;  and  the 
Germans  of  every  rank  and  degree  ought  to  have 
been  thankful  that  such  a  national  Chief  had 
been  raised  up  to  be  their  Leader  during  this  most 
arduous  and  justifiable  war ; — truly  justifiable — 
for  it  was  wholly  defensive. 

The  Magyar  multitudes  were  enormous.  The 
main  body,  according  to  report,  numbered  a  hun- 
dred thousand,  and  from  the  full  stream  of  the 
Danube  to  the  haunted  Hartzwald  and  the  sylvan 
Schwartzwald,  the  whole  country  was  darkened 
by  the  swarms  of  the  fiendish  foes.— The  Magyars 
boasted,  that,  unless  the  Earth  should  open  her 
mouth  and  swallow  them,  or  the  sky  fall  and 
crush  them,  all  Germany  must  become  theirs. 

Being  probably  well  acquainted  with  Otho's  rg^. 
plans,  for  the  Magyars  were  craftful  in  gaining  SSJitEJJ* 

but  9M 

intelligence,  they  attacked  Augsburg ;   nor  were  »■»■>■•*• 
they  repulsed  but  with  great  difficulty.    Otho 
had  appointed  his  muster  to  be  held  near  that 
City.    Thither  he  marched  his  troops,  the  Mag- 
yars pestering  them  like  hornets  all  the  way. 

The  scantiness  of  Otho's  forces  was  remark-  ^X^S 
able,  and  testifies  how  shamefully  the  treasonable  OUM* 

uu2 


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660  LOUIS  iyOUTBEMEB,  LOTHAIKE,  &C. 

«*i-w7  family  dissensions  had  debased  the  national  spirit. 
'^/^  — Th©  army,  embodied  scarce  ten  years  then 
since,  for  the  purpose  of  satisfying  a  silly  rivalry, 
— the  proud  army  which  had  been  routed  be- 
fore Rouen, — mustered  two-and-thirty  Legions  j 
but,  in  this  extreme  urgency,  only  one-fourth 
of  that  number,  to  wit,  eight  Legions,  could 
be  raised.  And  yet  the  invasipn  of  Normandy 
was  a  wanton  aggression,  whilst,  in  the  present 
time  of  peril,  all  the  Germanic  tribes  ought  to 
have  been  incited  to  the  utmost  exertions  by  the 
righteousness  of  their  cause. — No  provocation 
had  been  given  to  the  Magyars  by  the  Germans ; 
but  simply  for  the  protection  of  their  land,  their 
liberty,  and  their  faith,  was  their  conflict  waged, 
con^^fa.  When  Conrad  joined  the  army,  universal 
BnthSEi  cheers  resounded  from  the  ranks  as  he  rode  by. 

excited  by  his  . 

p«*»w»-  such  confidence  did  they  place  in  his  valour. 
Their  joy,  however,  at  Conrad's  approach,  was 
a  sorrow  to  him ;  their  eager  jubilee  bespoke 
the  danger  into  which  he  had  brought  his  native 
country;  and  dolefully  did  their  greetings  fall 
upon  his  ears,  deepening  his  contrition  for  the 
evils  he  had  caused. 
SiiS?"  The  Magyars  were  advancing  towards  the 
2*»»tf™  of «  Lech-feld," — a  district  so  denominated  from 
the  river  by  which  it  is  watered, — evidently  in- 
tending to  occupy  the  tracts  to  the  eastward  of 
the  stream.  Otho  forthwith  marched  in  a 
parallel  direction,  but  on  the  opposite  side. 
Three  Legions  of  Bavarians,  and  a  fourth  of 


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RICHARD  BANS  PEUR.  661 

Franconians,  headed  by  Duke  Conrad,  com-  «-*» 
posed  the  right  wing. — The  Suabian  Legion,  r££zzp 
under  Duke  Burchard,  supported  by  the  Bohe- 
mian Legion,  to  whom  the  baggage  was  en- 
trusted, formed  the  left.  But  the  Eoyal  Legion, 
a  thousand  warriors  elected  and  selected  from 
the  whole  Army,  constituted  the  centre.  Before 
the  ranks  and  above  Otho's  head  waved  Saint 
Michael's  banner — Saint  Michael,  the  celestial 
warrior,  who,  when  the  gorgeous  institutions  of 
Chivalry  assumed  their  full  development,  was 
generally  honoured  throughout  the  greater  part 
of  Western  Christendom  as  the  tutelary  Pro- 
tector of  the  Order. 

In  the  legendary  symbolism  of  the  mediaeval  saint  m. 
era,  the  hieroglyphical  representation,  so  signifi-  {^JKJ^. 
cantly  pourtraying  the  power  of  evil  subdued  SSSkS* 
by  the  sword  of  faith,  may  be  considered  as^j^ 
identical  with  the  mythic  Saint  George:  who, &*!??£ 
amongst  many  of  the  German  nations,  usurped  ™*£u£ 
the  honour  previously  assigned  to  the  Arch- 
angel.     The    Suabian    RitterscJiaft  peculiarly 
claimed  Saint  George  as  their  Patron ;   and  it 
is  a  curious  example  of  the  meandering  inter- 
lacements of  history,  that  the  Vicariate  of  the 
Empire,  our  third  Edward's  transient  pride,  pro- 
bably introduced  this  creation  of  oriental  hagio- 
graphy  to  the  notice  of  our  triumphant  King, 
The  connexion  he  thus  formed  with  Germany 
and  the  Germans  induced  him  to  favour  their 
minstrelsy,  their  language,  and  their  decorative 


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855-902 


662  LOUIS  m>UTBEMER,  LOTHA1RE,  &C. 

«6i-w7  arts.  These  tastes  were  inherited  by  his  de- 
scendants.—  Teutonic  legends,  Ich  dim  and 
Hochmuth,  adorn  the  trophied  tomb  of  Cressy's 
Hero,  who,  when  living,  actually  signed  his  letters 
by  employing  the  latter  epigraph  as  a  confidential 
substitute  for  his  name.  In  like  manner,  his  son, 
the  unfortunate  Richard,  by  an  ingenious  arrange- 
ment, made  the  words  of  the  German  motto,  appro- 
priated to  the  Ostrich  feather,  bespeak  his  affection 
for  his  German  Consort,  the  good  Queen  Anne. 
This  pleasant  fancy,  preserved  in  Richard's  own 
handwriting  in  a  very  singular  volume  catacombed 
amongst  the  treasures  of  our  great  National  li- 
brary, constitutes  the  most  curious  amongst  the  few 
remaining  autographs  of  our  antient  Sovereigns. 
g***j*  §  14.  Having  indulged  in  this  flight  to  distant 
SKA  Windsor,  Windsor's  Round  Table,  and  Wind- 
ed the  L»h.  sor's  Tower,  we  must  return  to  the  heroic  Otho, 
who  had  taken  his  station  westward  of  the  Lech. 
Through  his  scouts,  he  had  ascertained  that  the 
Magyars  were  approaching,  but  he  seems  to 
have  expected,  as  we  infer  by  comparing  the 
relations  given  by  our  Chroniclers  —  accurate 
Witikind,  and  ambitious  Ditmar — that  they 
would  come  up  in  about  the  space  of  four-and- 
twenty  hours.  Well  did  Otho  know  the  nature  of 
such  agile  foes  :  many  a  time  and  oft  had  he  dis- 
comfited and  slaughtered  Sclave  and  Wend,  and 
Zech  and  Avar.  But  the  Magyars  moved  more 
rapidly  than  even  the  experienced  General  had 
anticipated.    Suddenly  crossing  the  water,  and 


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JUGHABD  SANS  PEUR.  663 

filling   the    air  with    elrich    screechings,  they  «*-«* 
stormed   the    Gennan    host.     The    Bohemians  '^^ 
were    scattered — many  a  knight   caught   ^dj|25**;k 
pinioned  by  the  grinning  Ogre, — and  all  theJJSES 
baggage  became  the  plunder  of  the  enemy.    The  ^^^ 
stout  Suabians  fled,  and  the  disorder  was  ex-S^®* 
tending  throughout  the  whole  Army. — "  For-  £5? 
ward,  Conrad,"  —  was  Otho's  command;    and 
Conrad  bravely  performed  his  duty;    the  Bar- 
barians were  cut  to  pieces  and  dispersed,  the 
booty  recovered,  the  Prisoners  delivered,  and 
Conrad  returned  with  banners  displayed. 

The  Germans  re-encamped,  and  prepared  for  whS^*, 
the  morrow  by  fasting  and  prayer.  That  morrow  **£ 
was  the  feast  of  Saint  Laurence — the  well-known 
periodical  season  of  the  astral  streams.  The 
natural  philosopher  will  be  interested  by  the  notice 
of  the  awful  thunder-storms  which  spread  terror 
throughout  Northern  Germany,— but  not  alone  the 
storms,— for  the  other  portents,  by  which  the  tem- 
pests were  accompanied,  created  extreme  terror. 

Early  in  the  morning  Otho  rose  and  sought  lotf*^, 
strength  for  the  conflict  by  appealing  to  the  Lord 
of  Hosts,  prostrating  himself  in  supplication  upon 
the  ground.  Having  then  received  the  Holy  Com- 
munion from  the  hands  of  his  Confessor,  Adalric, 
afterwards  canonized,  he  addressed  the  soldiers, 
his  companions  in  war.  He  reminded  them  of 
their  former  successes,  which  he  ascribed  not  to 
their  own  right  hands,  but  to  the  Divine  protection. 
They  had  to  wage  a  conflict  for  life  or  death ;  and 


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055- 
Deathof 
Conrad. 


664  LOUIS  DWTKBMER,  LOTHAIKE,  &C. 

.  w-ow  Otho,  his  speech  concluded,  bracing  his  shield,  and 
'  055-002"  *  brandishing  the  Holy  Lance,  led  on  the  charge. 
10th  A**.*,       The  battle,  fought  under  the  unclouded  rays 

055— 

taSfSfte  of  t^e  burning  sun,  lasted  from  the  dim  day-dawn 

tSSlaSmi  until  the  evening  star  shone  resplendent  in  the 

***"■•     darkening  firmament.     Conrad's  exertions  were 

worthy  of  his  reputation,  but,  suffocated  by  the 

sweltering  heat,  he  lifted  up  the  visor  of  his 

helmet  to  take  a  breath,  when  the  Magyar  shaft, 

speeding  on  her  errand,  gave  him  a  mortal  wound. 

Thus  was  the  prayer  of  Conrad  granted,  for  he 

besought  that,  as  a  warning  chastisement,  he 

might  be  slain  by  the  enemy  whose  aid  he  had 

invoked  against  his  own  people,  his  own  bloody 

his  own  kith  and  kin. 

The  Magyars  defended  themselves  desper- 
ately ;  but  their  light-horsemen  could  not  stand 
against  the  solid  masses  of  the  German  cavalry, 
or  resist  the  heavy  trenchant  blades  wielded  by 
the  doughty  foe,  and,  though  fighting  with  des- 
perate pertinacity,  they  were  utterly  routed. 
Otho  was  foremost  in  the  chase  of  the  fugi- 
JtSEoS.  tiyes; — no  quarter  given ; — the  victors  merci- 
less ; — the  field  clothed  with  the  harvest  of  car- 
nage.— Botund  escaped,  though  Urcun,  or  some 
Hetumogor  whom  the  Germans  supposed  to  be 
the  King,  was  killed ;  more  fortunate  than  the 
three  who,  suffering  the  same  vile  punishment  as 
had  been  inflicted  on  Lelu  and  Bulzu,  were  hung 
like  dogs  by  the  victors.  Many  were  drowned  in 
the  river ;  others  rammed  and  jammed  in  the  hor- 


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RICHARD  8ANS  PEUR.  665 

rible  charnel  pit ;  all  mingle-mangle, — quick  and   ««-** 
breathing,  alive  and  bleeding,  struggling  and  faint-  '^^ 
ing,  dead  and  dying ;  others  suffocated  by  the 
smoke  or  consumed  by  the  flames  in  the  buildings 
where  they  defended  themselves,— all  were  cleared 
away. — It  was  a  done  thing — once  and  for  ever. 

Faithful  to  the  old  Roman  traditions  still  liv- 
ing throughout  Europe — not  conned  as  a  dreary 
lesson  out  of  the  thumbed  school-book,  but  grave- 
ly told  by  grisly  eld  for  the  instruction  of  the 
eagerly  listening  boy — the  German  Legions,  ere 
they  moved  away  from  the  Lech-feld, — truly  de- 
serving to  be  called  the  Leich-feld — the  field  of 
corpses,  the  Suabian  "  Lichfield," — hailed  Otho 
as  father  of  his  Father-land,  a&d  saluted  him  as 
Emperor. — Triumphocelebri  Bex  foetus  gloriosus9 
ab  exercitu  Pater  PatriiB  Imperatorque  appel- 
latus  est. — The  cry  was  raised  by  a  general  0*J^Bltd 
and  uncontrollable  sympathetic  feeling.  Hence-  VT  m^SSS 
forward,  Otho  was  never  addressed  in  Germany  o?i»ttie. 
otherwise  than  as  Emperor, — Emperor  designate, 
until  duly  elected  by  the  temporal  and  spiritual 
powers,  possessing  the  exalted  prerogative  en- 
titling them  to  name  the  successor  of  the  Caesars. 

Fully  as  the  victory  was  appreciated  through-  importance 
out  the  antient  Carlovingian  Empire,  yet  Otho's  gggj;^ 
contemporaries  could  scarcely  be  conscious  of  the  &*™!114 
high  import  belonging  to  the  event.    If  Charles  j£0£5^ 
Martel  may  be  said  to  have  rescued  Western 
Christendom  from  Moslem  slavery  when  he  exter- 
minated the  Saracen  Host  on  the  field  of  Tours, 


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666  LOUIS  ITOUTREMEK,  LOTHAIRB,  &C. 

Ki-«*7t  and  repelled  the  Mahometan  deluge,  not  less  is 
< — * — » the  honour  due  to  Otho's  memory.    Had  not  the 

•55-962  J 

Magyars  succumbed  in  this  conflict,  it  is  pro* 
bable  that  all  Europe  would  have  fallen  under 
their  destructive  domination.    The  consequences 
were    scarcely   lfess   beneficial    to   themselves, 
emersion  They  desisted  from  their  inroads.    The  labours 
M"*7Mfc     of  Saint  Adalbert  commenced  their  conversion. 
Geisa,  their  King,  together  with  his  wife  and 
son,  accepted  the  Sacrament  of  Baptism  through 
Adalbert's  ministration ;  and  that  son,  Stephen, 
became  the  first  Christian  Monarch  of  Hungary. 
Prom  the  second  Pope  Sylvester, — enigmatical 
Gerbert  of  mysterious  fame,— Stephen  solicited  and 
obtained  the  rich  Byzantine-fashioned  crown  still 
so  highly  prized  by  the  Magyars  as  the  symbol 
of  the  sovereignty  which  has  departed  from  their 
land.    Stephen  also  received  the  title  of  "  Apos- 
tolic" from  the  Supreme  Pontiff,  the  earliest  ex- 
ample of  those  distinctions  which  even  our  own 
Sovereigns  are  proud  to  retain.    Moreover,  Ste- 
phen was  anointed  upon  his  Coronation,  and  the 
The  time    King  of  Hungary  was  one  of  the  three  Christian 
wSS^     Kings,  distinguished  by  that  Imperial  rite ;  the 
SS^"1"    other  two  being  France — now  awaiting  the  cele- 
SfHw-    bration  of  the  solemn  ceremony  —  and  Anglo- 
tujm        Saxon  Britain; — and  Hungary  expanded  into 
one  of  the  most  brilliant  European  monarchies. 

§  15.  Berenger's  submission  to  Otho  did 
not  oust  him  from  his  royal  rights.  The  ex- 
tensive privileges  eiyoyed  by  the  Prelates  and 


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MCHAKD  8ANS  EEUR.  667 

great  Feudatories  of  the  Lombard  kingdom  had  mi-w 
always  been  the  exciting  cause  of  dissensions  - — • — . 
and  jealousies  between  them  and  their  Rulers. 
Soured  by  vexation,  Berenger  greatly  abused  t*£ 
his   legitimate   power.    He    sought   to  harass  SS^ 

Berenger 

and  encroach  upon  his  Vassals  in  every  way.  SSKt^ 
Sufficient  reason  had  Berenger  to  hate  Albert  a£X  aim. 
Azzo, — assuredly  no  one  better  deserved  his 
enmity  than  Albert  Azzo — the  warrior  through 
whose  gallantry  his  schemes  for  securing  Adelaide 
and  Italy  had  been  marred.  Triple-rampired  Ca- 
nossa,  stoutly  besieged  by  Berenger,  defied  him  ; 
but,  at  length,  the  Marquis  was  compelled  to 
crave  the  aid  which  Otho  was  bound  to  afford, 
whether  as  a  duty  towards  an  ally  and  friend, 
or  in  the  character  of  Suzerain,  to  whom  the 
aggrieved  Lieges  of  the  Mesne  Lord  might  ap- 
peal for  justice. 

During  the  German  troubles,  Otho's  atten- <*£^ 
tion  was  diverted  from  Italian  affairs.    He  now  HISS!* 

for  Albert 

despatched  Liudolph  for  the  important  purpose  AM0',wUftt 
of  relieving  Canossa,  and  restraining  Berenger's 
misrule.    The  young  Prince  acted  energetically, 
but  not  by  reason  of  any  love  he  bore  his  Father. 
He  pursued  the  war  so  vigorously,  that  Lom- 
bardy  passed  almost  wholly  beneath  his  power. 
Adalbert,  Berenger's  adventurous  son,  gave  battle  vm*** 
to  the  German  Prince,  but,  he,  defeated  and  cap-  £525! to 
tured, — all  Lombardy  submitted.    Outtake  the  2*3^3^ 
warmer  partisans,  there  does  not  seem  to  have 
been  at  this  period  much  fighting  blood  amongst 


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965-002 


668  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

wi-087  the  Lombards.  Berenger  fled  to  his  stronghold 
of  San  Giullo,  a  fortified  island-rock  in  the 
smiling  yet  solemnly  beantifnl  Lago  d'Orta,  rising 
from  the  bine  waters,  not  far  from  the  shore, — 
the  rock  in  whose  centre  still  stands  the  church, 
containing  the  rudely  sculptured  uncouth  marble 
ambo,  whence  Berenger  may  have  heard  the  Gos- 
pel— the  pleasant  villa-covered  rock — then  con- 
verted into  a  fortress,  walled  and  towered  and 
almost  impregnable. 

Berenger's  own  garrison  surrendered  him  to 
Liudolph,  but  Otho's  rebel  was  Liudolph's  friend. 
Instead  of  profiting  by  this  great  advantage  for 
his  Father's  benefit,  he  forthwith  enlarged  the 
royal  Captive.  Berenger  resumed  his  authority. 
Fresh  disturbances  ensued,  but  Liudolph's  miser- 
able career  suddenly  came  to  an  end.  Some  say 
Liudolph  fell  in  honourable  conflict  with  Adalbert ; 
others,  that  he  was  poisoned  by  Berenger ;  but,  ac- 
cording to  the  third  and  more  probable  version,  a 
LiSalwa  fever  carried  him  off.  Liudolph's  history,  begin- 
t0TOd,£ta  ring  in  love,  and  ending  in  the  most  odious  form  of 
hatred,  descends  like  a  mournful  cloud  upon  the 
aureole  by  which  Otho's  majestic  head  is  sur- 
rounded. Had  he  lived  longer,  the  shade  might 
have  become  deeper.  Liudolph's  death,  preserving 
him  from  further  disobedience  and  sin,  may  be 
viewed  as  a  mercy  to  all  parties.  Adelaide  might 
have  displayed  ierself  in  the  normal  character  of 
a  spiteful  step-mother ;  but,  fortunately  for  her 
fair  fame,  the  temptation  was  removed :   whilst 


lather— his 
sudden  and 
somewhat 
mysterious 
death— <$ 
Sep.  957. 


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BICHABD  BANS  PEUR.  669 

Otho  was  equally  spared  the  obloquy  of  sinning  «h-*7 
against  Editha  in  her  grave,  by  disinheriting  her  < — * — » 
only  child,  and  the  dishonour  of  violating  the 
paternal  promise  and  the  national  compact  which 
secured  to  Iiudolph  the  reversion  of  the  Crown. 

§  16.  Berenger,  freed  from  Liudolph's  pre- j™^ 
sence,  and  Otho,  far  distant,  conceived  himself  JuS2S-Wi 
to  be  entirely  exempted  from  control ;  and  the 
Prelates  and  Nobles,  his  vassals, — his  outrageous 
violations  of  law  and  justice  having  become 
intolerable,  —  addressed  their  letters  to  the 
laurelled  "Imperator,"  praying  him  to  deliver 
them  from  the  "  Tyrant's"  oppressions. 

The  request,  made  in  writing,  was  impres- 
sively repeated  by  a  solemn  deputation. 

Walbert,  Archbishop  of  Milan,  Oberto,  oro^Js. 
Obizzo,  whom  we  are  called  upon  to  honour  as  lSiSSu9 

7  r  to  delirer 


the  Founder  of  the  great  Marquisate  of  Este,  and  \^ovpnB_ 
Waldo,  Bishop  of  Como, — these  three  appeared  on  b^^t. 
behalf  of  the  whole  Lombard  Community,  having 
also  to  complain  of  individual  wrongs.  The  Arch- 
bishop was  aggrieved  by  Queen Guilla,who,having 
sold  the  See  to  a  certain  Manasses,  was  labouring 
to  install  the  simoniacal  intruder.  Obizzo  had 
stood  very  high  in  Berenger's  confidence,  and  his 
greatest  Mend ;  but  Berenger  was  now  seeking  his 
life.  And  the  Patrician  Octavian,  raised  to  the 
Pontificate  as  John  the  Twelfth,  and  equally  per- 
secuted by  Berenger,  earnestly  concurred  in  im- 
ploringthe  aid  of  Otho  against  the  common  enemy. 
Of  Otho's  three  sons  by  Adelaide,  two  were 


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966—982 

Death  of 
Bruno,  the 


670  LOUIS  tfOUTREMEB,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

951-987  left,  but  immediately  after  Otho  had  received  the 

intelligence  of  Liudolph's  death,  the  elder  of  the 

two,  sickly  Bruno,  was  taken  away,  and  the  puisne, 

5d£t°'o?"  his  father's  namesake,  was  his  only  remaining 

Otho'aro- 

SJSXby  heir.  Otho  was  therefore  at  full  liberty  to  ac- 
complish his  heart's  desire,  the  transmission  of 
his  authority  to  the  child  of  that  second  Consort, 
who  had  so  completely  obliterated  the  memory  of 
the  first.  Forthwith  Otho  summoned  all  his  lieges 
from  the  various  German  populations  to  a  general 
Convention  at  Worms :  and,  in  this  Assembly,  the 
Porphyrogenitus,  all  rivals  removed,  was  unani- 
mously accepted  as  King.  The  Second  Otho 
had  scarcely  attained  his  seventh  year,  and, 
though  the  postulation  of  his  Royal  Father  was 
j^^d  implicitly  and  cheerfully  obeyed,  the  Germans 
St  oiX&s,  were  astounded  at  the  tender  age  of  the  new 
jt  aSSU  Monarch.  But  there  was  no  hesitation  either 
in  giving  assent  or  completing  the  inauguration ; 
the  boy  was  conducted  with  great  reverence  to 
Aix-la-Chapelle.  The  Crown  was  dropped  upon  his 
infantine  brows  by  his  uncles,  the  Archbishops 
Bruno  and  William ;  and  now,  Otho  set  forth  for 
Italy,  complying  with  the  call  he  had  received. 
960-  §  17.    The  younger  Otho's  Coronation  per- 

Otho^B  6utty 

JJJJJJ2S    fected,  the  Emperor  designate,  conducted  his 
KKEf-*  army  southwards,  entering  Lombardy  through 

reftttes  to 

{*£**  the  Tridentine  Marches.  Adalbert,  prepared  to 
meet  him,  had  assembled  formidable  forces.  It 
was  reported  that  they  amounted  to  sixty  thou- 


960— 
May  26.- 
Otho'a  only 
iOirlTing 
•on  by  Ade- 


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RICHABD  SANS  PEUR.  671 

sand  men,  but,  the  larger  the  army  the  worse  ««-*7 
for   Berenger.      The    nobles  under    Adalbert  - — * — . 

°  965— IMS 

declared  they  would  not  any  longer  obey  his 
father.  Abdication,  effected  or  promised,  might 
have  been  prudent ;  but  Berenger's  conduct  in 
this  strait,  compels  us  to  render  an  honour  to  his 
valour,  which  we  deny  to  his  moral  character. 
He  made  a  brave  defence,  nor  was  his  Consort 
less  resolute. 

Compelled,  as  we  are,  to  view  the  scene  from  ****** 


a  distant  point,  we  may  faintly  discern  the  de- -j**- 
posed  King  and  the  deposed  Queen,  keeping  SfSt* 


Otho  at  bay,  in  the  fastnesses  protected  by  lake 
and  mountain  where  they  respectively  took 
refuge.  Adalbert  also,  apart  from  his  father, 
continued  to  comport  himself  bravely.  But  the 
contest  was  hopeless.  They  were  compelled  to 
implore  Otho's  mercy.  Berenger,  his  wife,  and 
his  daughters,  were  considerately,  nay,  kindly 
treated  by  their  conqueror,  and  Berenger  died  in 
honourable  retirement  at  Bamberg.  As  for  Adal-  ^  Adalbert 
bert,  he  took  to  the  sea.    He  made  for  congenial  i^£2X, 

m*%A  marries 

Corsica ;  and  seems  to  have  become  a  Captain  of  Jjftjjgjy 
Pirates.  His  first  exploit  was  the  abduction  of orCh-OM- 
King  Otho's  chaplain,  and  we  are  almost  tempted 
to  believe  that  his  felucca  may  have  been  partly 
manned  by  Scandinavians.  But,  ultimately, 
Adalbert  settled  quietly  in  France,  marrying 
Gerberga,  the  daughter  of  Lambert,  Count  of 
Chalons,  and  by  her  he  had  a  son,  Otho,  or 


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672  LOUIS  d'outrembr,  lothaibe,  &c. 

*>i-**7   Otto-Guillaume,  who    afterwards    became  sole 
. — - — >  Count  of  Burgundy  and  King  of  Aries,  and  of 
whom  we  shall  hear  something  more  hereafter 
in  connection  with  Norman  history. 

The  last-mentioned  events  were  speedily 
though  not  immediately  accomplished,  and  we 
must  now  wind  up  the  main  skein  of  this  story. 
Adalbert's  forces  dispersed,  Otho  presented  him- 
self in  Lombardy,  not  as  a  foreign  invader,  but 
as  the  successor  of  the  Caesars,  coming  to  his 
own. — Otho,  who  had  repelled  the  Magyar  flood ; 
— Otho,  the  great  defender  of  the  Christian 
Commonwealth. 

The  constitutional  distinction  between  King 
of  Italy  and  Emperor  was  carefully  maintained 
so  long  as  the  Holy  Eoman  Empire  subsisted, 
and,  it   was  in  the  first  capacity  that  Otho 
appeared  at  Milan.      Received  by  the  Arch- 
bishop Walbert  in  the  Basilica  of  Santo  Ambro- 
gio,  the  ceremonial  testified  the  rights  apper- 
taining to  the  Lombard  Monarchy.    The  Royal 
ot<g*-«ra  insignia,  battle-axe  and  baldric,  lance  and  sword, 
2SSS^7    were  displayed  upon  the  altar,  whilst  the  Crown 
*m12U   was  imposed  upon  the  Sovereign's  head  by  the 
J^S*     Archbishop.     All  the  Dukes  and  Princes  and 
now*.      Marquises,  Nobles  of  higher  estate,  and  Capitanes 
and  Vavassors  of  lower  degree,  rendered  their 
homage  to  Otho  as  their  immediate  Sovereign. 
The  festival  of  the  Nativity  was  celebrated  at 
Pavia,  and  Otho  and  his  Queen  then  proceeded 
to  the  City  of  the  Seven  hills. 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  673 

Accompanied  by  the  Clergy,  the  Senators  and  **-** 
Magistrates  of  the  Eepublic  came  forth  to  accept  *m2*£* 
their  Emperor.    We  are  told  how,  upon  these 
solemn  occasions,  the  revered  standards  of  the 
Legions,  treasured,  without  doubt,  in  the  massy- 
walled  ^Erarium  beneath,  were  brought  out  from 
the  Capitol,  such  as  we  see  them  imaged  on  the 
winding  spirals  of  the  sculptured  Column  or  the 
frieze  of  the  triumphal  Arch.     The  vast,  many  *J5i. 
terraced,  mountainous  Palace  of  the  Caesars —  AdeLSfe 

'  enter  Bob 

here,  deeply  caverned  by  the  gigantic  vaulted 
halls,  such  as  might  befit  the  brethren  of 
Enceladus — and  there,  emulating  Babylon's 
Seven-zoned  tower,  decaying,  yet  glorious,  stood 
ready  to  receive  Otho  and  his  lovely  Adelaide. 
We  yet  read,  in  the  very  remarkable  ritual  of 
these  solemnities,  that,  pursuant  to  traditionary 
usage,  the  yet  uncrowned  Caesar  should  be  lodged 
in  the  stately  chamber  of  Augustus,  whilst  the 
more  splendid  apartment  of  Livia,  still  adorned 
by  the  tarnished  reliques  of  past  magnificence, 
was  assigned  to  the  Empress.  Thundering  accla- 
mations welcomed  Otho  and  Adelaide  as  they 
traversed  the  City.  The  successor  of  Saint 
Peter  advanced  to  greet  the  successor  of  Charle- 
magne :  and  the  Coronation,  the  Feast  of  the 
Purification  coinciding,  was  celebrated  with 
unprecedented  solemnity.  By  the  Pope,  Otho  -otho «. 
was  proclaimed  Emperor  and  Augustus:  and, ^^JJJJIJ? 
from  the  Pope's  hands,  he  received  the  Imperial  $u!TJolul 

VOL.  II.  x  x 


903-2  Feb. 


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674  LOUIS  ITOUTREMER,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

wa-wr  Crown.  The  Pontiff,  as  well  as  the  whole  Roman 


'gsi-lwa'  P^PH  t00^  *^e  oat^1  °f  fidelity ;  and  Otho  reci- 
The  pontup  procated,  by  granting  and  re-granting  to  the  Papal 

and  Roman 

SS%btf  See  all  the  dominions  which  the  Primatial  Chair 
*tl<7*       of  Christendom  had  at  any  time  held,  and  more. 
All  the  endowments  bestowed  by  Pepin  and 
Charlemagne,  and  Louis-le-Debonnaire,  were  con- 
firmed,— Rome,  to  wit,  and  the  Exarchate  of 
Ravenna, — various  towns  and  regions   of  the 
Pentapolis, — numerous  cities  and  domains  in  the 
Campagna,  and  the  Lombard  Duchies  of  Spoleto 
oth^.    and  Benevento. — Corsica  was  added,  Sicily  also, 

proeatefby 

22*™j£;   as  appurtenant  to  the  Empire,  though  occupied 
^^^by  the  Saracen.    The  Election  of  the  Pontiff 
j££™c7t  was  to  be  conducted  according  to  the  Canon 
law ;  banishment  being  denounced  as  the  punish- 
ment of  any  offender  who  might  disturb  the 
freedom  of  suffrage. 

But  the  Emperor  vigilantly  asserted  his  rights. 
Only  the  usufruct  of  the  ceded  territories  passed  to 
the  Pope.  A  mixed  Commission,  composed  of  Im- 
perial Judges  adjoined  to  the  Pontiff's  nominees, 
was  permanently  established.  All  complaints  of 
maladministration  were  to  be  examined  before 
this  Tribunal  j  and,  if  the  Pope  did  not  afford  a 
congruous  remedy,  the  duty  of  rectifying  the 
abuse  was  to  be  exercised  by  the  Emperor. 
This  appellate  jurisdiction  afforded  the  strongest 
testimony  of  the  Imperial  superiority.  -The  re- 
servation was  clenched  by  the  concluding  clause 
of  the  Charter,  that  nothing  therein  contained 


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M4-95S 


BICHABD  SANS  PEUB.  675 

was  to  derogate  from  the  Emperor's  prerogatives. 
The  original  document,  written  in  characters  of 
gold,  and  whilom  deposited  in  the  Castle  of  St. 
Angelo,  has  disappeared,  and  the  very  antient 
transcripts  preserved  in  the  Vatican  may  not  be 
faithful  to  the  letter:  but  notwithstanding  the 
acute  objections  raised  by  Catholic  critics,  or  the 
stern  judgments  passed  by  Protestant  antagonists, 
we  must  admit  that  the  "  Diploma  Othonis  Magni" 
affords  satisfactory  evidence  of  the  relations  then 
subsisting  between  the  Pontiff  and  the  Para- 
mount Sovereign. 

g  18.  OTHO  was  thus  pursuing  his  eventful 
career  during  the  last  agonies  of  his  Brother- 
in-law's  anxious  reign. — Had  the  King's  demise 
occurred  whilst  the  family  dissensions  were 
raging,  Otho,  however  urgently  required,  could    «4- 


not  have  taken  any  share  in  the  affairs  of  France.  JS  jSS 
As  yet,  he  had  not  triumphed :  but,  the  pacifi-  SS^m 
cation  of  Germany  effected,  he  was  fully  able  %££>** 
to  answer  Gerberga's  call. 

Louis,  sometimes  rallying,  yet  slowly  sink- 
ing, long  must  his  death  have  been  anticipated 
by  friend  and  foe.  Indeed,  the  Normans  had 
been  awaiting  the  event,  day  by  day,  ever  since 
the  Bout  of  Rouen.  Even  then,  they  boasted 
that  the  disappointment  had  as  good  as  killed 
him.  The  vaticination  was  tardily  accomplished, 
but  it  was  something  to  look  for.  The  discom- 
fort of  suspense,  when  our  desires  are  delayed,  is 

XX  2 

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676  LOUIS  iyOUTREMER,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

«*-w7  not  always  without   compensation.      Amongst 


954-855 


the  pleasures  of  hope,  that  of  auguring  ill  fortune 
to  those  we  hate,  is  not  by  any  means  the  least ; 
and  the  King's  protracted  decay  had  enabled  all 
parties  to  prepare  for  the  contingency. 
G«*erg»  Gerberga's  forethought,  affection,  talents,  all 

b£ae»*and  appeared  instantly  in  action.  —  Soon  as  the 
Gr23Eh4°"  funereal  rites  had  ended,  swift  messengers  were 
despatched  on  their  several  roads  to  Otho  and  to 
Bruno,  and  equally  to  Hugh,  praying  their  con- 
joint countenance  and  fraternal  support. — Otho, 
though  he  had  not  yet  attained  the  culminating 
point  of  his  prosperity,  really  commanded  the 
fortunes  of  France.  Hugh-le-Grand  had  become 
trt£££&  his  vassal.  Could  or  would  Otho  forget  the 
£*££*  homage  rendered  in  the  Palace  of  Attigny  ?  He 
might  maintain,  and  not  unreasonably,  that 
Charlemagne's  pre-eminence  appertained  to  the 
Monarch  who  literally  occupied  Charlemagne's 
Throne.  Otho  styled  himself  Rex  Francorum, 
a  title  so  happily  ambiguous,  that  it  could  be 
consistently  construed  as  challenging  the  do- 
minion of  the  Gauls,  and  yet  as  easily  explained 
away.  But  deeds,  however,  speak  more  decisively 
than  words :  and,  through  the  whole  tenour  of 
his  conduct,  he  distinctly  asserted  his  ascen- 
dancy over  the  Realm. 

Many  previous  movements  made  by  Otho 
had  been  dictated  by  the  apprehensions  now 
realized;   and  he  immediately  adopted  efficient 


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KICHABD  SANS  FEUB.  677 

measures   for   securing   Lothaire's   succession,    «m-«t 
Pending    these    transactions,    Bruno,    though  '^^ 
scarcely  of  canonical  age,  but  recommended  by 
his  illustrious  birth,  his  brilliant  talents,  his 
extensive  learning,  and  his  indefatigable  energy, 
was  called  by  the  unanimous  voice  of  the  Citi-  f™;^ 
zens  to  the  ArchiepiscopaJ  Throne  of  Cologne.  ttcX£?£ 
Otho  truly  rejoiced  in  this  elevation,  probably 
suggested  it.    If  Bruno  had  transgressed  against 
Otho,  the    noble  minded    Sovereign  not  only 
forgave  the  error,  but  accepted  his  brother  as 
his  most  confidential  friend  and  minister. 

In  these  capacities,  the  newly  appointed  Arch- 
bishop, as  directed  by  Otho,  forthwith  proceeded 
to  the  appointed  place  of  meeting,  accompanied 
by  the  chief  Princes  and  Nobles  of  Lotharingia, 
nay,  some  also  from  Germany ;  and  supported  by 
a  military  force  sufficient  to  inspire  respect  for  his 
authority.   Either  now,  or  shortly  afterwards,  the  otho 

despatches 

young  and  strenuous  Archbishop  received  a  com-  SEE^* 
mission  from  Otho  to  maintain  tranquillity  in  the  *  Frmnce" 
French  Kingdom,  an  order  given  so  stringently, 
that  he  felt  he  was  personally  responsible  for  the 
same.    This  important  fact  is  collected  from  an 
incidental  notice  given  by  worthy  Eudiger,  who 
composed  the  Archbishop's  biography,  or  rather 
eulogium,  about  ten  years  after  his  death. — 
Whilst  performing  his  labour  of  love,  this  valuable 
writer  affords  ample  particulars  concerning  his 
Patron's  life  and  conversation  as  a  Prelate,  yet 
the  very  active  share  the    Prince-Archbishop 


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678  LOUIS  DWJTKEMER,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

**-«7  took  in  secular  affairs  is  related  obscurely  and 
'^^  perfunctorily.  Concerning  the  many  —  very 
many — portions  of  the  Archbishop's  career, 
which  a  grateful  friend,  jealous  for  the  honour  of 
his  Patron,  might  wish  to  forget,  Rudiger  is 
discreetly  silent. 
Septra.  §  19.    Such    was    Qerberga's    moral    and 

Aisembly  of 

5i£T«£k  political  influence,  that  all   conformed  to  her 
'£?£*"*'  wishes,  or  obeyed  her  commands.    The  Three 

electing  the  y 

Sfci5Sy.pp*  Nations  of  the  Gauls,  according  to  the  antient 
Tripartite  division — represented  by  the  "  Princes 
and  the  leaders  of  the  Realm" — such  being  the 
phraseology  employed  by  the  Chroniclers — were 
assembled  at  Rheims  for  the  purpose  of  affording 
their  sanction  to  the  accession  of  their  Sovereign. 
Concerning  the  "  Presence,"  our  notices  are, 
as  usual,  very  brief  and  obscure.  The  circum- 
stances being  matters  of  universal  notoriety,  the 
Chronicler  probably  considered  that  details  were 
not  needed, — a  mistaken  economy,  which  has 
often  deprived  us  of  valuable  historical  informa- 
tion. Gallia  Celtica  is,  on  this  occasion,  quoted 
under  the  name  of  Burgundy,  for  the  latter 
appellation,  taken  widely,  was  considered  as  a 
modern  denomination  of  the  antient  Province. 
The  ecclesiastical  divisions  of  the  Archiepiscopal 
and  Episcopal  Sees,  presented  the  archaic  admi- 
nistration continuously  before  the  public  mind. 
Moreover,  other  forcible  traditions  of  pristine 
nationality    were    preserved   in   that    Region. 


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RICHARD  BANS  PEUR.  679 

Thus  the  Chief  magistrate  of  Autun,  the  Vierg,  w-«y 
or    Vergobret,  continued  to  be  designated  by 
his  Celtic  title — a  title  retained  through  every 
convulsion— even  until  the  Kevolution. 

In  these  States-general  of  France,  Gerberga 
presided.  The  proceedings  are  hinted  rather 
than  reported.  As  a  Burgundian  Count,  we  may 
conjecture  that  Letholdus,  he  who  had  so  care- 
fully nursed  the  suffering  Louis,  cordially  sup- 
ported the  cause  of  his  son. 

The  loyalty  of  the  Aquitanians,  though  tepid, 
was  tolerably  steady,  partly  elicited,  however, 
by  their  opposition  to  Hugh-le-Grand.  Their 
Princes  unquestionably  gave  attendance. 

Belgic  Gaul  might  have  been  adequately  repre- 
sented by  Hugh-le-Grand  alone ;  though  we  can 
scarcely  doubt  but  that  the  Vermandois  Princes 
were  present.  As  for  the  Norman  Richard,  he 
did  not  concern  himself  about  the  matter. 

But  a  fourth  Electoral  College— perhaps  more  ggj*^ 
influential  at  this  juncture  than  any  other,  though  £? 
completely  unprecedented — was  constituted  byjj* 
the  Princes  of  Lorraine.    As  now  held  by  Otho, 
Lotharingia  included  a  very  extensive  section  of 
Gallia  Belgica :  and  he,  without  enquiring  whether 
the  more  or  the  less  of  that  Royal  Duchy  apper- 
tained   to    Charlemagne's    descendants    or   to 
Charlemagne's  political  successors,  treated  the 
Lotharingian    Magnates   as   fully    entitled    to 
share  in  the  transaction.      At  their  head,  ap* 


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054—065 


680  LOUTS  iyOUTREMER,  LOTHA1RE,  &C. 

«*-<»7  peared  Archbishop  Bruno,  Duke  or  Governor  of 
Lorraine,  and  Lieutenant  of  the  German  King, 
and  the  Lorrainers  were  reinforced  by  a  deputa- 
tion selected  from  the  Princes  of  the  German 
tongue.  They  therefore  took  their  seats  in  the 
Convention  for  the  purpose  of  acting  with  the 
French  as  their  compeers,  or  rather  to  turn  the 
election.  Thus,  as  the  Council  of  Engleheim, 
before  which  Louis  had  pleaded,  exhibited  a 
novel  incorporation  of  the  great  Ecclesiastical 
Councils  of  Germany  and  of  France,  so  here,  in 
like  manner,  did  Otho  commence  a  fusion  be- 
tween the  Temporal  Estates  of  the  two  Realms. 

There  was  much  to  debate.    The  claim  of  the 

young  Lothaire  was  not  irrefragable.     Neither 

Doctrlne     theoretically  nor    practically  had  the  French 

3£&r     renounced  the  doctrine,  that  the  right  of  the 

character 

gt^renoh  Sovereign  resulted  primarily  from  the  popular 
will ;  and  we  know,  that  in  order  to  keep  up  their 
continual  claim,  the  form  of  voluntary  choice 
was  retained,  even  when  the  reality  was  aban- 
doned. 

There  is  not  a  single  example  adduced  in 
u  Franco-Gallia,"  that  precious  constitutional 
volume,  so  weighty,  though  so  concise,  which 
is  not  quoted  accurately.  Grave  authorities 
flourished  in  this  last  age  of  the  Carlovingian 
domination,  who  could  and  did  argue,  from  the 
very  events  which  had  introduced  the  Dynasty, 
that  the  rights  of  legitimacy  might  be  defeasible 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  681 

by  incompetence,  and  we  shall  hear  this  doctrine  **-** 
inculcated  from  the  mouth  of  the  highest  Prelate  « — * — > 

064    956 

in  the  Realm.    Descent  imparted  a  most  pow-  gjht-of 
erful  inchoate  right,  yet,  if  the  inheritance  was  SX^Sby 
in  danger  of  falling,  or  had  fallen,  to  an  unworthy  peten^S" 
individual,  it  was  the  privilege  and  the  duty  of 
the  Nation  that  he  should  be  rejected.    Admit 
that  the  Sovereign  might  be  allowed  to  designate 
his  Successor,  yet  the  King  could  not  reign 
otherwise  than  by  the  consent  of  the  Chiefs  of 
Church  and  State. — Bather  let  them  refuse  assent 
and  repudiate  the  nomination,  than  afterwards 
contemn  and  despise  the  Sovereign  whom  they 
had  made. 

Many  feelings  adverse  to  the  succession  were 
lurking  amongst  the  Prelacy  or  the  Aristocracy, 
but  they  were  repressed,  if  not  suppressed,  by 
Otho's  intervention.    The   actual  elevation   of 
Lothaire  to  a  partnership  in  the  Eoyal  authority, 
made  by  the  departed  Louis,  was  neither  acknow- 
ledged nor  contradicted.    And  thus  through  the 
favour  and  countenance  of  Hugh-le-Grand  and 
Archbishop  Bruno,  supported  by  the  acclaim  of 
the   assembly,  was  the  young  Lothaire,  then  Jigjjfc*4- 
somewhat  about  fourteen  years  of  age,  called  kE^" 
to  the  throne:  and  accordingly,  his  charters  of^*j2 
donation,    testifying   his  veneration  for    Saint1 
Bemigius,  bear  record,  how  in  the  Primatial 
Basilica  of  the  Gauls,  he  was  elected  by  all  the 
Peers  of  France,  and  crowned  with  the  royal 


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682  LOUIS  ITOUTOEMEB,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

ui-tfr  diadem,  by  Archbishop  Artaldus.  The  first  act 
« — • — *  of  state  performed  by  Lothaire  was  very  signifi- 
cant. He  granted  to  Hugh-le-Grand  the  Duchies 
of  Burgundy  and  Aquitaine :  and  Lothaire  and 
Gerberga  were  then  solemnly  and  honourably 
conducted  to  their  Eoyal  City,  the  Rock  of  Laon. 

©5^-«55         it  should  seem,  that  Lothaire  and  the  Queen- 

The  Royal  7  ^ 

lSEL"     mother    continued   at   Laon   till  the    ensuing 
2*^    Spring.    The  once  flourishing  Royal  family  was 
SELF1*6  now  reduced  to  three  individuals — Gerberga  the 
Widow,  Lothaire  the  Youngster,  and  the  infant 
Charles,  the  only  survivor  of  the  youngest  babes. 
But  the  little  child,  the  heir  to  misfortune,  was 
carefully  nursed  by  Gerberga,  whose  maternal  ten- 
derness must  have  often  rendered  her  thoughtful 
concerning  his  future  position.    The  once  favou- 
rite project  of  a  Norman  apanage  had  vanished. 
— No  provision  made  even  for  the  young  Prince's 
sustenance,  and  Gerberga  was  compelled  to  abide 
in  uncertainty  concerning  his  future  destiny. 
vOSr™        §  20.  Bruno  returned  to  Lorraine.    Nobles 

Podtion  3 

m&&  and  Prelates  each  sought  his  home;  Hugh-le- 
Grand  remained,  and,  without  any  effort,  re- 
sumed ostensibly  the  same  position  he  had  held 
when  Louis,  having  been  recalled  from  beyond 
the  sea,  obtained  the  Crown  by  Hugh's  prepon- 
derating advocacy ; — Hugh  therefore  stood  for- 
ward before  the  Nation  as  the  young  King's 
Protector, — keenly  vigilant, — his  inward  feelings 
disguised  by  his   outward  demonstrations  of 


Grand. 


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RICHARD  SANS  FEUR.  683 

affection.  Towards  Gerberga,  a  sister-in-law,  and  «*-** 
a  queen,  Hugh  conducted  himself  in  a  manner  t*jt 

955— ttM 

beseeming  her  station  and  his  own.  He  pre- 
sented himself  as  thoroughly  devoted  to  Lothaire 
and  Lothaire's  cause;  wisely  and  courteously 
guiding  the  youthful  Monarch,  and  never  quitting 
his  side. — But  Lothaire  was  fully  able  to  walk 
alone,  and  he  offers  the  same  example  of  preco- 
cious talent  which  had  been  exhibited  by  Richard. 

The  ill-favoured  young  King  never  could  be- 
come handsome  to  look  upon ;  his  sallow  cheeks 
never  filled  out;  nor  could  his  limp  limbs  be 
made  to  move  with  grace :  yet,  though  beset  by 
enemies  foreign  and  domestic, — treachery  with- 
out,— treachery  within, — treachery  in  the  gate, 
— treachery  in  the  way, — treachery  perhaps  by 
his  own  hearth-side, — and  some  say  still  nearer, — 
this  unfortunate  Monarch  during  the  worried 
reign  he  was  now  commencing,  manifested  powers 
fully  proving  that  he  was  not  to  be  contemned 
as  an  unworthy  son  of  his  energetic  Mother  and 
his  spirited  Sire. 

Hugh  advised  with  Gerberga,  courted  her,  ^k£& 
declared  his  anxiety  to  testify  his  loyalty :  and,  XJJc&S?^ 
displaying  his  power,  though  somewhat  osten-jjjj^ 
tatiously,  for  the  benefit  of  the  Royal  autho- SSS£.Wi 
rity,  urged  that  Lothaire,  accompanied  by  the 
Queen-mother,  should  effect  his  royal  progress 
throughout  his  domains.    Circuits  of  this  des- 
cription were  customary  upon  an  accession— 


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684  LOUIS  b'OUTREMEB,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

«*-**  useful,  as  being  the  means  of  gracefully  intro- 
» — * — »  ducing  the  King  to  his  people.  The  Bishops 
might  speak  on  behalf  of  the  Communities  who 
had  elected  or  accepted  them ;  and  whether  for 
the  objects  of  being  observed  or  of  observing, 
it  was  very  expedient  that  the  Sovereign  coming 
to  each,  should  make  his  joyeuse  entrte  into  the 
several  Cities  of  the  realm. 

Hugh-le-Grand  was  apparently  seeking  to 
prove,  that,  notwithstanding  his  vast  posses- 
sions and  privileges,  he  did  not  plan  any 
usurpation  upon  the  royal  supremacy.  First, 
the  Sovereigns  repaired  to  Hugh's  good  city  of 
Paris,  and  Hugh-le-Grand,  during  the  Paschal 
season,  entertained  his  illustrious  guests,  pro- 
bably in  his  Abbatial  Manse  of  Saint  Denis,  for 
many  days. 

Orleans  next  welcomed  the  Eoyal  party, 
and,  consulting  the  map,  we  may  imagine 
that  Hugh,  during  their  route,  did  not  omit 
to  display  his  dutiful  hospitality  at  his  Palace 
of  Dordogne. 
TMbwt,  Most  of  the  principal  Cities  and  Towns  in 

of  Cbartres, 

gj£™*jf   those  regions  were  visited  by  the  King ;  but  our 


056— 

April— May 
Lothaire 
at  Pari*. 


homage  to 
Lothaire. 


attention  must  be  especially  directed  to  Blois, 
and  Tours,  and  Chartres.  Here  Lothaire  re- 
ceived the  homage  of  the  crafty  Thibaut,  whose 
vigorous  old  age,  like  that  of  the  Flemish  Arnoul, 
was  a  proof  that  the  fatigues  of  government  are 
not  incompatible  with  extraordinary  longevity. 
Lothaire  must  have  shuddered  when  he  met  his 


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RICHABD  SANS  PEUB.  685 

father's  cruel  jailer ;  but  it  was  needful  that  these  aw-wr 
grudges  should  be  forgotten,  and  their  common 
interest  suggested  not  only  reconciliation,  but 
alliance.  —  Liutgarda,  erewhile  the  widow  of 
Guillaume  Longue-epee,  was  as  savage  against 
her  step-son  as  ever. — Constant  in  hatred  as  in 
love,  time  had  not  diminished  Gerberga's  pas- 
sionate antipathy ; — and,  against  their  common 
enemy  the  Norman,  there  was  thenceforward  a 
thorough  consentaneousness  of  feeling  between 
Gerberga  and  Lothaire,  and  Liutgarda  and 
Thibaut. 


This  portion  of  the  royal  visitation  having 


GqUImbm 
Tftte-d'- 


been  accomplished,  Lothaire,  with  Hugh-le-Grand  SSShSU. 
by  his  side,  prepared  to  cross  the  Loire  into 
Aquitaine,  at  least  as  far  as  Poitiers.  Guillaume 
Tete-d'etoupe  ought  to  have  been  loyal  to 
Lothaire ;  but  two  disturbing,  though  contradic- 
tory causes  probably  made  him  recalcitrate 
against  the  King,  the  latter  now  identified  with 
the  Duke  of  France, — his  near  connexion  with 
Richard  through  his  excellent  wife  Adela,  and 
the  strong  aversion  which  Aquitaine  entertained 
against  Hugh-le-Grand. 

On  approaching  Poitiers,  T6te-d'etoupe  was  g£ tsSSfc 
duly  summoned  to  certify  his  submission.  The  oj«d1™ 
sturdy  Duke  made  default.  The  Royal  army 
therefore  advanced,  and  when  they  presented 
themselves  before  the  City,  T6te-d'6toupe  was 
not  there.  Having  supplied  the  Place  with 
ample  means  of  defence,  he  retreated,  but  for 


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686  LOUIS  DfOUTREMER,  LOTHAIEE,  &C. 

M4-987  the  purpose  of  ulterior  movements.     Poitiers 
was  very  strong,  and  the  spirited  inhabitants 
fully  prepared  for  defence;    and  we  may  be 
assured  that  the  great  Cathedral  of  the  Patron 
of  the    City, — Saint   Hilary,  who,  as  Bishop 
and  Confessor,  still  retains  his  commemoration- 
day  in  our  Anglican  Calendar,  rendered  so  fami- 
liar by  the   Term  which  it  designates  —  was 
thronged  with  votaries.    Whatever  expectations 
the  French  might  have  formed  of  success,  by  cap- 
turing Duke  Guillaume's  person,  were  therefore 
baulked.      But    they    assaulted    Poitiers    the 
more  fiercely,  and  Poitiers   was   as  valiantly 
defended. 
S^r^e         The  noble  Monastery  of  Saint  Badegund  was 

Monastery  of  *  ° 

£d4iuuL  n0*  *^en  included  within  the  walls,  and  the 
structure  had  been  converted  into  a  fortress. 
Any  ecclesiastical  immunity  which  the  Cloister 
might  claim  was  suspended  by  the  military 
character  enforced  upon  the  Sanctuary.  Lo- 
thaire's  troops  surrounded  the  stronghold,  which 
was  taken  and  burnt.  Yet  no  advantage  was 
gained.  During  two  months  and  more  had  the 
siege  continued  unavailingly,  degenerating  into 
a  very  sluggish  blockade ;  provisions  began  to 
fail  in  the  camp,  and  the  French  were  compelled 
to  suspend  their  operations.  In  the  meanwhile, 
Guillaume  Tete-d'&oupe  was  in  full  activity, 
ranging  the  country  and  collecting  troops,  till 
he  was  able  to  become  the  assailant.  This 
movement,  though  bold,  and  not  inconsiderate, 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  687 

failed.  Lothaire  and  Duke  Hugh  gave  battle  to 
the  Poitevins,  whom  they  routed,  whilst  Tete- 
d'etoupe  saved  himself  by  flight. 

Lothaire,  having  folly  assumed  the  command,  £X£  2? 
he,  the  young  General,  determined  to  follow  up  ESS1 
the  advantage  by  renewing  the  siege.  The 
weather  was  extremely  sultry ;  a  terrible  thun- 
der-storm burst  upon  the  leaguer.  This  was  the 
very  season  when  Otho  was  slaughtering  the 
Magyars  on  the  Lech-feld.  Darkness  came  on ; 
and  during  the  dark,  a  driving  hurricane. — 
Hugh-le~Grand's  pavilion  rent  asunder  by  a 
whirlwind. — Besieged  and  besiegers  believed 
that  Saint  Hilary  was  protecting  his  flock.  The 
troops  were  terrified  by  the  portent,  which 
imparted  fresh  courage  to  their  opponents.  The 
dog-days'  heat  brought  on  disease;  and  Hugh- 
le-Graud,  much  disheartened,  but  concealing  his 
depression  by  affected  magnanimity,  induced 
Lothaire  to  grant  very  advantageous  conditions  to 
his  opponents — the  siege  should  be  raised. — 
Lothaire,  accompanied  by  the  Duke,  returned  to 
his  Bock  of  Laon,  and  Hugh  then  wended 
heavily  to  Paris. 

§  21.  Hugh-le-Grand  might  be  thought  to  have  jfifcj™ 
continued  advancing  in  prosperity.  Never  had  he 
stood  so  high. — No  longer  dreaded  and  hated  by 
the  Eoyal  family  in  the  character  of  a  traitorous 
enemy,  but  accepted  as  the  loving  kinsman  of 
the  young  King.  About  this  time,  Gilbert, 
Count  of  Dyon,   Hugh's  brother-in-law,   who 


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688  LOUIS  iyOUTBEMER,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 


054-067 
955-966 


had  so  cordially  agreed  with  him,  died,  and 
bequeathed  his  County  to  Otho,  Hugh's  second 
son, — an  important  consolidation  of  power, — yet, 
after  the  retreat  from  Poitiers,  no  good  fortune 
could  cheer  hia  heart.  Men  said  that,  since  the 
siege,  Hugh-le-Grand  was  never  seen  to  smile. 
The  storm  which  carried  away  his  pavilion  was 
accepted  by  him  as  a  bad  omen,  and  such  it  was ; 
for,  being  concurrent  with  declining  health,  this 
casualty — if  the  word  casualty  can  ever  be  used 
indifferently — by  working  upon  his  mind,  en- 
creased  his  malady  and  accelerated  his  decline. 
^  Although  Otho's  triumphant  sword  had  ex- 

K^je-  pelled  and  exterminated  the  Magyars,  yet  they 
SSSS?*  left  behind  them  a  legacy  of  evil.  As  usual, 
their  past  presence  had  dispersed  the  seeds  of 
future  contagion.  Destructive  pestilences  spread 
throughout  Germany  and  the  Gauls.  A  marvel- 
lous sign  appeared  in  the  heavens — a  fiery  Dragon 
swept  through  the  sky. — Hugh's  illness  became 
alarming.  Time  had  gained  upon  Hugh.  His 
existence  had  become  a  ceaseless  strife — never 
slacking  the  intensity  of  purpose  with  which  he 
pursued  the  one  object  to  which  his  life  had  been 
devoted.  All  his  mental  and  bodily  powers  kept 
on  full  stretch ;  now  in  the  dark,  and  now  in  the 
light  j — plotting,  planning,  truckling,  fighting — 
a  continued  agony,  never  knowing  peace  or  rest. 
His  weary  course  was  ending,  and  yet  it  was 
through  the  very  ending  of  the  course  that  he  con- 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  689 


054-097 
054-0M 


le- 
ftar* 


templated  accomplishing  his  heart's  desire.  From 
first  to  last,  Hugh-le-Grand  had  adhered  with  in- 
vincible firmness  equally  to  his  ambitious  yet  self- 
denying  vow,  and  to  the  determination  that  his 
posterity  should  inherit  the  Carlovingian  throne. 

The  Son  of  a  King,  the  Nephew  of  a  King, 
the  Brother  of  a  King,  who  had  never  desired  to 
become  a  King,  held  the  firm  and  unchangeable 
belief  that  he  was  appointed  to  be  the  father  of 
a  King:  yet,  despite  of  that  belief,  perplexed 
by  doubts  and  fears. 

Astute,  intelligent,  crafty,  silent,  his  son,  the 
young  Capet,  had  not  quite  attained  the  age  which 
would  enable  him  to  demand  his  predestined 
Monarchy.  No  sufficient  party  had  yet  been  gjjjjj 
organized  in  his  favour. — Chances  are  growing  tSJcpet 
adverse.  —  Gerberga,  Otho's  favourite  sister,  ft^.*6 
always  claiming  and  obtaining  his  aid,  the 
chroniclers  display  her  in  constant  connexion 
with  that  royal  brother, — Hadwisa  never  ap- 
pears upon  the  scene. — At  the  German  Court, 
no  notice  is  taken  of  Hugh  Capet,  whilst  Lo- 
thaire,  the  favourite  nephew,  appears  shielded  by 
the  Uncle's  supremacy.  Otho  respected  the 
rights  of  Charlemagne's  descendants,  and  thereby 
really  enhanced  his  own  dignity.  Crowned 
with  the  laurels  culled  on  the  Lech-feld, 
such  moderation  rendered  the  victorious  Com- 
mander a  more  efficient  defender  of  the  young 
King's  position,  even  than  his  military  power. 

Hugh-le-Grand  became  weaker;    he  could 

VOL.   IL  TT 


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690  LOUIS  &OUTBEMER,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

t54-w7  scarcely  take  meat  or  drink.  During  the  most 
* — - — .  pleasant  season  of  the  year,  the  spring-tide 
«56-  ripening  into  summer,  he  was  removed  from 
SEZl'l*.  P*™  to  ^s  P^ace  of  Dordogne  on  the  Orge, 
He^n»to  but  he  knew  his  last  hour  was  rapidly  approach- 
es Dordogne.  jng^  an(j  he  ordered  his  worldly  concerns. 

After  the  Bout  of  Rouen,  it  does  not  appear 
that  the  intercourse  between  the  Duke  of 
France  and  the  Norman  Richard  had  encreased. 
Abiding  in  undisturbed  amity,  and  neither 
needing  the  other,  they  had  not  drawn  nearer. 
Hugh-le-Grand  could  address  the  Duke  of  Nor- 
mandy as  his  bel-fitz,  whilst  Richard  might  speak 
respectfully  of  Duke  Hugh  as  his  bd-pdre.  But 
the  connexion  had  not  been  realized.  Whilst  the 
fair-faced  Damsel  was  growing  up  to  woman's 
estate  under  her  mother's  care,  Duke  Richard 
had  fully  reached  man's  estate  in  his  Grandsire's 
S?^b«t  Palace  at  Rouen.  It  is  more  than  doubtful 
Richer*  and  whether  the  young  and  amiable  couple,  so 
solemnly  betrothed,  had,  since  the  festive  be- 
trothal day,  ever  met  again. 

Richard  endured  the  lengthened  absence  of 
Emma  with  very  great  patience ;  abstaining  from 
manifesting  any  ardent  wish  that  the  French 
Princess  should  share  his  couch  at  Rouen.  And 
if  any  friend  had  pledged  himself  to  the  assu- 
rance that,  during  the  long  meanwhile,  the  fine 
young  Duke  had  always  conducted  himself  with 
strictly  edifying  propriety,  we  should  say,— rea- 
soning by  induction  from  the  facts  registered 


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RICHABD  SAKS  PEUB.  691 

concerning  Duke  Richard's  progeny, — a  bold  ^ **-**. 
mainpernour  was  he.  'm^W 

Notwithstanding  this  deficiency  of  affection 
between  the  Bridegroom  and  the  Bride,  no  of- 
fence arose  on  either  side.  No  coolness  ensued 
between  the  Duke  of  Normandy  and  the  Duke 
of  all  the  Gauls.  Their  mutual  friendship  con- 
tinued undiminished.  Hugh-le-Grand  felt  assured 
that  Kichard  would  prove  himself  the  young 
Capet's  faithful  and  honourable  Guardian. 
Having  therefore  called  together  Wife  and  Child-  g2?dJ£. 
ren,  Friends  and  Vassals,  Hugh-le-Grand  opened 'nowi* 

accelerate 

his  mind  to  them.  Anxiously  directing  their  atten-  SS^JJgr 
tion  to  the   espousals    between    his    daughter  ut*S?UL 

r  °  lector  and 

and  Richard,  he  besought  them  to  expedite  the  gKft^J 
completion  of  their  marriage.  His  eldest  daugh- chUdren* 
ter,  Beatrice,  had  recently  espoused  the  audacious 
Frederick,  the  founder  of  Bar-le-Duc.  Hadwisa 
and  his  boys  he  placed  under  the  protection  of 
his  future  Son-in-law,  and  besought  that  Richard 
might  govern  and  manage  the  inheritance  until 
the  steady  and  sagacious  Hugh  should  be 
old  enough  to  receive  the  degree  of  knighthood, 
when  his  nonage  would  be  considered  as  ended. 
During  such  minority,  Hugh-le-Grand  earnestly 
entreated  their  obedience  to  Richard,  who  would 
assuredly  fulfil  his  trust  affectionately  and  hon- 
ourably.— And  he  breathed  his  last  breath.    The  SSi*1, 

Grand's 

Royal  Abbey  of  Saint  Denis  received  his  corpse.  J^^ 
He  was  entombed  by  the  side  of  his  father 
Eudes,  in  a  sarcophagus  of  marble-stone. 

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692  LOUIS  POUTBEMER,  LOTHAIBE,  &C. 

•M-W7         §  23.    The  testamentary  disposition  which 
* — * — .  Hugh  thus  made  took  immediate  and  full  effect. 

956—960  ° 

Kichard  K  was  indeed  a  clever  and  bold  stroke  of  policy 
SSlE™  on  Hugh-le-Grand's  part,  so  to  oust  Lothaire 
JSJJS  from  the  right  of  wardship  which,  pending  the 
SSTSji&SL  children's  legal  infancy,  he,  as  Hugh-le-Grand's 


Suzerain,  would  have  been  entitled  to  claim. 
Richard  assumed  the  administration  of  the  Pro- 
vinces constituting  Hugh-le-Grand's  domains : 
and,  as  we  collect  from  the  language  of  his  foes, 
the  primal  Duchy  of  France,  no  less  than  the 
distant  Burgundy,  submitted  to  the  authority, 
or  at  least  the  control,  of  the  Guardian  whom  the 
father  had  appointed  for  the  heirs. 
gw^  Yet,  notwithstanding  all    these  encourage- 

S5K2E  ments,  the  vigorous  young  Richard  did  not  glow 
ri"**'  with  desire  to  "pree"  blonde  Emma's  roseate  lips 
or  press  her  lily  hand.  We  can  calculate  the 
very  tepid  temperature  of  his  amatory  feelings,  or 
rather  appreciate  the  extreme  difficulty  of  fanning 
the  spark  into  a  flame,  by  the  inducements  and 
the  provocations,  and  the  representations  and  the 
persuasions,  with  which  friendly  Advisers  beset 
Richard  and  besieged  the  apathetic  Bridegroom,  actuated 
j3j&*^  by  the  laudable  intent  of  spurring  him  on  to  ac- 
complish the  promise  he  had  made : — such  as  the 
long-enduring  friendship  between  him  and  his 
Protector,  the  late  Duke  Hugh, — the  calls  of  con- 
science,— the  obligations  of  honour, — Emma,  in 
the  full  pride  of  ripe  virginity, — her  accomplish- 


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MCHABD  BANS  PEUR.  693 

ments,  piety,  talents, — above  all,  the  danger  me-   aa-on 
nacing  Normandy,  should,  in  consequence  of  Rich-  * — * — * 
ard's  death  without  issue,  the  Ducal  lineage  fail. 

The  latter  argument  was  assuredly  a  proper 
form  of  speech  —  very  proper  to  be  used  — 
though  in  all  human  probability  unnecessary. 
We  have  every  reason  to  apprehend  that,  even  atH 
this  period  of  Richard's  adolescence,  adequate 
security  existed  against  such  a  national  calamity 
as  his  demise  without  some  one  or  more  lineal  heir 
or  heirs. — Heirs  of  his  body,  who  would  have 
been  fully  acknowledged  as  heirs  according  to  the 
liberal  standard  of  Norman  morality,  and  the  easy 
laws  of  inheritance  which  the  Normans,  unfet- 
tered by  Code  or  Canon,  enjoyed  according  to  the 
antient  liberties  of  their  Danish  ancestors.       ) 

Richard  received  the  counsel  graciously,  and, 
promising  conformity,  was  ultimately  as  good  as 
his  word ;  but  he  did  not  proceed  with  passionate 
alacrity.   A  considerable  halt  was  interposed  be- 
fore he  assented.   When  he  made  the  plunge,  the  tim^u* 
marriage  was  celebrated  with  due  solemnity.  All  gj^*™* 
the  high  Nobility  of  Normandy  and  Britany  at-  JSSl00" 
tended  according  to  the  bidding ;  and  Emma  was 
conducted  with  great  pomp  to  Rouen.  We  mainly 
owe  all  the  particulars  of  early  Norman  history 
to  the  Dean  of  Saint  Quentin's  diligence  and  care. 
But  Dudo,  recording  this  matrimonial  passage, 
labours    under    a    distressing    embarrassment. 
Whilst  expatiating  upon  the  magnificence  of  the 


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694  LOUIS  D>OUTREMERf  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 


054-087 
•56-967 


alliance,  and  duly  lauding  the  beauteous  Bride, 
he  is  compelled  to  pause,  and,  altering  his 
strain,  warns  his  readers  against  indulging  in  the 
expectation  that  Emma  was  to  become  the  future 
mother  of  Richard-le-Bon,  our  Richard  Sans 
Peur's  namesake,  son,  and  successor,  under  whose 
patronage  he  penned  his  prose,  and  received  the 
inspirations  for  his  verse. — 

§  24.  We  are  now  approaching  an  exciting 
era,  but,  ere  we  return  to  Richard,  we  must 
episodically  relate  many  signal  events  which, 
either  directly,  or  by  their  reaction,  exercised 
potent  influences  upon  Normandy  and  Nor- 
mandy's destiny. 
Ann*  of  First,  as  to  our  old  acquaintance,  Arnoul,  who, 

after  the  Rout  of  Rouen,  returned,  as  you  have 
been  told,  safe  and  sound,  men  and  cattle,  bag  and 
baggage,  to  his  own  country,  which  he  continued 
to  govern  with  encreasing  ability.  Time  matured 
his  wisdom,  yet  left  his  energy  unimpaired. 
He  displayed  his  shrewdness,  as  well  as  his 
generalship,  by  recovering  Herlouin's  County 
of  Ponthieu,  for  which  he  had  so  long  warred, 
thereby  extending  the  frontier  of  his  Flemish 
dominions  up  and  home  to  the  Norman  border. 

About  three  years  after  this  exploit,  being  then 
nearly  eighty-eight  years  of  age,  Arnoul  resigned 
his  County  or  Marquisate  in  favour  of  his  eldest 
son  Baudouin,  thus  named  after  his  illustrious 
ancestors,  Baudouin-bras-de-fer,  and  Baudouin- 


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9M-M7 


RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  695 

le-Chauve. — Very  touching  was  the  ceremony. 
Clad  in  his  golden  robe  of  estate,  Arnoul  came 
forward,  and  presented  himself  to  the  Burghers 
who  had  assembled  before  his  Palatial  Castle; 
the  Oudtbourg,  at  Ghent,  wherein  Charles-le- 
quint  was  born : — the  towered  portal-gate  of  this 
venerable  edifice,  dingy  and  crumbling,  is  still 
standing. — Arnoul   declared  his  intention,  that  An     *. 

°  tigni  his 

thenceforward  he  would  dedicate  his  remaining  {*£*£ 
days  to  the  duties  which  should  alone  engage  the  \StSS^ 
thoughts  of  those,  who,  like  him,  bowed  down  by 
age  and  pain,  were  awaiting  a  speedy  summons 
from  this  transitory  world.    To  his  natural  suc- 
cessor, the  third  Baudouin,  Arnoul  therefore  relin* 
quished  all  his  rights  in  and  over  Flanders,  and  all 
the  dependencies  thereunto  appertaining ;  beseech-  ■ 
ing  only  that  he  might  be  allowed  to  retain  the 
small  means  needed  for  the  support  of  a  poor  old 
man.    And,  divesting  himself  of  the  splendid  man- 
tle, and  investing  his  son  therewith,  he  appeared 
attired  in  mortuary  sable  of  the  saddest  die. 

The   silence, — as    we  are  told, — was  inter*  Bail^j^ 

Jevae  pro- 


mpted only  by  the  lamentations  and  waitings! 
of  the  multitude.  Baudouin,  historically  de-] 
nominated  "  Baudouin-le-Jeune,"  was  then  saluted 
and  proclaimed  as  Count  of  Flanders;  the 
Nobles  performed  homage,  and  the  multitude 
dispersed,  some  affected  with  sorrow,  but  others 
not  without  satisfaction  at  the  novel  prospect  of 
a  jolly  young  master. 

Could  they,    however,   have    foreseen    the 


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696  LOUIS  D'OUTEEMER,  LOTHAIRB,  &C. 

954-9*7   future,  they  would  have  known  that  there  was 
. — - — »  no  urgent  call  at  the  then  present  moment  either 

956-967  °  r 

The  promu.  for  much  grief  or  much  exultation.     Assuredly 

lag  character  ° 

uSSSS^'  Baudouin  gave  promises  of  good  government    He 
acquired  additional  possessions,  encouraged  trade 
and  commerce,  established  fairs  and  markets,  and 
introduced  the  woollen  manufacture  in  his  chief 
cities,  thereby  laying  the  foundation  for  their 
future  opulence.     But,  scarcely  during  thrice  tea 
SS'do^e-  months,  did  he  enjoy  his  sovereignty  :  and  it  is  a 
thrill! ot  curious  pathological  fact,  that  Baudouin,  like  Lords 
d'Outremer,  fell  a  victim  to  the  variolous  con- 
tagion disseminated  by  the  Magyar  Hordes. — 
His  disposition  was  genial,  and  his  premature 
loss  was  mourned  as  a  national  misfortune. 
M1_  •        One  child  only,  did  the  lamented  Baudouin 
gw2!  iotor  leave,  Arnoul  the  Second,  then  scarcely  ten  years 
SXSt"  °ld,  who,  upon  his  grandfather's  nomination  was 
^^    accepted  as  Count  of  Flanders ;  but,  during  his 
wmnUhip-    grandson's  tender  age,  the  energetic  veteran, 
though  racked  by  pain,  acted  as  Regent  on  the 
infant's  behalf.    Arnoul  had  then  exceeded  his 
ninth  decennary, — and  it  is  quite  possible  that 
he  might  have  numbered  a  century,  had  he  sub- 
mitted to  the  operation  boldly  suggested  by  his 
chirurgeons,  who  fully  anticipated  a  successful 
result.     Calculous  complaints  seem  to  have  been 
common  in  the  Country,  and  it  was  thought  that 
he  would  have  received  encouragement  from  the 
example  of  sixteen  fellow-sufferers,  completely 


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BICHABD  SANS  PEUR.  697 

relieved  by  lithotomy.   But  Arnold  refused.  The 

old  man's  resolution  failed;   he  dared  not  en-   ^^ 

7  056— 067 

counter  the  agony.   The  consequences  were  fatal,    «65- 

97  March— -• 

And,  having  attained  the  patriarchal  age  of  ninety-  £j£*e_ 
two,  he  died,  and  in  the  Abbey  of  Saint  Pierre-  Xn^JSL 
lez-Gand  he  was  buried.    In  his  Charters  hele-J«mM- 
was  somewhat  boastingly  accustomed  to  style 
himself  Arnulphus  Magnus,  but  posterity  did  not 
ratify  this  assumption ;  and  it  is  by  the  epithet, 
so  truly  applied,  as  resulting  from  his  longevity, 
that  Amoul-le-  Vieux  is  commemorated  in  history. 
§  25.  Eenewed  activity  in  France, — the  con- 
sequence of  the  cordial  understanding  between 
Otho  and  Lothaire.     So  long  as  Hugh-le-Grand 
lived,  Hadwisa,  the  mother  of  his  children,  is 
rarely  named.    But  we  now  find  her  closely  con- 
sorting with  her  sister,  noble  Gerberga  and  her 
young  nephew ;  whilst  Gerberga  became  more  and 
more  dependent  upon  Archbishop  Bruno's  aid. 
The  French  Court  was  miserably  impoverished. —  £?£*2 
Save  staged  Compiegne,  Lothaire  did  not  hold, Court 
beyond  the  walls  of  Laon,  a  Mansus  he  could  call 
his  own. 


Oei  beige  de- 
prived of  her 


Beinier,  Count  of  Hainault,  third  of  the  name, 
brother  of  Count  Gilbert,  grandson  of  Reinier  £aiS 
Long-col,  no  less  aspiring  than  his  Ancestor,  H*iMnlt- 
had  despoiled  his  sister-in-law,  Gerberga,  of  the 
ample  dotal  domains  bestowed  by  her  first 
husband,  the  bold  swimmer.  The  recovery  of 
this  property  was  an  important  object ;  and  the 


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698  LOUIS  mHJTEEMER,  LOTHAIBE,  &C. 

*4-*7   mode  whereby  Gerberga   regained  her  rights 
* — * — i  constitutes  an    episode  upon  which  Richerius 
dwells  with  characteristic  pleasure,  inasmuch  as 
the  feat  was  effected  by  his  wily  father,  Raoul. 
t^SS!1"       Alice,   Countess  of    Hainault,   daughter  of 
wBe^JT'the  Count  of  Egisheim,  was  one  of  the  many 

entrusted  to  °  '  ** 

IvZLlF  wise,  pious,  and  helpful  matrons  who  abounded 
during  this  era.  There  is  a  complete  galaxy 
of  such  ladies  in  France,  and  in  Germany, 
and  in  Anglo-Saxon  England.  To  this  Alice, 
Reinier  had  confided  the  government  of  his 
Capital,  "Mons,"  as  the  Romanized  Belgian 
gave  the  name,  but  known  by  those  of  the 
Vlaemsche-taal  as  "  Bergen." 

Countess  Alice  occupied  the  Castle  with  her 
two  little  children.  The  fortifications  needed 
additions,  and  she  had  undertaken  the  double 
duty  of  superintending  the  erection  of  the  new 
Buildings  and  also  exercising  the  needful  mili- 
tary command.  A  respectable  body  of  troops, 
two  "  Cohorts,"  had  been  entrusted  to  RaouPs 
command,  but  the  strong  and  advantageously 
situated  Castle  defied  these  forces,  and  he  was 
probably  the  better  pleased  to  be  under  the 
necessity  of  exerting  his  ingenuity. 

The  Castle  being  very  vigilantly  guarded, 
two  of  RaouPs  merry  men,  accustomed  to 
such  pranks,  disguising  themselves  as  rustics, 
craved  work,  got  it,  and  were  employed  with  hod 
and  basket  to  carry  stone  and  mortar.  Once  in , 
they  had    full  opportunity    of  spying   about. 


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BICHARD  BANS  PEUR.  699 

Amongst  those  most  tender  precepts  given  by   qm-wj 
the  Almighty,  protecting  the  rights  of  poverty,  - — A — » 
many  then  enforced  by  the  Church,  and  which,  if 


Stratagem  l>7 

obeyed  by  Civilization,  would  relieve  the  miseries  j£*g££5 
now  rendering  the  life  of  the  modern  Proletarian  SSieriS^t- 

•ion  of  Mop*- 

a  protracted  death-anguish,  none  more  applicable 
in  all  stages  of  society  than  the  injunction,  that 
the  Sun  shall  not  go  down  upon  the  Poor  man's 
hire,  prohibiting  the  withholding  of  the  earnings 
on  which  he  sets  his  heart,  the  means  of  obtaining 
his  daily  bread.  Each  Workman  received  his 
denarius  day  by  day.  Moreover,  in  conformity 
to  the  kindly  spirit,  which,  dictated  by  pious 
feeling,  alleviated  the  harshness  of  aristocracy, 
the  Countess  headed  the  board  where  the  Work- 
men took  their  food ;  and,  all  labour  ceasing  on 
the  eve  of  the  day  of  rest,  the  Workmen  departed. 

Her  benignity  was  ungratefully  requited ;  but 
Raoul's  men  were  bound  to  stand  faithful  to  their 
own  master.  Having  become  well  acquainted  with 
all  the  entries  and  all  the  sorties  of  gates  and 
towers,  Raoul,  instructed  by  his  agents,  surprised 
the  Castle,  fired  the  City,  captured  the  garrison, 
seized  the  Countess  and  her  children,  whom  he 
placed  in  Gerberga's  custody;  and,  possessed 
of  these  pledges,  Archbishop  Bruno  compelled 
rapacious  Reinier  to  disgorge  his  prey,  and  he 
died  a  pitiable  exile. 

The  Prelate  passed  on  to  an  enterprise 
of  greater  magnitude,  from  which  important 


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700  LOUIS  XyOUTBEMER,  LOTHAIBE,  &C. 

European  relations  germinated,  centuries  after. 
Much  had  he  trusted,  in  troublesome  Lotharingia, 
to  Immo,  an  old  adherent  of  the  Saxon  line ;  but 
SllSJSn-  discontent  was  surdly  arising. 

Without  being  able  to  ascertain  the  exact  legal 
or  political  cause,  we  know,  that  even  in  compara- 
tively modern  eras,  the  Lotharingian  Nobles  en- 
joyed greater  independence  than  their  compeers 
in  any  other  Circle  of  the  Empire.  Prelate,  States- 
man, and  Warrior,  Otho's  brother  determined  to 
bridle  their  power,  and  he  dismantled  their  for- 
tresses.   The  Owners  were  deeply  aggrieved. 
The  common  people,  though  probably  not  very 
sympathetic  with  the  aristocracy,  were  neverthe- 
less equally  excited.    Like  the  Deer,  scenting 
the  Stalker,  they  sagaciously  snuffed  new  taxes 
in  the  wind. — A  great  rebellion  broke  out   Iramo 
headed  the  insurrection.    Sternly  decisive  was 
Bruno,  and  the  movements  which  threatened  the 
Imperial  authority  were  completely  put  down. 
H!ftori<»i  Battles  and  treaties — acquisitions  and  ces- 

^^•-  sions — losses  and  gains — risings  of  the  waters  and 
depressions  of  the  land — political  and  natural 
alterations  and  disturbances  combining, — have 
rendered  the  historical  geography  of  Lorraine  ex- 
ceedingly complicated, — very  difficult  either  to  de- 
lineate or  to  describe.  We  do  not  possess  much 
literary  assistance  in  this  portion  of  our  task; 
for  the  fragmentary  history  of  "Lotharingia," 
whether  we  accept  the  name  in  the  wider,  or  the 
more  limited  sense,  has  not  received  the  elucida- 


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MCHAED  SANS  FEUB.  701 

tion  which  the  theme  deserves;  and  a  region  «-•« 
important  alike  to  the  Germans  and  the  French 
has  been  neglected  by  the  indefatigable  diligence 
of  the  first,  and  the  critical  and  acute  assiduity 
of  the  last. 

Stating  the  matter  roundly  and  broadly,  we  £££&** 

Bruno's 

may  say  that  the  territories  bestowed  upon  the 
Archbishop  by  Otho,  gained  through  policy,  or 
conquered  by  generalship  or  valour,  consisted  of 
the  mediaeval  and  modern  Duchies  and  Counties  of 
Alsace,  Lorraine,  Bar,  Luxembourg,  Limbourg, 
Juliers,  Hainault,  Namur,  Guelderland,  Zealand, 
Holland,  and  Friesland ;  and  the  Provinces  of  the 
"Trois  Evech6s," — Metz,  Tulle,  and  Verdun, — so 
famous  in  the  age  of  Louis-Quatorze.  Another 
mode  whereby  those  who  are  somewhat  familiar 
with  the  territorial  organization  of  the  antient 
German  Churches,  may  obtain  a  general  notion 
of  Bruno's  government,  will  be  to  consider  his 
authority  as  extending  throughout  the  Arch- 
bishoprics of  Cologne,  and  Treves  and  Mayence. 
Also  the  whole  magnificent  Arch-diocese  of 
Utrecht;  then  including  the  entirety  of  the 
United  Netherlands,  and  also  "  free  Friesland " 
— that  Anglo-Saxondom  beyond  the  Sea, — yet  not 
as  they  now  exist,  but  then  including  vast  sub- 
merged tracts,  which  neither  the  natural  shores 
nor  the  failing  dykes  were  adequate  to  defend 
against  the  devouring  waves. 

These  acquisitions  constituted  a  Duchy  corn- 


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702  LOUIS  D-OUTREMEB,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

M4--tte7   nianding  the   whole   Rhine    stream,  —  narrow, 
'm^-m  widening,  or  widest — months  and  banks   and 
SutaShft  estnaries ; — from  the  rapids  and  echoes  of  spec- 
|«ri^of  the  tral  Lureley,  even  until  the  disappearance  of 
SZSh^uthe  mighty  but  divided  flood,  amongst  sands 
and  shallows  and  shoals,  and  the  surging  seas. 
Bruno  was  in  effect  March-Warden  of  the  whole 
maritime  coast,  from  the  Scheldt  to   the  Sear- 
lands  and  the  Islands,  so  far  east  as  the  mouth 
of  the  Weser. 

Bruno,  governing  the  great  battle-field  of 
modern  Europe,  was  placed  in  a  situation  of  pe- 
culiar responsibility.  His  vigilance  was  not  only 
specially  due  to  the  conterminous  countries,  but 
also,  generally,  to  the  Christian  Commonwealth 
at  large.  He  was  entrusted  with  the  litigious 
outposts,  liable  to  bear  the  brunt  against  the 
most  dreaded  enemy :  and,  upon  his  vigilance, 
depended  the  security  of  the  extensive  littoral 
and  the  numerous  adjoining  islands  within  the 
channels  claimed  or  owned  by  Germany  or  by 
France.  Whether  on  the  sea-board  or  the  fresh 
water  shores,  the  dread  of  the  Danes  was  never 
wholly  absent,  their  outrages  were  ever-living 
con.Lt  aP.  traditions  ;  any  day  or  any  night  might  the  Noble 

prehension* 

tatE  or  the  Peasant  talk  or  dream  of  the  summer 
harvests  burning  in  the  ricks,  or  the  rigid 
corpses  swinging  on  the  frozen  boughs.  And  the 
terrors  which  haunted  the  Italian  and  Spanish 
shores  in  the  days  of  Dragutte  and  Barbarossa 


quarter  not 

unreal 

able. 


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BICHAED  SANS  PEDR.  703 

were  tolerable,  when  compared  with  the  horrors  **-«* 
still  excited  by  the  representative  of  the  old  Sea- 
Kings — Harold  Blaatand  in  Ml  vigour,  his  people 
always  ready  for  the  fight,  their  battle  axes  slung. 
Some  of  the  Danes  are  said  to  have  been  converted 
by  Bruno,  but  such  hungry  Neophytes  required  to 
be  more  narrowly  observed  than  if  they  had  con- 
tinued unprofessing  Pagans. — And — always  com- 
prehended in  the  category  of  Pirates,  and,  none 
more  dreaded, — because  the  nearest — than  the 
grandson  of  Hollo.  Nor  were  these  anxieties 
without  foundation. — Though  temporarily  kept 
in  check  by  Edgar,  the  Northmen  were  preparing 
to  renew  that  desperate  series  of  attacks  which 
enabled  the  Son  of  Blaatand  to  found  a  Danish 
dynasty  in  England. 

§  26.  Bruno  attached  himself  more  affection- 
ately than  ever  to  his  widowed  sister  Gerberga. 
Thankfully  partaking  of  Otho's  hospitality,  did 
they  celebrate  the  Paschal  Feast  in  the  Eagle- 
crowned  Pfaltz  at  Aix-la-Chapelle,  seated  at  the    3  a£u. 
table  of  marble-stone.  Yet,  amidst  all  joys,  cark-  5^|^;0 
ing  cares  constantly  gnawed  the  hearts  of  the  1!? ¥££* 
French  royal  family.     Hugh-le-Grand  slept  in^^ei. 
his  grave,  but  Louis  d'Outremer's  royal  widow  S^.^ 
and  Louis  d'Outremer's  crowned  Son  were  not 
the   more   at  rest. — Let  them  flit  where  they 
chose,  they  startled  at  the  groaning  of  the  wind 
or  the  creaking  of  the  door. 

New   sources  of  apprehension  arose  —  the 


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704  LOUIS  DWJTREMEB,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

*4-9e7  House  of  Lombardy-Vermandois  had  not  de- 
* — * — >  spaired  of  their  rehabilitation.  Since  Charle- 
J^'  magnet  days  the  adverse  possession  retained  by 
l^^6  the  reigning  branches  might  be  construed  as 
"■••  having  barred  their  dynastic  rights,  yet  blind 
Bernard's  descendants  were  legitimate  descen- 
dants of  Charlemagne  after  all.  The  runaway 
iferi£L£*  marriage  of  Herbert  the  Handsome  with  the 

Hi*eldert  ° 

■oh—hi.    Queen    Dowager    Ogiva,    however    indecorous, 


(BeevoLL,  heightened  the  family  splendour,  and  the  union 
was  not  unblessed.  Two  children  had  the 
buxom  matron  borne  to  Herbert;  who,  repre- 
senting, through  their  father,  the  genuine  Carlo- 
vingian  line,  were  also  distinguished  by  their 
alliance  with  the  royal  blood  of  England. 
Rob£S~  Robert  Count  of  Troyes,  Herbert  the  regi- 

fi^iX  cide's  active  son,  raised  the  standard  and  roused 

tell  again* 

the  tin*  ^  rebellion.  The  vituperative  appellation,  "  the 
Tyrant,"  bestowed  upon  the  deceased  Herbert, 
Robert's  father,  and  equally  applied  to  him,  in- 
dicates his  power  and  the  apprehension  excited 
by  the  revolt, 
count  Count  Robert  sought  to  render  Dijon  the 

dSoTdj^S  centre  of  his  operations  against  the  King.  Dijon 
of  the  com.  gained,  Burgundy  would  lie  at  his  mercy.  The 
way  opened  for  a  bloodless  contest — gold  sub- 
stituted for  steel.  A  young  Noble,  son  of  Count 
Odalric,  possibly  the  Count  of  Verdun,  had  been 
placed  by  Lothaire  as  Commander  of  the  City. 
This  young  man,  whose  name  is  not  mentioned, 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  705 

perhaps  through  very  shame,  consented  to  the  .**-;*". 
suggested  treason.     Opening  the  gates,  he  ad-  /~^£wT 
mitted    the    revolters,     and,    preventing    the 
"  Tyrant "  became  his  homager.     Lothaire  as- 
sailed  Dijon.     Up  and  doing,  vigilant  Bruno  J^ft^ 
was  forthwith  also  in  the  field.     Two  thousand  cC*0 ' 
Lorrainers,  under   the  Archbishop's   command, 
attacked    Troyes,    and    Robert    submitted    to 
the   King's  mercy.     For  him, — mercy, —  but 
for   the   traitor  none.     Stern    was    Lothaire's 
justice  or  vengeance.     The  delinquent   suffered  "SK^ 
capital   punishment.  —  He  was    beheaded,  andfeS^ 

upon  thft 

Count  Odalric  was  compelled  to  endure  the  agony  *■"«• 
of  beholding  his  son  expire  under  the  hands 
of  the  executioner.   After  this  vigorous,  perhaps 
rigorous   exertion  of    Royal    Power,  Lothaire 
returned  to  Laon. 

§  27.  According  to  popular  opinion,  Rich- 
ard's character  improved  greatly  after  his 
marriage.  Inspired  rather  by  conventional 
gallantry  than  guided  by  correct  reasoning, 
the  Normans  attributed  this  amelioration  to 
the  benign  influence  of  the  young  Duchess. 
Considered  under  a  political  aspect,  the  union 
assuredly  proved  advantageous.  Richard  con- 
tinued gaining  in  good  report  with  the  world : 
talent  and  ability  enabling  him  to  extend  his 
authority  widely,  and  his  influence  still  more, 
thereby  provoking  an  active  revival  of  antient 
enmities.     The  Court  of  Ladn  swarmed  with 

VOL  II.  zz 


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706         LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaike,  &c. 


•M-«y 


Richard's  evil-wishers.  Above  all  others,  Thi- 
baut-le-Tricheur. — Thoroughly  versed  in  the  art 
of  ingeniously  tormenting,  he  was  constantly 
working  upon  Gerberga  and  Lothaire,  worrying 
them,  teasing  them,  knagging  at  Richard's  power 
and  prosperity. — Richard,  quoth  Thibaut,  ruled 
theBurgundians;  guided  the  Aquitanians;  chode 
the  Bretons;  chased  the  Flemings;  patronized 
the  distant  English  and  far  distant  Scots ;  but, 
most  of  all,  was  the  Pirate's  Son  to  be  dreaded 
through  his  firm  alliance  with  Harold  Blaatand 
and  the  Danskermen. 
JSfigJ?  Large  as  these  expressions  may  sound,  even 

SSSSS^11  Thibaut  could  not  have  employed  them,  had 
they  not  been  sustained  by  an  adequate  pro- 
portion of  truth.  The  young  Duke  governed 
his  own  dominions  firmly  and  prosperously. 
His  most  dangerous  home  opponents,  silenced, 
or  taken  away :  whilst,  at  the  same  time,  no 
inconsiderable  proportion  of  those  who  had  been 
his  father's  trusty  adherents,  as  well  as  his  own 
early  friends,  men  dignified  by  the  aristocracy 
of  age,  conjoined  to  wealth  and  station,  were  yet 
living  to  support  him. — Hugh  the  Archbishop  of 
Rouen,  the  importance  attached  to  his  position  not 
diminished  by  his  clerical  demerits. — Richard's 
veteran  deliverers  from  La6n  dungeon,  Osmund 
de  Oentvilles  and  Ivo  de  Belesme,— and  Waleran 
de  Mellent  also, — still  stood  by  his  side. — Con- 
cerning Bernard  the   Dane,  the   scenes  with 


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EICHARD  BANS  FEUE.  707 

Hugh-le-Grand  constitute  his  last  appearance  in  .  *^**. 
Dudo's  pages ;  nor  has  the  diligent  Historian  of  /"5£5T 
the  noble  House  of  Harcourt  been  able  to 
ascertain  the  exact  period  of  his  death ;  but  he 
had  left  an  adequate  representative  in  the  person 
of  his  son  Thorold,  the  Sire  of  Pontaudemer. 
In  fact,  the  rising  generations  destined  to  supply 
the  places  of  the  fast  disappearing,  were  now  as* 
sembling  around  the  Duke.  In  due  time  we 
shall  become  acquainted  with  them  j  but,  for  the 
present  we  can  only  distinguish  Gautier-le-  ow**^ 
Veneur,  whose  office,  testifying  the  confidence 
he  enjoyed,  also  bespoke  his  courage  and  his 
thewes. — Well  fitted  and  framed  was  Gautier 
to  encounter  the  tusks  and  claws  of  the  beasts  of 
chase  abounding  in  Normandy; — no  talent  so 
sure  as  the  huntsman's,  to  win  Richard's  favour. 
Richard  had  not  taken  any  notice  of 
Lothaire's  accession.  He  ignored  the  existence 
of  any  mutual  relations  in  the  respective  char 
racters  of  Suzerain  and  Vassal  between  Louis 
dOutremer's  son,  and  the  son  of  Guillaume 
Longne~6pee.  Had  Richard  owned  the  duties  JSSSf' 
resulting  from  such  obedience,  he  would  have  ***«*• 
been  bound  to  renew  his  Commendation  and 
Homage  when  Lothaire  ascended  the  throne, 
Bat  he  repudiated  any  such  acknowledgement; 
Normandy's  Monarch  refused  to  recognise  the 
French  King  as  a  legal  superior.  Had  they  met, 
the  conference  would  have  been  conducted  with 

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708         LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 


054-097 


Hogh-le- 

Grandao. 

knowledgM 

hiuwelf 

MaTMnlof 


grim  civility;  Eichard's  courtesy  might  have 
^5jp  dictated  to  him  the  decency  of  yielding  honorary 
precedence  to  an  anointed  Sovereign.  He 
would  have  made  the  gesture  of  vailing  the 
Coronal  before  the  Crown.  But,  as  cautious 
Dignities  are  wont  to  act  when  seeking  to  elude 
any  annoying  pressure  of  etiquette,  which 
might  compel  them  to  take  the  lower  room,  he 
had  saved  himself  from  any  embarrassment  by 
keeping  wholly  out  of  Lothaire's  way. 

Hugh-le-Grand,  however  proud  and  potent, 
could  not  have  boasted  of  the  same  independence, 
tfa*  crown." — His  pre-eminence  over  all  other  the  Crown 
vassals  was  universally  admitted,  yet  he  had 
distinctly  accepted  his  Duchies  of  France  and 
Burgundy,  as  Fiefs  holden  of  the  King.  Lo- 
thaire's parchments  constituted  the  undeniable 
foundations  of  Hugh's  title.  Therefore,  however 
inimical  or  treacherous,  Hugh-le-Grand  could 
not  legally  release  himself  from  his  bond ;  and, 
to  his  sons,  the  same  duties  had  descended. 

Was  this  absolute  necessity  of  seeking  the 
King  compatible  with  the  liberties  which  Franco- 
Gallia  so  proudly  claimed  ?  —  Assuredly.  — 
To  the  Nations  of  the  Gauls  appertained  the 
magnificent  privilege  of  electing  their  King, 
and  the  power  of  thrusting  him  off  the  throne. 
But  the  constitutional  theory,  construed  as 
an  entirety,  maintained  the  King,  once  created, 
as  Supreme  Head  of  the  Commonwealth.    How* 


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BICHABD  SANS  PEUR.  709 

ever    shrunken    the    dominions    obeying    the  .ft5479gy. 
King's    direct    authority,    however    light    the  — * — * 
hand  he  could  lay  upon  the  high  territorial  rS^Sl 
aristocracy,  yet  all  the  royal  prerogatives  were  ESSEST" 
incontestable.     No  great  Feudatory  sat  easy, 
unless  he  could  produce  his  Charter,  exhibiting 
the  impress  of  the  Royal  Seal,  and  duly  signed 
and  counter-signed,  by  Arch-Chancellor  and  King. 
— The  Natibns  of  the  Gauls   exhausted  their 
power  by  making  their  King  :  and,  till  unmade, 
their  rights  became  dormant,  and  every  royal 
prerogative  existed  in  full  vigour. 

Amongst  the  suppositions  of  those  truly  pro-  H^h-i* 
found  Archaeologists  who  enlighten  us  by  their cUldrm- 
research,  whilst  they  task  us  by  their  perplex- 
ities,  we  shall  now  adopt  the   opinion  which 
reduces  the  sons  of  Hugh-le-Grand  to  two : — the 
Capet,  whose  precocious  prudence  seems  to  have 
been  elicited  by  the  knowledge  of  his  father's  aspi- 
rations ;  and  Otho,  or  Eudes.    I  shall  not  trouble 
the  reader  and  myself  by  discussing  whether  there 
may  not  have  been  another  or  others ;  but,  any 
how,  they  died  so  young  that  they  do  not  obtain 
any  place  in  history.    All  Hugh-le-Grand's  obli- 
gations were  binding  upon  these  sons :  and,  after 
his  demise,  the  legal  wardship  of  the  Infants,  and 
the  custody  of  their  inheritance,  appertained  to  gjgj*; 
Lothaire.     But  Hugh-le-Grand,  whilst  wrapping  ESSni* 
himself  in  his  shroud,  defied  his  Sovereign.    His  or  bifSSl » 
death-bed  disposition  was  wholly  unwarranted ;  p£t!£SU. 


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710         LOUIS  d'outbemer,  lothaire,  &c. 
.•"T*87,  for,  in  complete  contravention  of  the   Royal 


•56-9G7 


rights,  he  had  placed  the  Minors  and  their  domi- 
nions under  the  guardianship  of  the  Norman. 

We  mnst  continue  the  episodical  narration 
of  this  very  remarkable  transaction  until  its 
catastrophe. — Effluxion  of  time  would  terminate 
the  wardship ;  yet,  in  the  meanwhile,  the  united 
strength  which  rejoiced  the  Houses  of  Robert-le- 
Fort  and  Rollo  was  bearing  agahuft  the  Crown. 
i^^X    ^  happy  juncture  arrived  during  the  progress  of 


us 
SSidi^e  the   alliance  against  Richard,  when  Lothaire, 

dominion!  of 

oSSd*.  acutely  acceding  to  the  sagacious  Bruno's  suppli- 
nnZDth£  cations,  and  supported  by  Bruno's  power,  availed 
***-  himself  of  the  law.  Hugh-le-Grand's  children 
were  his  mother's  own  nephews,  sons  of  his 
revered  aunt  Hadwisa,  own  cousins,  near  kins- 
men, who  had  a  right  to  be  dear. — Great  must 
have  been  the  stir  at  the  Court  of  Laon,  when 
the  Capet  and  Eudes  his  brother  were  brought 
before  their  royal  Protector,  and,  swearing  the 
oaths  and  performing  homage,  acknowledged 
themselves  his  Vassals  and  Lieges, 
iw^d  Lothaire,  thus  accepted  as  the  lawful  Supe- 
rior, immediately  exercised  his  unquestionable 
rights  of  partitioning  the  vast  inheritance.  The 
Capet  received  the  Duchy  of  France, — alone 
constituting  a  magnificent  provision. — There- 
unto Lothaire  added  Poitou,  professing,  as  it 
should  seem,  to  interpolate  the  Capet  as 
Overlord  of  the  Duchy,  granting  him  the  supe- 
riority ineffectually  contested  by  Hugh-le-Grand, 


Poitou  grant. 

edtotbe 

Capet. 


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BICHABD  SANS  FEUB.  711 

and  for  which  he  may  be  said  in  a  manner  to  JO^HL 
have  died.    Whether  Tete-d'Etoupe  would  conr  'M61W' 
sent  to  this  humiliation  was  another  matter; 
his  consent  had  not  been  asked. 

Burgundy  became  the  lot  of  Eudes ;  but  this  Blgjjj^ 
grant  speedily  enured  to  the  advantage  of  the 
elder  brother.    The  Capet,  during  his  whole  life, 
was  pursued  by  good  fortune.     Eudes  did  iwtji^jth 
survive  to  enjoy  his  possessions  more  than  three  J2E^Ju» 
years,  when  his  apanage  was  inherited  by  the  c*peU 
future  occupant  of  the  throne,  now  the  sole  male 
representative  of   Robert-le-Fort's  lineage,— so 
curiously  do  royal  families  sometimes  ride  at 
single  anchor,  if  such  an  expression  can  be 
allowed. 

These  mutations  might  have  affected  Richard's 
interests  very  seriously.  Deprived  of  the  privi- 
leges and  advantages  which  he  enjoyed  as  guar- 
dian, Hugh-le-Grand's  sons,  emancipated  from 
Richard's  control,  were  brought  under  the  im- 
mediate jurisdiction  of  their  lawful  Suzerain. 
The  Duke  of  Normandy  could  no  longer  pre- 
tend to  any  legal  or  quasi-parental  authority 
over  them ;  and,  it  was  within  the  compass  of 
reasonable  probabilities,  that  his  shrewd  brother- 
in-law,  who,  manifested  the  most  persevering 
ambition,  conjoined  to  the  profoundest  craft,  might 
become  a  dangerous  rival.  What  if  the  Capet 
had  chosen  to  take  up,  or  make  up,  a  quarrel 
with  Richard,  on  account  of  his  conduct  towards 
Emma? 


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712  LOUIS  iyOUTREMER,  LOTHAIBE,  &C. 

-*i7*!L        T^e  nex*  move  however  was  Richard's. — 
q^jjp  Others  remained  to  be  made;  but  this,  not  being 
nullified  by  the  cast  of  the  die,  was  destined,  in 
the  long  run,  to  decide  the  game,  and  Richard 
was  enabled  to  play  it  out  on  the  tables  more  fully 
than  even  he  himself  could  possibly  have  foreseen. 
No  longer  entitled  to  exercise  any  personal  con- 
trol over  the  Duke  of  all  the  Gauls  as  his  Ward, 
Richard  could  establish  himself  in  a  much  more 
advantageous  position,  and  wherefrom  he  could 
effectually  outflank  Lothaire.     Hugh  Capet  had 
become  full  Duke  of  all  the  Gauls,  owning  no  supe- 
rior except  the  King,  and  holding  his  Duchy  in  a 
more  dignified  manner  than  any  other  amongst  the 
Vassals  of  the  Crown.   Richard,  therefore,  simply 
renewed  that  "Commendation"  to  Hugh-le-Grand's 
successor  which,  by  the  advice  of  Bernard  the 
teethe  -^ane  and  *^e  Normans,  he  had  rendered  to  the 
£5hlc£p«t.  father. — No  abasement  implied  in  this  act — nay 
the  contrary. — The  "Princeps  Normannorum," 
prided  himself  in  acknowledging  the  Capet,  the 
"Princeps  Francorum,"  as  his  Senior,  and,  we 
doubt  not,  but  that  according  to  custom,  he  per- 
formed his  homage  under  the  oak  tree  between 
Gisors  and  Trie,  on  the  border.     Henceforward 
Hugh  Capet  was  authorized  to  demand  the  ser- 
vice of  Richard  as  his  Vassal.    And  thus,  ere  the 
Coronal  of  the  Duchy  of  France  was  fashioned  into 
the  Fleur-de-Lis  Crown,  Normandy  was  its  bright- 
est jewel— Normandy  became  the  Grand  Fief  of 
the  CapetianKingdom  before  that  Kingdom  arose. 


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BICHABD  BANS  FEUR.  713 

§28.    The  inspirations  of  the  Medical  Muse 
fell  pre-eminently  upon  the  renowned  pathological   ^^^ 
Poet,  Johannes  de  Mediolano,  who,  addressing  g^^. 
the  "  Rex  Anglorum"  in  the  name  of  the  School  JSKT" 

described  la 

of    Salerno,    has    picturesquely    idealised    the^t£££i 
"  Sanguine  Temperament,"  first  and  most  gifted  * Satoraa 
amongst  the  "  Four  Complexions  "  assigned  by 
antient  Physiology  to  mankind. 

Natura  pingaes  isti  sunt,  atque  jocantes, 
Rumoresque  novos  cupiunt  audire  frequenter, 
Hos  Venus  et  Bacchus  delectant,  fercula,  risus. 
Et  facit  hos  hilares,  et  dulcia  verba  loquentes. 
Omnibus  hi  studiis  habiles  sunt,  et  magis  apti. 

And  since  that  King  of  England  was  Henry 
Beauclerc,  we  may  fancy  we  hear  the  sagacious 
Physician,  when  presenting  his  poem  to  his 
royal  Patient  and  Patron,  intoning  the  passage 
with  dulcet  modulation  and  delicate  emphasis, 
inasmuch  as  the  brightest  characteristics  truly 
appertained  to  the  Conqueror's  heir. 

Largus,  amans,  hilaris,  ridens,  rubeique  colons, 
Cantans,  carnosus,  satis  audax,  atque  benignus. 

But,  had  Richard  sat  for  the  portrait,  whether  aw>h». 
moral  or  physical,  it  could  scarcely  have  been  SSJl* 
more  accurate,  according  to  the  accounts  given 
by  his  biographers.  Even  such  as  the  verses 
commemorate,  was  Richard.  Collect  the  various 
historical  passages,  whether  directly  laudatory,  or 
incidentally  descriptive  of  his  moral  or  physical 


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714         LOUIS  d'outreheb,  lothaibe,  &c. 

idiosyncrasies,  Ms  conduct  abroad,  and  his 
conduct  at  home,  and  we  obtain  a  full  view  of 
his  character.  Cheerful,  handsome,  debonnaire, 
—a  well  filled  purse,  opened  by  a  liberal  hand, — 
t  no  Raoul  Torta  to  tighten  the  strings, — none  to 
compete  with  Richard  as  the  gallant  wooer  of 
the  coy,  though  yielding  beauty, — troubling  no 
one  by  the  unpleasant  example  of  rigorous  mo- 
rality,— living  for  enjoyment,  and  willing  that 
everybody  else  should  be  equally  free  and  easy, 
— agile,  stalwart,  bold  and  handsome, — stout,  but 
graceful, — exhibiting  in  his  person  the  best 
points  of  his  race,  divested  of  harshness,  and  his 
fine  countenance  adorned  by  his  curly  golden  hair. 

§  29.  Whatever  Richard's  political  power 
may  have  been,  he  had  avoided  making  any  sign, 
that,  if  left  alone,  he  would  ever  trouble  his 
neighbours.  Ambition  was  neutralized  by  love 
of  pleasure :  his  Court  at  Rouen  was  a  constant 
scene  of  merriment  and  jollity,  crowded  like  a  fair. 

There  was  no  real  reason,  therefore,  to  fear 
him.  His  foes,  however,  would  not  allow  him 
bm£Sf"  to  **ve  a  tranquil  life.  Quiet  came  at  last, 
but  not  until  they  had  worn  themselves  out; 
and,  in  the  meantime,  he  had  to  bear  with  his 
trials,  or  better,  to  brave  them. — If  needs  most, 
right  willing  and  full  ready  was  Richard  to 
grasp  the  sword. 

All  the  members  of  the  Royal  family,  and 
all  connected  with  them,  yet  most  particularly 
the  powerful  partisans,  who  so  repeatedly  ap- 


Richard'i 


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RTCHABD  fiAira  MSUB.  715 

pear  in  action  as  an  implacable  junto,  were  con-  J^H!L 
scientiously  the  deadly  enemies  of  the  Pirate,      ^CST 

Conscientiously, — they  knew  no  otherwise, 
could  not  know  otherwise,  no  not  if  they  laboured 
ever  so  earnestly,  unless  transformed  by  a  moral 
miracle.  The  implacability  which  the  French 
ascribed  to  the  Danes  was  reflected  back  upon  j™^ 
themselves,  and  returned  with  equal  inveteracy. 
Like  mirror  placed  opposite  to  mirror,  hating 
minds  repeat  hatred  in  endless  perspective ;  but 
not  like  the  mirrors,  fainter  and  fainter.  In  all 
such  quarrels,  each  man  ascribes  to  his  foeman  the 
faults  of  which  he  possesses  the  full  equivalent, 
may  be  the  very  same.  Every  heart,  however 
tender,  includes  a  stony  fragment  never  softened 
into  flesh ;  the  heart  of  stone  is  never  entirely 
taken  away. — No  intolerance  more  inveterate  than 
that  which  inspires  all  of  us  the  Advocates  of 
universal  toleration. — Alas  for  the  "sacred  right 
of  private  judgment/'  claimed  by  every  one,  but 
allowed  by  no  one. — Who  permits  it  ? — Do  you  ? 
Do  I? — Not  you. — Not  I. — My  permission  of 
"private  judgment"  is  this  —  think  as  you 
please,  provided  you  think  so  as  to  please  me. 
— Believe  what  you  choose  of  your  own  free 
choice,  but  choose  my  creed. — And  if  you  make 
your  own  free  choice,  your  "Choice"  is  my 
"  Heresy." — And  your  permission  is  the  same — 
my  u  Choice  "  is  your  "  Heresy/'  There  is  not 
a  page  of  the  Tract  distributor's  Tract,  or  the 
Anti-tractarian  or  Tractarian  sermon,  or  a  leaf 


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716         LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

"*-*".  of  the  liberal  or  illiberal  broad  sheet,  which, 
' ose^W*  under  favourable  circumstances,  and  fostering 
influences,  might  not  develope  into  a  San-benito, 
semi  with  flames.  Even  the  most  merciful 
amongst  human  creatures  are  therefore  oft- 
times  the  most  merciless ; — there  is  one  grudge 
which  they  never  forget ;  one  affront  they  never 
forgive ;  one  opinion  they  never  bear  with ;  one 
offence  they  never  pardon  ;  —  the  bitterness 
concentrated  in  one  channel,  becoming  more 
intense  than  when  diffused. 
2JJ52**  §  30.  I  do  not  doubt  but  that  the  reader  has 
mKSE*  often  accused  me  of  inconsistency  when  speak- 


4MU*d^T~  ing  of  Gerberga, — telling  so  much  of  her  spite, 
though  more  of  her  love.    Yet  so  it  was ;  the 
noble  Matron's  ardent  devotion  to   her    own, 
being  quite  compatible  with  her  one  malevolence. 
She  feared  and  hated  the  man,  whom  she  had 
loathed  and  detested  as  a  boy.    In  these  senti- 
ments Gerberga  was  fully  encouraged  by  Lothaire. 
To  the  son  of  Louis  d'Outremer,  enmity  against 
Richard  might  appear  a  filial  duty.    Was  he  not 
bound  to  efface  the  burning  shame  of  the  Rout 
of  Rouen? 
BMdoniii-         Baudouin-le-Jeune    harmonized    in    similar 
3ta££ti-  feelings.    Thoroughly  had  the  young  Prince  im- 
EwSrf.     bibed  the  traditions  of  his  family.    Arnoul's 

originating  » 

SSidrtiie  heir  detested  the  Pirate's  son  no  less  deeply 
than  his  own  old  father  before  him.  Moreover, 
the  Flemings  had  sufficient  cause  to  dread  the 
Norman  power.  Through  the  acquisition  of  Pon- 


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RICHARD  SANS  FEUB.  717 

thieu,  Flanders  had  become  conterminous  with  .tB47tw. 
Normandy,  and  Richard's  men  might  cross  the  Ut^T 
boundary  river  any  day.    But  Baudouin  was 
always  ready  to  hit — and,  more  than  that, — to 
strike    the    first    blow.      A    "  mal-voisin"   of 
Richard  was  he. 

Archbishop  Bruno  was  inevitably  enrolled  £££  ™j 
in  the  host  of  Richard's  enemies.  His  affec-  a*£m. 
tionate  attachment  towards  Gerberga  would, 
under  any  circumstances,  render  him  ready  to 
support  her  cause.  Bruno  must  have  enter- 
tained a  painful  recollection  of  the  Rouen 
discomfiture.  The  Edeling  slaughtered, — Otho 
and  the  Germans  brought  to  bitter  shame. — 
Indeed  the  Archbishop  was  driven  forwards  by 
an  accumulation  of  motives,  each  provoking  him 
against  Richard,  and  none  imaginary.  Bruno's 
comprehensive  policy  would  have  been  liable 
to  censure  as  defective,  had  he  not  included  the  ' 
Pirate  in  he  wide  orbit  of  fear  and  apprehen- 
sion. Abounding  in  landing  places  and  hiding 
places,  the  extended  Lotharingian  littoral  was 
always  open  to  the  Dane.  Harold  Blaatand's 
savage  aspect  always  threatening;  the  black  sails 
always  fancied  to  be  looming  in  the  horizon. 

Furthermore,  a  new  enemy  had  been  raised  up  o£SZ*ito» 
against  Richard.    About  this  time,  Geoffrey  Gris-  XK,  u» 
gonnelle  having  succeeded  to  the  County  of  Aiyou,  ££21 
begins  to  appear  in  French  affairs.  This  Geoffrey  (SSll 
(dynastically  the  first)  was  the  son  of  Fulke-le* 
Bon,  great  grandson  of  the  ploughman  Torquatus, 

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718  LOUIS  D'QUmBNHB*  LOTHAJRE,  &C. 

the  Forester  of  the  forest  so  merrily  called  the 
/13£3T  Blackbird's  Nest,  the  primary  Plantagenet 

A  few  years  after  his  accession,  Geoffrey 
returned  from  Rome,  whither  he  had  pilgrimized 
to  Saint  Peter's  tomb.  His  historical  epithet 
was  probably  suggested  by  his  long  grey  gown. 

Noble  and  generous  was  Geoffrey,  but  these 
qualities  were  alloyed,  or  shall  we  say,  shaded, 
by  a  certain  degree  of  levity,  and  amongst  his 
first  exploits  he  seems  to  have  picked  a  quarrel, 
(if  we  may  use  such  expressions,)  with  Richard, 
by  invading  Richard's  borders.  He  allied  him- 
self to  Hugh,  Count  of  Maine, — the  father  of 
the  celebrated  Herbert-rouse-the-dog,  Herbert- 
eveille-chien  —  and  the  distance  between  Nor- 
mandy and  Anjou  was  so  small,  that  Geoffrey 
was  watched  as  the  second  mal-voisin. 
SUSi^  **ut  Richard's  persecuting  Demon,  was  Thi- 
Ltat,Mdt-  baut-le-Tricheur.  Near  enough,  and  mal-voisin 
enough  to  Normandy  was  he.  Thibaut  and  his 
Consort  were  happily  congenial;  as  fiercely 
minded  did  Liutgarda  continue  against  Richard, 
as  she  had  been  ever  since  his  birth,  or  before. 
Heightened  by  jealousy,  her  enmity  had  not  receiv- 
ed any  mitigation  from  the  series  of  events  which 
ensued  since  Guillanme  Longue»6pee's  demise. 
Without  affection  for  Guillanme  Longue-6p6e, 
liutgarda  seems  to  have  been  not  inexcusably 
provoked  by  Espriota's  usurpation  of  her  rights ; 
and  the  jealousy  of  the  Countess  of  Chartrea 
egainsfc  the  Miller's  wife  and  the  Mamrar,  burnt 


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BIGHABD  8AK8  PETO.  719 

strongly  as  ever.  Richard,  however,  on  his  part, 
fully  reciprocated.  He  did  all  the  mischief  to 
Liutgarda  he  could,  and  aggravated  the  wrongs 
she  had  received  from  his  father  by  confiscating 
her  dowry  lands. 

Thibaut  was  inclined  to  contest  all  Normandy  S5JS- 

Ttcw>  upon 

up  to  the  river  Seine;  or  at  all  events  a  good *•**•*■• 
share.  His  peculiar  object  in  the  first  instance 
was  the  Evre$in,  a  territory  which  would  so 
beautifully  round  off  the  "  Pais  Chartrain."  He 
had  been  machinating  with  a  powerful  partisan  at 
Evreux ;  whether  burgess  or  knight  we  know  not, 
for  his  name  gives  no  intimation  of  his  rank, 
and  this  personage  had  promised  his  aid.  But 
the  intrigues  could  not  become  successful  un- 
less supported  by  force.  Thibaut  had  been  beat 
off  by  Richard ;  and  he  therefore  persisted  in  la- 
bouring to  stir  up  Lothaire,  so  as  to  marshal 
all  available  powers  against  the  common  enemy. 
§31.  Ultimately,  no  portion  of  France,  became 
more  truly  French  than  Normandy. — Wherever 
the  Frenchman  extends  his  conquests,  the  domi- 
nation obtained  by  the  bold  winner  of  hearts, 
commencing  with  violence,  ends  by  love.  It 
was  in  Normandy  that  French  literature  arose. 
Amongst  the  populations  of  France,  none  have 
more  fully  participated  than  the  Normans  in  that 
national  sentiment  which,  surviving  through  every 
convulsion,  and  shining  most  brightly  amidst  the 
most  gloomy  clouds  of  national  misfortune,  re&» 
dered  Franco-Gallia  "one  and  indivisible/'  ages 


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720  LOUIS  POUTBEMER,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 


054-187 
9M-M7 


before  the  Republic  was  proclaimed.  An  affec- 
tion as  potent  under  the  Drapeau  blanc,  as  under 
the  Tri-color — defending  the  Eagle,  as  devotedly 
as  the  Fleur-de-lis. 

Yet,   during   the    early  period  of  Norman 
history,   or   rather   so   loog   as   the  Normans 
possessed  a  distinct  history, — so  long  as  they 
were  alien  to  France — a  bitter  dislike  subsisted 
between  the  two  nations,  for  such  they  were. 
gjS^the  Our  English  hatred  of  the  French  was  originally 
*™£L*     implanted  by  the  Norman  conquerors ;  and,  at 
JF&KS4  this  period,  the  enmity  was  peculiarly  inflamed 
w't0,7'      by  the  apprehensions  which  the  French  enter- 
tained,   and    with     sufficient     foundation,    of 
Richard's  cater-cousins,  Harold  Blaatand,  and 
the  Scandinavians.     The  geographical  denomi- 
nation,   "Scandinavians,"    must    be  employed, 
inasmuch  as  Richard  continued  to  cultivate  the 
friendship  of  the  three  great  families  of  the 
Baltic  and  the  North  Sea. 

The  political  antagonism  was  exaggerated 
by  both  parties  into  personal  antipathy  against 
the  respective  Sovereigns,  and  that  antipathy 
fomented  by  contempt;  a  grovelling  passion 
infinitely  more  degrading  to  those  who  entertain 
it  than  to  the  objects  of  their  scorn.  The  readi- 
ness with  which  the  Wits  of  Queen  Anne's  days 
chimed  into  the  vulgar  strain  of  ridicule  cast 
upon  the  "Grand  Monarque"  discredits  their  taste 
and  disgraces  their  moral  dignity.   Magnanimity 


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RICHARD  SANS  FEUB,  721 

towards  an  Enemy,  a  feeling  unknown  to  the  «-«*, 
savage,  honoured  by  Heathen  ethics,  and  con-  ^££T 
stituting  one  of  the  few  human  virtues  which 
can  be  truthfully  assigned  to  Chivalry,  may,  in 
our  civilized  age,  be  occasionally  manifested  to  a 
Prisoner  after  the  conflict  in  the  field — but  never 
do  we  now  find  magnanimity,  when  war  is  en- 
venomed by  personal  antipathies.  If  there  could 
be  such  a  thing  as  national  shame,  who  would 
not  lament  the  foul  streams  of  scurrility  with 
which  we  drenched  the  "  Corsican  "  as  inflicting 
an  indelible  stain  upon  ourselves  ? — 

The  mutual  dispathies  between  the  Normans  Ricb»rf«d 
and  the  French  assume  a  ludicrous  aspect,  from  JXSJdtj 
the   caricatures    of   the    respective    Monarchal *» 

*  Norman* 

which  illustrate  their  history.  According  to 
physiological  fancies  prevalent  in  former  times, 
and  by  no  means  obsolete  in  our  own,  the  colour 
which  we  cannot  otherwise  define  than  as  the 
culminating  tint  of  the  "  Xanthous  "  variety  of 
hair,  was  viewed,  or  rather  shunned,  with  the 
deepest  and  most  incurable  aversion.  In  France, 
the  Trouveur  spoke  the  popular  opinions  by 
which  the  feature, — termed  in  plain  English,  a 
carroty-poll, — was  deemed  the  warning  symbol 
of  moral  depravity — 

Entre  rous  pott  et  felonie 
S'entreportent  grant  tompaignie. 

A  curious  testimony  of   this   uncharitable 
prejudice  is    afforded   in   mediaeval   art.    The 
vou  II.  3  a 


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956-M2 


722  LOUIS  POUTREMEB,  LOTHAIBB,  &C. 

jg*-^,  antient  painters,  the  Byzantine  teachers  of  Giotto 
and  Cimabue,  were  guided  by  the  technical 
traditions  of  Hagiology,  not  by  aesthetic  pre- 
cepts. Judas  was  always  pourtrayed  with  this 
characteristic.  No  cast  of  countenance,  no 
sinister  expression  would  have  been  considered 
adequate  to  express  his  depravity. 

Fortunately,  however,  or  unfortunately,  there 
is  no  colour  more  difficult  to  define  than  this 
odious  "  signaiement,"  yet  none  more  easy  to 
euphonize,  inasmuch  as  it  passes,  or  might  pass,  or 
ought  to  pass,  by  delicate  ascending  or  descending 
gradations  into  various  hues;  one  almost  pleasing, 
some  tolerable,  others — but  there  we  stop — and 
the  artifices  by  which  the  lover  discovers  graces 
imperceptible  to  any  other  eye,  nay,  even 
interprets  blemishes  as  charms,  have  always 
been  employed  in  society  for  the  purpose  of 
eluding  the  inferences  which  are  deduced  from 
this  peculiarity. 

Nominibus  mollire  licet  mala :  fbsca  vocetur, 

Nigrior  Illyrica  cui  pice  sanguis  erat : 

Si  paeta  est,  Yeneri  similis,  si  flava  Minervae. 

As  for  Lothaire,  according  to  the  Norman 
portrait,  he  was  ill-favoured  equally  in  body  and 
in  mind.  Look  at  him,  said  they, — a  fine  fellow 
for  a  Bang ;  stingy  and  shabby,  proud  and  fell, 
shambling  upon  his  crooked  shanks,  his  long, 
pale,  hollow-cheeked,  freckled  face,  encircled  by 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  723 

his  fiery  hair :  whilst  the  golden  locks  which  we   *<-** 
admire  in  Richard,  presented  the  identical  repro-  * — ^p 
bated  colour  to  the  eyes  of  his  French  enemies. 

.    Mult  somes  tout  hontous 
Richard  cet  Normant,  eel  aventis,  eel  rous ! 

It  is  that  Richard,  that  Northman,  exclaims 
Thibaut,  that  vagabond,  that  russet-pate,  who 
puts  us  all  to  shame ! 

§  32.  Richard,  during  this  era,  had  to  struggle 
against  fraud  and  deception,  treachery  and  hos- 
tility, to  labour  against  assaults  so  sharp,  com- 
binations so  potent  that  at  first  they  threatened 
the  very  existence  of  the  State ;  yet,  nevertheless, 
so  overruled  as  to  seal  the  independence  of  Nor- 
mandy, and  to  enable  his  descendant,  in  the 
fourth  degree,  to  achieve  the  conquest  of  England. 

Seizing  the  opportunity  when  Lothaire  and™** 
Gerberga  held  their  Court  at  Laon,  Thibaut  came  gS^"* 

tO  Cut  NGftlllflt 

before  them  and  warned  them  of  their  impending  koui*. 
danger.  He  expatiated  upon  Richard's  direct 
authority,  and  also  upon  his  resulting  influence, 
scarcely  less  threatening.  Not  a  square  toise  of 
land  in  Normandy,  would  Richard  own  that  he 
held  of  the  King.  Nay,  added  Thibaut,  he  rules 
the  French  as  though  he  were  their  sovereign ; 
and  as  this  expression  could  not  extend  to  the 
King's  dominions,  it  must  be  construed  as  refer- 
ing  to  the  preponderance  which  he  possessed  in 
the  Duchy  of  France  by  reason  of  his  Capetian 
alliance. 

Concurrently  with  these  arguments,  Thibaut 

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724  LOUIS  iyOUTREMEE,  LOTHAIEE,  &C. 

j*-*^  kept  Lothaire's  apprehensions  seething,  by  exag- 
^£J5P  gerating  the  Pirate's  military  and  social  power. — 
Verily,  no  safety  for  France,  otherwise  than 
in  Richard's  destruction.  Bold  Gerberga  soli- 
cited Thibaut  to  advise.  Thibaut  was  plain- 
spoken.  Open  force,  or  sagacity, — that  is  to  say, 
device  or  stratagem,  trick  or  treason,  were  alike 
allowable.  Whatever  language  the  Pirate  spoke, 
whatever  garb  he  might  put  on,  he  was  excluded 
from  the  social  compact. — This  doctrine  was 
one  of  the  Arcana  Imperii,  not  to  be  displayed 
abroad,  but  always  concealed  in  the  breast. — 
The  catastrophe  of  Picquigny  was  a  scene  for 
example  rather  than  detestation. 
Anteunoa  Negotiations  were  opened  with  Bruno,  re- 
SSlrf      viving  the  recollections  of  the  Land.    Old  men 

•ought  from  " 

Arcjjbtohop  were  Hying  who  had  heard  from  their  fathers 
how  cleverly  Archbishop  Wilibert,  Count  Henry, 
and  Count  Everardhad  delivered  the  Carlovingian 
community  from  the  Black  Dane,  whom  no 
Baptism  could  purify,  no  alliance  bring  within 
the  protecting  pale  of  Carlovingian  civilization. 
The  Bang  gladly  assented.  Gerberga  entered 
readily  into  the  scheme.  Otho  also,  and  the 
security  of  France — and  through  France,  of 
Germany — silenced  all  the  scruples  which  con- 
science might  raise. 

§  33.  Lothaire,  Gerberga,  Otho,  Thibaut, 
Bruno, — all  agreed  upon  the  ultimate  object  of 
their  confederacy.      Why  should    they   not  ? 


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BIGHARD  SANS  FEUR.  725 

It  would  have  been  out  of  character  for  any  one   w-*y 
of  them  to  have  held  aloof  from  any  mischief 
against  Richard.    Thibaut,  certainly  the  most 
active,  and  at  this  juncture,  perhaps  the  most 
powerful,  assembled   his   forces  at    Beauvais; 
whilst,  at  the  same  time,  a  bland  communication 
was  transmitted  by  Bruno  to  Richard,  speaking  b™]^ 
much  of  peace  and  amity,  and  his  wish  to  pro-2££i 
tect  Richard  against  his  enemies,  inviting  him  to  AmteM" 
an  interview   at  Amiens.     No  object — as  the 
bidding  ran — did  Archbishop  Bruno  seek  more 
earnestly  than  a  reconciliation  between  Richard 
and  his  nephew  the  King. 

Richard  was  thrown  off  his  guard.  With- 
out consideration,  neither  receiving  nor  seeking 
advice,  he  marched  forward  to  the  place  of  confer- 
ence, lightly,  and  easily,  as  though  he  were  going 
forth  for  amusement  or  pastime. — Many  were  the 
marvels  sung  by  the  Minstrels  in  after  times  con- 
cerning the  preternatural  trials  and  perils  which 
befel  Richard-sans-Peur  in  the  forest  glades, 
—  seductions  and  terrors,  —  encounters  with 
fairies  bright  and  ugsome  fiends,— and  now,  when, 
having  entered  the  Beauvoisin,  he  was  passing 
through  the  woodlands,  a  veritable  adventure 
occurred,  which,  with  due  embellishment,  might 
have  figured  in  the  lay.     It  was  the  sudden  MytterioM 

warning 

apparition  of  two  Knights  starting  through  the  fiXJ;* 
thicket,  hot,  and  fagged,  and  dusty,  so  muffled"*  ***■"' 
in  their  mantles  that  their  faces  could  not  be 
discerned. 


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M&-962 


726  LOUIS  IWUTBEMER,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

**-**.  Their  errand  was  one  of  very  substantial 
reality.  These  friendly  strangers  were  Thibaut's 
men.  They  had  learnt  the  intended  treason, — 
perpetual  imprisonment,  or  death,  had  been  de- 
vised. Greeting  Duke  Eichard,  he  at  their 
request  turned  aside ;  and  they  intimated  to  him, 
in  terms  obscure  and  emblematical,  yet  not  unin- 
telligible, that  a  great  danger  was  imminent. 
They  probably  adopted  this  semblance  of  mys- 
tery for  the  purposes  of  relieving  their  conscience 
and  also  rescuing  Richard,  yet  equivocally  evad- 
ing the  opprobrium  of  directly  betraying  their 
master's  counsel. — Noble  Duke,  said  they,  what 
choose  ye  to  be  your  lot  ?  Ruler  amongst 
your  own  people,  or  a  banished  man  ?  Shep- 
herd, swineherd,  or  worse  ? 

Richard  was  astounded.  Richard-sans-Peur 
felt  fear  now;  and  when,  in  after  times,  the 
Knights  told  their  own  story,  they  related  how 
Richard's  colour  rose,  not  from  anger,  but  from 
real  and  actual  alarm  and  confusion. — Silent 
awhile,  he  broke  that  silence: — Whose  Lieges 
were  they?  What  matters  it,  replied  they,  if 
faithful  to  thee.  No  more  questions  did  Richard 
ask.  His  guerdons  bespoke  his  gratitude  for 
the  warning,  and  also  his  comprehension  of  the 
snare.  Richard's  own  golden-hilted  sword  did 
the  one  Knight  receive.  Four  pounds  in  weight 
did  that  hilt  weigh.  The  Companion  was 
honoured  by  Richard's  golden  bracelet — the 
ensign  of   his  ducal    dignity — equi-ponderous 


accepts  the 
warning  and 
to 


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RICHARD  SAKS  PEUR.  727 

with  the  splendid  sword-hilt,  and  also  fashioned  m*-*7 
of  the  purest  gold.  The  Monitors  vanished. 
Richard  rejoined  his  Nobles  and  Cortege — 
Gaqtier-le-Veneur  no  doubt  amongst  them — and 
related  the  strange  encounter  which  had  befallen 
him.  Some  slight  debate  seems  to  have  ensued ; 
but  they  were  ultimately  unanimous  in  accepting 
the  counsel  conveyed  by  the  enigma. — Forward 
would  be  folly ; — and  forthwith  must  Richard 
return  to  Rouen. 

§  34.  Bruno  waited  for  Richard  anxiously, 
fretfully,  impatiently.  At  length,  a  messenger 
despatched  from  Rouen,  informed  him  that  his  evil 
intentions  were  disclosed.  Bitterly  vexed  by  this 
revelation,  uncertain  by  whose  intervention  his 
machinations  had  been  thwarted,  the  Archbishop 
again  assumed  the  character  of  a  peace-maker. 
Courteously  did  Bruno  reiterate  his  entreaty, 
seeking  to  conciliate  Richard  by  meeting  him  on 
his  own  confines.  Let  Richard  advance  as  far 
as  the  Epte,  and,  accompanied  by  Lothaire,  the 
Archbishop  would  gladly  undertake  the  journey. 
Richard  tartly  refused.  The  Normans  were 
deeply  incensed.  The  discomfited  deceit  only 
encreased  the  enmity  of  the  two  nations.  The 
news  spread  widely.  The  iniquity  of  the££*g»* 
proposed  stratagem,  condemned  more  sternly  SSS0^LS? 
by  reason  of  its  failure,  brought  Bruno 
into  discredit.  A  report  circulated  in  Nor- 
mandy, that,  when  the  intelligence  reached 
Italy,  the  Pope  was  inclined  to  fulminate  a  sen- 


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728  LOUIS  DWJTREMEB,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 


954-M7 


900-903 


tence  of  deposition  against  the  Archbishop.    But 
it  would  have  been  a  hard  matter  for  the  Pontiff 
thus  to  deal  with  a  Prince  of  the  Empire.    Bruno's 
acts  and  deeds,  life  and  conversation,  should  be 
carefully  studied.    In  him,  we  begin  to  see  the 
mischievous  consequences  resulting  from  the  an- 
nexation of  temporal  sovereignty  to  ecclesiastical 
dignity.    But  temporal  sovereignty  must  not  be 
confounded  with  temporal    authority,   nor    be 
mistaken  for  the  position  which  the  Bishops 
held  as  chief  magistrates  of  their  city,  protecting 
fathers    of    their    people,  interposing  between 
subject  and  sovereign, 
silence  of  The  German  Chroniclers,  with  one  exception, 

the  German  7  r  7 

t£SS3£  seemed  to  have  agreed  to  observe  a  careful 
riuioiin-  reticence  as  to  any  circumstances  which  might 
affect  Bruno's  reputation.  The  notice  of  the  share 
he  took  in  the  unnatural  conspiracy  against  Olho 
was  probably  disclosed  by  accidental  want  of  cau- 
tion. They  also,  for  some  less  obvious  reason,  have 
ignored  his  connexion  with  France.  The  impor- 
tant part  which  Bruno  acted  in  securing  Lothaire's 
accession  is  known  to  us  only  through  the  French 
authorities.  With  respect  to  Bruno's  dealing  with 
Richard,  had  the  device  succeeded,  the  event 
would  perhaps  have  been  recorded  no  less  care- 
fully and  clearly,  than  the  happy  consummation 
of  the  plot  agaiiist  the  Danish  spouse  of  Gisella. 
§  35.  None  so  mortified  by  Richard's 
escape  as  the  participator  in  the  plot, — possibly 
its  originator, — Thibaut.    He  immediately  recom- 


terierence 
in  French 
afikin. 


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RICHARD  SAHB  PEUR.  729 

menced  his  dealings  with  ready  Lothaire,  and  «*-** 
readier  Gerberga,  persevering  in  the  object  of  in-  '^^ 
ducing  them  to  crush  the  rebellious  enemy.  Could 
they  bear  that  the  red-headed  Pirate  should  put 
all  France  to  shame  ?  He  insisted  upon  the  ne- 
cessity of  bringing  Normandy  into  subjection. — 
Offni  medaglia  ha  il  suo  rovescio. — Perhaps  if  gJJJJ*^. 
Thibaut  of  Chartres  could  plead  his  own  cause,  we hi"cl*rmct€r- 
might  have  been  persuaded  to  moderate  our  opini- 
ons of  his  failings.  Tying  with  Arnoul  in  length 
of  life,  the  epithet  of  Le  Tricheur  was  partly 
supplanted  by  the  more  kindly  appellation  of 
Le  Vieux ;  and  it  is  curious  to  observe  that  no 
period  of  history  exhibited  more  signal  instances 
of  longevity  in  Royal  and  Princely  families  than 
the  close  of  the  tenth  century.  Without  doubt, 
also,  there  were  many  who  accepted  Thibaut  in 
the  character  of  a  useful  and  patriotic  member  of 
the  state,  by  reason  of  his  steady  enmity  against 
the  Normans :  and  Arnoul  being  removed,  first 
transiently,  and  afterwards  permanently,  from 
the  field  of  action,  Thibaut  came  forward  as  the 
Protector  of  the  Carlovingian  Commonwealth 
against  the  astuteness  or  violence  of  the  Pagans. 
The  Paschal  festival  called  the  nobles  to 
Laon,  and  the  festive  meeting  was  followed  by  a 
remarkable  CourPlenifre, — a  Placitum  Regale,  at  ^_ 
antient  Soissons.  The  locality  must  be  marked.  *?£ nib!* 
This  Merovingian  Capital  constituted  the  chief 
City  in  the  Vermandois ;  and  rare  was  it  for  the 
King  of  France  to  convene  such  an  assembly 


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960-002 


730  LOUIS  iyOUTKEMER,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

wa-w  beyond  the  narrow  circuit  of  his  own  Crown-land. 
Soissons,  the  place  now  selected,  would  attract 
a  fuller  appearance  of  his  Nobles  and  Allies. 

Lothaire  had  prepared  for  action  with  his  usual 
vigour. — Accompanied  by  Gerberga,  he  had  been 
traversing  his  dominions,  and  thus  gained 
support.  Richard's  chief  enemies  thronged 
at  Soissons — a  Military  Muster  as  well  as  a 
Great  Council,— or  perhaps  we  should  term  it  a 
Military  Council,  such  as  appears  not  unfre- 
quently  in  antient  English  history.  No  Prelates 
are  noticed  as  having  concurred,  but  the  issue 
reveals  that  the  question  was  debated  whether 
it  would  be  more  expedient  to  declare  open  war 
against  Richard,  or  again  try  to  secure  him  by 
deceit ; — and  the  latter  course  was  adopted. 

Widely  spread  were  Richard's  friends.  Had 
not  many  a  knight  in  Lothaire's  service  tasted 
the  bounty  of  the  Norman  Duke  ? — None  of  the 
movements  of  the  French  were  unknown  to  him. 
*J2£*  Secretly,  suddenly,  assembling  his  troops,  he 
crossed  the  country,  and  attacked  Soissons,  seek- 
ing to  effect  the  dispersion  of  the  Convention.  But 
the  royal  forces  were  equally  on  the  alert :  and 
Richard,  beat  off  with  considerable  loss,  retreated 
to  Rouen.  Norman  and  French  historians  are  al- 
ways far  apart  from  each  other.  Fluent  Dudo  and 
his  Norman  successors  avoid  making  the  slightest 
allusion  to  Richard's  bold  but  bootless  enterprise ; 
whilst  faithful  Frodoardus  and  discreet  Richerius 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEDR.  731 

are  consistently  silent  respecting  the  whole  series   «n-«7 
of  transactions  which  we  are  now  reviewing.         - — * — . 

°  960-JH2 

§36.  Richard's  defeat  encouraged  Lothaire 
to  assume  a  high  position.  A  noble  Embassador  j£EE££ 
appeared  in  the  Palace  of  Rouen  summoning  mdlM<L 
Richard  to  perform  homage. — Richard  received 
the  Envoy  in  his  Qmr  PleniSre,  surrounded  by 
Prelates  and  Baronage.  The  proceedings  of 
Lothaire's  representative  were  energetic,  and  not 
uncourteous.  Richard  was  reminded  of  the  sub- 
missions which  Sire  and  Grandsire  had  rendered 
to  the  Crown  of  France.  To  these  expostula- 
tions, persuasions  were  conjoined.  Would  it  be 
judicious  to  resist  the  King  of  France,  and  the 
power  which  the  King  could  command  ?  Consi- 
dering the  chances  of  war,  might  not  even  Richard 
be  compelled  to  return  to  the  country  whence 
Rollo  came,  to  old  Denmark,  beyond  the  sea? 
And  something  was  thrown  in  concerning  the 
machinations  of  Richard's  enemies. 

As  to  the  arguments  deduced  from  previous 
homages,  Richard  had  a  Plea  in  bar ; — the  release 
made  by  Louis  on  the  banks  of  the  Epte, — an 
act  which  terminated  the  question.  Nevertheless, 
Richard  was  perplexed ;  his  discomfiture  before 
the  walls  of  Soissons,  might  be  the  prelude  of 
adverse  fortune.      Lothaire,   professing  to   bej££*?a 


earnestly  desiring  a  compromise  of  disputes,  pro-  witmucHMd 
posed  a  conference. — Abandoning  precedence,  $**** tha 
the  King  of  France  would  meet  Richard  on  his T 
own  Norman  land,  where  the  Duke  might  listen 


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732  LOUIS  DWTREMER,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

«w-987  to  proposals  leading  to  a  thorough  pacification. — 
* — * — >  Smooth  words,  but  false. — The  success  or  failure 

960—962  7  .       . 

of  the    projected    negotiations    were  items   of 
comparatively  small   importance  in  Lothaire's 
calculations  —  matters   almost  indifferent.     He 
and  Gerberga,  and  Thibaut,  indeed  all  his  chief 
Allies  had   resolved  to  extinguish  the  rivalry 
between  France  and  Normandy  by  a  shorter 
process.    They  would  rid  themselves  of  the  evil 
fruit,  by  cutting  down  the  evil  tree:  and  the 
trysting  place  was  duly  suggested  by  some  skilful 
observer,  well  acquainted  with  the  country — 
perhaps  Thibaut  himself — not  less  intelligently 
chosen  than  the  Isle  of  Picquigny,  for  the  object 
they  all  yearned  to  obtain. 
Alteration.         In  order  that  we  may  interpret  the  subse- 

ln  the  marl.  J  r 

Httoiiueo-  quent  movements,  we  must  open  the  map,  and 
f5?th7&Lthe  direct  our  attention  to  the  river  whose  name 

and  Channel. 

furnishes  the  first  article  in  every  Geographical 
dictionary.  Twenty-one  European  streams,  at  the 
very  least,  are  severally  designated  as  the  "  Aa." 
Amongst  these,  the  most  important  is  that  great 
"  Aa/'  which,  during  the  last  century,  severed 
France  from  the  Austrian  Netherlands,  and  still 
continues  a  political  boundary:  the  latter  do- 
mination, being  replaced  in  our  own  day,  by 
the  Kingdom  of  Belgium.  Now,  from  that 
same  "Aa,"  unto  the  Seine,  and  even  beyond 
the  Seine  to  the  promontory  of  the  Hogue, 
we  may  observe  how  the  Channel  and  North 
Sea  coasts  are  intersected  by  numerous  streams 


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BICHABD  SANS  PEUB.  733 

or  streamlets,  larger  or  smaller,  which,  fer-  **-«* 
tilizing  the  soil,  and  ministering  to  the  mari-  * — * — k 
time  interests  of  the  land,  are  also  more  or  less 
available  as  military  defences.  The  general  lines 
of  course  and  outlet  are  not  materially  altered; 
yet  manifold  changes  have  taken  place  in  the 
physical  features  of  the  chorography ; — extensive 
tracts  accumulated  by  alluvial  deposits;  here, 
the  run  widened ;  there,  estuaries  filled  up  and 
converted  into  lush  pastures ; — fresh  waters  com- 
mingled with  the  salt  tide ; — rivers  so  deepened 
by  the  up-rushing  wave,  that  the  tall  oar  worked 
by  the  fishermen's  long  arm,  can  no  longer  reach 
the  bed ;  whilst,  in  others,  so  shallowed  by  the 
rising  banks  and  shoals,  that  the  bark  cannot 
speed  her  way, 

§  37.  The  Bresle,  the  well-known  river  of  Ar-  SK'Sf 
ques,  severed  Ponthieu  from  Normandy. — The^eB^e"?© 
defence  of  the  island  fortress  by  Hollo's  genuine 
Northmen,  evidences  the  availability  of  that  fron- 
tier line.  A  stout  defence  could  Richard  have 
made  on  that  border,  had  Lothaire  there  at- 
tempted hostilities. — Journeying  on  westward, 
we  are  next  stayed  by  the  Yare.  Is  it  not  in- 
teresting to  find  amongst  the  North-folk  erf  East 
Anglia,  the  namesake  of  the  Northman's  stream  ? 
— Further,  we  arrive  at  the  Diupe, — the  Dieppe, 
— the  Deep-water,  which  as  my  readers  may 
recollect,  or  ought  to  recollect,  first  invited  the 
erection  of  the  now  flourishing  sea-port  City.  This 
same  Diupe  is  formed  by  the  confluence  of  the 


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734  LOUIS  DWJTREMEB,  LOTHAIBE,  &C. 

»4-9e7  Bethune,  and  the  Eatdne,  the  Celtic  Allan  water, 
where,  for  the  present,  we  mnst  stay,  adverting 
however  to  the  circumstance,  that  the  same  con- 
formation of  territory  continues  until  we  reach 
another  Celtic  stream,  the  Durdan,  and  thus 
onward  till  we  meet  the  mouth  of  the  Seine. 
pj.ee ^  During  the  earlier  mediaeval  period,  however, 

Sp35£?b7  the  Bethune  had  not  acquired  its  present  name. 

Lothaireon  x  *  7 

the nuik. of  befog  considered  emphatically  the  Deep  water; 
and  Lothaire  had  fixed  his  place  of  conference  on 
the  borders  of  the  Eaulne,  so  that  Richard  might 
be  led  to  take  his  station  on  the  inland  Delta, 
with  the  Deep-water  in  his  rear. — This  position 
would  not  be  advantageous.  Richard  was  fully 
aware,  that,  if  possible,  Lothaire  would  endeavour 
to  circumvent  him.  Yet  such  was  his  disturbed 
state  of  mind  that,  knowing  his  danger,  he  could 
not  determine  to  shun  it.  He  had  however  em- 
ployed all  due  precautions.  The  country  folk 
had  armed  themselves,  all  ready  for  another 
Maromme  m£Uey  and  he  advanced  with  a  power- 
ful body — well  picked — well  chosen  ; — includ- 
ing the  proudest  combatants  of  Armorica  and 
Normandy.  All  ardent  for  enterprise,  and 
amongst  them  none  more  daring  than  Gautier-le- 
Veneur, — none  more  strenuous  in  fight,  and 
Richard's  companion  day  by  day. 


Lothaire  ad- 
with 


§  38.    With  Lothaire  marched  proudly  the 

S35£     three  bad  neighbours,  Baldwin  of  Flanders — 

Geoffrey  of   Anjou — and,  above   all,  Thibaut. 

Could  you  have  asked  them  the  question,  there 


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RICHARD  SANS  PBUB.  735 

was  not  one  who  would  have  shrunk  from  the  »*47g87« 
"yea,"  that  whether  by  foul  means  or  fair,  their  '"^CST 
delight  would  have  been  to  send  Richard  to 
Valhalla — though  they  would  have  called  that 
dark  region  by  a  different  name, — In  the  same 
manner  as  we  now  colloquially  compute  military 
strength  by  sabres  and  bayonets,  it  was  said  that 
the  army  of  Lothaire  numbered  seven  thousand 
helmets  and  three  thousand  gilded  shields.  All 
these  were  gathering  beyond  the  Eaulne,  whilst 
Richard  proceeded  confidently  and  cheerily. 

Reports  however,  somewhat  alarming,  were  *»■*■■«* 
spreading  concerning  the  French  forces,  andBtohMd" 
Richard  sent  forth  three  Espials  to  ascertain  the 
facts.  How  and  in  what  guise  was  Lothaire 
advancing  ?  They  separated,  searching  the  coun- 
try ;  and  the  first  Scout  crept  so  close  as  to  ob- 
serve the  preparations  of  the  French.  No  one 
who  saw  them  could  now  doubt  but  that  as 
enemies  they  were  to  be  deemed.  Lothaire  was 
holding  a  Council  of  war  with  the  three  Mai- 
voisins,  preparing  for  the  battle.  Thibaut  the 
Tricheur  in  full  armour,  Geoffrey  Grisgonnelle, 
his  grey  gown  doffed,  and  he,  shining  in  rattling 
steel, — young  Baldwin  armed  and  yearning  for 
the  fight ;  all,  glowing  with  eagerness  to  surprise 
and  exterminate  the  foe. 

The  sky  was  bright  and  the  breeze  refreshing,  JS^E**. 
the  grass  tender  and  green,  the  copsewood-shade  L!Tq,,elwl 
inviting,  the  cloth  spread  upon  the  turf,  and 
Richard  improved  the  time  for  morning  carousal. 


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736  LOUIS  DXH7TBEMER,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

«4-«7   Well  loaded  were  the  sumpters  with  creature-com- 
— * — >  forts,  and  Duke  and  Damoiseaux  having  sat  down, 

960-982  9  S  ' 

a  hundred  Valets  were  ministering  to  the  party, 
Richard  and  his  Companions  were  beginning 
to  enjoy  their  banquet,  when,  in  scurried  the  first 
Scout,  shouting  as  he  drew  nigh,  proclaiming 
how  imminent  was  the  danger, — Richard  would 
not  stir ;  he  would  complete  his  meal,  and 
desired  his  Seneschal  to  bring  another  course, 
merrily  telling  his  merry  men  that  when  they 
had  eaten  enough  and  drank  enough,  then  should 
the  banner  be  raised,  and  all  go  forward. 
intent**  More  cates  were  dished,  more  cyder  brought, 
J5eth? ^proMh  but  there  was  much  between  the  cup  and  the 
"*  lip;  for  then  galloped  up  the  second  Scout, 
screaming  that  the  French  were  marching ; 
and,  close  upon  his  heels  the  last  Scout  of  the 
three.  Such  haste  had  the  good  Knight  made, 
speeding  as  for  life  or  death,  that  the  spikes  of 
his  spurs  were  blooded  up  to  his  heels,  so  deep 
had  he  scored  into  his  swift  horse's  flanks. 
The  French  were  charging !  Alas  for  the  ban- 
quet 1 — cates  and  cyder  left  on  the  grass,  and  all 
prepared  for  the  deadly  stour. 
Th^cw«ing  quf  Narrators  are  as  it  were  entangled 
amongst  the  rivers,  and  the  tales  they  tell  are 
perplexed  and  confused.  But  when  was  any  ac- 
count of  any  battle  completely  clear  ?  We  can  dis- 
cern that  Lothaire  himself  had  not  yet  crossed  the 
Eaulne.  Richard  immediately  hastened  his  march 
towards  the  ford,  and  there  he  took  his  stand. 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  737 

He,  the  Preux,  the  bold  one,  followed  by  the  .05i7°87, 
flower  of  Normandy,  preparing  for  the  worst,  wol^a 
But  Lothaire  was  very  vigilant.  A  French  de- 
tachment crossed  the  ford,  and,  at  their  head,  a 
single  Knight,  panoplied  like  the  son  of  an  Em- 
peror. First  and  foremost  did  Richard  assail 
the  enemy.  The  French  Knight,  confidently  ex- 
pecting the  attack,  charged  the  Duke  with  more 
courage  than  good  fortune. — He  fell  transfixed 
by  the  Norman  lance,  and  his  followers  were  cut 
down  by  the  Normans. 

But  Lothaire  was  pushing  forwards  furiously. 
Seven  hundred  banners  did  he  lead  to  the  strife. 
To  await  their  assault  would  have  been  a  des- 
perate venture.     The  keen-toned  cornet  sounded  Then«r- 


the  retreat;   and  the  retreat  ensued.     Richard {££,£ *• 


and  his  troops  fell  back  upon  the  Deep  Water, 
where  he  was  supported  by  the  rural  levies, 
glowing  the  opportunity  of  defending  their  Sove- 
reign and  their  honour.  Geoffrey  of  Anjou  had 
however  partly  anticipated  him,  occupying  the 
vicinity.  And  now  came  up  the  Royal  squadron. 
Desperate  was  the  battle  waged  in  the  Dieppe 
water : — knights  struck  down,  and  struggling  in  5ttJatu* 
the  stream, — sinking  into  the  pits  of  the  river 
bed, — mixing  their  blood  with  the  waves. — Many 
a  hard  blow  hit ; — horses  plunging  in  the  wet 
gravel,  or  slithering  and  sliding  on  the  silt  and 
the  slimy  margins.  Thrice  did  Richard  raise 
the  Norman  war-cry  "  Diex  aie  /"  his  own  folks 
joining  him,  whilst  (as  the  excited  Trouveur  tells) 
vol.  ii.  3  b 


rthe 
ford*. 


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738  LOUIS  DWJTREMER,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

all  the  slogans  attributed  to  the  various  provincial 
nationalities  were  resounding. — "  Man  Joie!" 
cried  the  Frenchman : — "Arras  /"  the  Fleming : 
— "  Valie  /"  the  Angevin ; — and  Thibaut  himself, 
shouting  out  "Passe  avant  et  Chartres  /"  Face 
to  face,  the  two  Sovereigns  observed  each  other ; 
and,  whenever  Lothaire  saw  Eichard  lift  up  the 
sword,  did  not  his  heart,  as  the  Normans  tell  us, 
die  within  him  ?  Lothaire  was  actually  thrown 
off  his  horse,  though  not  by  Richard,  but,  unhurt, 
he  speedily  regained  his  seat  and  resumed  the 
contest.  Richard  fought  desperately,  and  Thi- 
baut could  distinguish  the  young  Duke's  clear 
voice  rising  amidst  the  turmoil,  vituperating  him 
as  a  miscreant  and  a  traitor. 

o«xtier4e-  But  who  so  prominent  in  the  group  as 
Gautier-le-Veneur  ?  All  the  interest  of  the  battle 
seemed  at  one  juncture  to  be  concentrated  upon 
the  Huntsman,  as  though  he  had  been  the  sole 
object  of  the  conflict.  Dragged  off  his  horse — 
seized  by  the  enemy — rescued  and  remounted  by 
the  ready  Duke  on  the  best  he  had — perhaps  his 
own  charger ;— and  now,  again  for  the  battle.— But 
the  strength  of  the  French  was  wasting.  Three 
hundred  horses  lost ; — black,  dappled  and  grey. 

TMfob*,t    Lothaire  was  distracted:  his  movement  to  the 

ezoeeding  7 

ration.  ]?or<ig^  though  judiciously  planned,  had  become 
most  inopportune;  he  had  not  calculated  the 
mischances  and  circumstances  of  the  amphibious 
fight,  the  dashings  and  the  splashings,  the  stum- 
blings and  the  risings.  And  when  the  Trouveur 
chaunted  the  "geste,"  at  Woodstock  or  West- 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  739 

minster,  how  delighted  were  the  attentive  listeners  «4-A87 
when  they  heard  the  familiarly  expected  verses,  * — 2 — k 
describing  Lothaire's  yellow  face,  permeated  by 
spite  and  malice,  becoming  ten  times  uglier.  How 
he  tore  his  own  banner  all  to  rags  and  tatters,  and 
flung  away  his  sword,  raging  and  raving  as.  if  he 
were  crazy. 

Lothaire  abandoned  the  battle-scene,  the  flood 
and  the  field,  with  the  utmost  speed :  and  Richard, 
gleefully  rejoicing,  exclaimed,  when  he  saw  the 
tails  of  the  enemy's  horses, — "  Lothaire  goes 
home ;  a  thousand  lances  shall  he  have  for  his 
convoy!"  Richard  girt  himself  again  for  the 
fight.  Another  horse  was  brought  him  ;  his 
fresh  and  spirited  Castilian  steed.  He  donned 
his  helmet,  and  prepared  to  start.  All  about 
him,  nobles  and  friends,  deemed  him  foolhardy, 
— blamed  and  rebuked  him.  Their  words  he 
would  not  hear,  and  had  crossed  his  saddle  when 
some  clever  courtier  plucked  at  the  reins,  and 
led  him  off. — And  now  he  returned  exultingly  JJJ;^; 
to  Rouen  ;  not  scath-free,  but  without  having  £££.* 
received  a  single  wound. 

If  the  Gascons  were  proverbially  considered 
as  vain  boasters,  the  antient  Normans  were 
possessed  by  a  kindred  spirit.  However  in- 
fluential Normandy  was  becoming,  still  we  can 
scarcely  believe  what  they  tell  us,  that  every 
part  of  Christendom,  from  Scandinavia  to  the 
Alps,  and  beyond  the  Alps,  delighted  in  Lothaire's 
discomfiture ; — East  and  West,  North  and  South, 
re-echoing  Richard's  praises, 

3  B  digitized  by  ( 


740  LOUIS  POUTREMER,  LOTHAIRE,  &C 

>95V?,  § . 39.  But  the  home  importance  appertain- 
'  wo-962 '  iQg  to  the  Battle  of  the  Fords  was  assuredly  very 
great.  All  were  angered.  Lothaire  stung  by 
his  defeat.  Richard  affronted  by  the  thwarted 
treachery.  The  French  Nobles,  generally  troubled 
by  the  loss  they  had  sustained,  and  the  appre- 
hension of  further  disasters. — Above  all,  Thibaut 
could  not  rest;  and,  for  the  third  time,  attempted 
to  satisfy  his  ambition,  and  satiate  his  vengeance, 
TbiiJSr  The  older  Thibaut  grew,  the  more  intensely 

iSnaireto  did  he  become  matured  in  enmity.     State-craft, 

Mtert  his  *  ' 

***••  fluency  of  speech,  energy,  all  encreased  with  age, 
and  he  continued  unremittingly  the  provocations 
addressed  to  Richard's  enemies.  He  reproached 
King  Lothaire,  roused  his  pride,  excited  his  fears. 
Would  he,  contented  to  abide  in  disgrace,  allow 
Richard's  persistence  in  rebellion,  holding  the 
Norman  Monarchy,  without  even  rendering  a 
formal  homage  ?.  Was  Lothaire  worthy  to  be 
called  King  of  France, — he  who  dared  not  assert 
his  Kingdom's  integrity  ? — Moreover,  was  it  not 
probable  that  Richard,  inviting  his  Danish  kin- 
dred, would  inflict  sorer  injuries  upon  France 
than  even  his  grandsire  Rollo  ? 

And  now  Thibaut  disclosed  his  schemes  for 
Lothaire's  advantage,  and  his  own.  Let  Lothaire 
appear  before  Evreux,  and  Evreux  would  open 
her  gates.— Win  Evreux  for  me,  and  I  will  repay 
thee. — Evreux  once  won,  he,  Thibaut,  would  aid 
in  prosecuting  the  warfare.  Ere  the  approaching 
Pentecost  all  Normandy  would  be  at  Lothaire's 


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RICHARD  SANS   PEUR.  741 


954-087 
960-082 


mercy,  and  Lothaire  would  regain  all  that  his 
luckless  grandsire  Charles  had  lost.  Joyed  and 
overjoyed  was  Lothaire.  He  had  fully  learned  to 
comport  himself  as  King:  and,  issuing  his  precepts 
under  seal,  all  the  Lieges  of  France  and  Burgundy 
were  convened  to  his  Caur  Pleniere  at  Laon. 
Lothaire,  before  the  assembly,  impeached  Richard  g2w» 
as  a  Felon ;  the  Duke  would  neither  obey  him  b^JSSJ. 
as  a  Liege  Lord,  nor  answer  him  as  a  Liege 
Lord.  He  had  summoned  them  to  repair  the 
wrongs  of  France :  let  them  support  their  King 
and  the  rights  of  the  Crown,  and  Normandy 
should  be  as  had  it  been,  scarce  fifteen  years 
since, — absolutely  in  their  power. 

Ce  qui  a  France  doit  servir 
Ne  li  laisser  issi  tollir 
Ramenez  a  ce  les  Normanz 
Ou  its  erent  n'a  pas  quinze  ans. 

Commonplace  arguments  these, — trivial  modes 
of  persuasion, — yet  valuable  as  testifying  how 
appeals  could  be  made  to  French  national  spirit, 
and  French  exertions  stimulated  by  the  enhance- 
ment of  French  national  glory.  The  Nobles  went 
entirely  with  their  King.  Lothaire  took  the 
command  of  the  army,  and,  having  summoned  a 
large  force  of  his  own,  he  was  joined  by  Thibaut. 
The  opening  of  the  war  was  singularly  suc- 
cessful. A  sudden  assault  from  without,  andj|™«by 
the  co-operation  of  disloyal  Gilbert  Machel,  tSSSu"* 
or  Meschrel,  from  within,  very  speedily  re- 
duced   Evreux,  and  the  city  was  transferred 


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962- 
Rlchard 
invade*  the 
Pars  Char. 


Para 
train. 


742  LOUIS  P0UTREMER,  LOTHABRE,  &C. 

954-987  into  the  possession  of  Thibaut.  Imperfect  as  we 
know  the  means  of  intercommunication  to  have 
been  in  those  times,  it  is  often  startling  to  find 
how  each  country  was  self-contained,  and  men 
unacquainted  with  the  movements,  whether  pacific 
or  hostile,  of  their  near  neighbours. 

Richard  had  not  surmised  any  practical  result 
from  the  Cour  Pleniere  at  Laon,  still  less  was  he 
prepared  to  frustrate  the  expedition  against  Ev- 
reux.  His  elastic  alacrity  remedied  the  negligence. 
The  Banner  of  Saint  Michael  raised,  Normans 
and  Bretons  joined  him  by  hundreds  and  thou- 
sands.    Lothaire  dared  not  face  the  defenders  of 
their  country,  and  retreated.     Richard  blew  the 
counterblast.    The  Normans  burst  into  Thibaut's 
dominions,  extending  themselves  over  the  Pays 
Chartrain,  mercilessly  devastating  the  country, 
plundering  and  pillaging.     No  opposition  made 
by  the  peasantry, — not  even  in  self-defence; — 
dispersed,  they  were  indiscriminately  slaughtered. 
The  active  Normans  were  pursuing  the  chase  for 
their  own  profit  and  gain:  bevies  of  prisoners 
taken  and  bound,  and  more  than  two  hundred 
thousand  marks  did  they  vaunt  as  the  amount  of 
ransom  money  and  plunder. — Hilarious  indeed 
was  the  grand  settling  day  at  Rouen,  and  Richard 
disbanded  his  troops,  supposing  that  he  had  ended 
the  war. 
Thibaut  But  now  it  was  Thibaut's  turn.     Richard 

retaliates  hj 

nSSS/.  h^  shamed  him,  and  he  would  shame  Richard. 
The  manner  in  which  this  warfare  was  conducted 
exhibits  a  singular  contrast  between  the  consis- 

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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  743 

tent  views  of  the  parties,  and  their  desultory  **-w 
modes  of  action.  Richard,  however,  had  now  '^g^* 
supplied  all  deficiencies.  Seven  hundred  chosen 
Companions  constituted  the  kernel  of  the  garrison. 
A  rumour  had  reached  Richard  that  Thibaut  was 
on  his  march ;  nay,  he  had  entered  Normandy, 
supported  by  the  power  of  France.  The  rumour 
became  a  certainty,  though  the  intelligence  did 
not  define  the  fulness  of  the  danger. 

Anticipating  the  season  of  enterprise,  Richard 
had  knighted  a  young  warrior,  his  namesake,  so 
young  that  he  was  fondly  called  Richardet — 
"little  Richard." — And  Richardet,  clever  and 
brave,  was  sent  forward  to  ascertain  the  numbers 
and  intentions  of  the  enemy.  The  Chartrain  army 
advanced  rapidly,  ruining  the  unprotected  country 
in  their  progress,  and  were  drawing  very  nigh 
to  Rouen. 

Richardet  fell  in  with  a  hostile  party.  He 
was  surrounded  and  handled  so  roughly  that 
though  lance  and  sword  delivered  him  from  the  as- 
sailants, it  was  with  difficulty  that  he  escaped  alive. 
However,  he  did  escape ;  and  when  he  came  before 
Richard,  the  battered  helmet,  the  broken  sword, 
and  the  blood  clotted  on  his  visage  told  the 
story.    But  Thibaut's  movements  were  masterly ;  iuPid  *. 

Tiaoe  of  tht 

and  whilst  Richardet  was  informing  Richard  of  25?SU 
his  adventure,  the  Chartrain  forces,  burning  and  SSSSide- 

rille,  oppo- 

destroying  as  they  pressed  onwards,  had  actually  r" 
entered  Hermondeville,  nay,  had  come  quite  close 
up  to  the  bridge  of  Rouen. 


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744  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

.  ft547a87,  Hermondeville,  afterwards  the  great  Fau- 
-  96o-l»(a '  bourg  of  Saint  Sever,  now  studded  with  the  tall 
steaming  shafts  which  capitalize  the  land  and 
stain  the  sky,  was  then  a  straggling  hamlet ;  the 
scanty  dwellings  planted  here  and  there  amongst 
pastures,  woodlands,  and  marshes.  No  defence 
could  be  made,  and  the  Chartrains  encamped  in 
a  position  which  gave  them  a  commanding  station 
upon  the  river  bank,  covering  also  a  considerable 
breadth  of  country. 
Thiuutt  So  forcible  was  the  impression  made  by  this 

t£©S^^  invasion  upon  the  Normans,  that  the  particulars 
of  the  exact  locality  occupied  by  the  enemy,  have 
been  marked  out  to  this  day  by  continued  tradi- 
tion. But  the  ruins  of  the  consecrated  structures 
erected  in  subsequent  ages  upon  the  site,  have 
been  buried  so  deeply,  or  eradicated  so  thorough- 
ly, that  the  diligent  archaeological  topographer 
alone,  can  designate  or  dream,  where  they  once 
arose,  generations  of  buildings,  so  to  speak, 
having  risen  and  fallen  upon  the  ground. 

Within  the  memory  of  some  very  few  survi- 
vors who  remember  the  Cap  of  liberty,  the  Monks 
of  famous  Bonnes-nouvelles,  founded  by  the  Con- 
queror's bounty,  and  boasting  the  more  than 
dubious  tomb  of  the  Empress  Maude,  could  point 
out  to  their  visitors,  how  and  where  the  invaders 
had  pitched  their  tents  on  the  site  of  the  monas- 
tery, and  the  adjoining  grounds. 

At  the  commencement  of  the  present  century 
the  lofty  walls  surrounding  the  Convent  and  vast 
gardens  of  the  Emmures,  the  first  recluses  ever 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  745 

beheld  at  Rouen,  were  still  standing,  and  the  ^^L 
Nuns  might  beguile  their  winter  evenings  by   g^loe 
relating  to  the  novices  how  in    the  old   time 
Thibaut's  savage   soldiery  had  revelled  within 
the  secluded  precinct,  and  throughout  the  wide 
extent  of  their  Barony. 

The  small  craftsmen,  and  mean  burgesses, 
inhabiting  the  long-shore  street,  grotesquely 
known  by  the  appellation  of  "  Claque-dent,"  or 
"  Chatter-grinders,"  fully  knew  that  their  line  of 
timbered  dwellings  marked  out  a  portion  of  the 
river  frontage  occupied  by  Thibaut's  camp. 
Whilst  "le  Clos  des  Gall6es,"  a  Wharf  upon  the 
Seine,  adjoining  the  bridge  head,  and  command- 
ing it,  constituted  the  Leaguer's  termination. 

Such  was  the  very  advantageous  Pos^ion8^rtMd^ 
selected  by  strategic  Thibaut.  No  impediment  ££££££?. 
could  be  offered  against  his  Troops,  and  their 
immediate  proceedings  evidenced  their  proud 
determination.  They  came  as  if  they  intended 
to  colonise.  In  the  course  of  the  one  day,  they 
raised  their  bivouacs,  pitched  their  tents  and 
pavilions,  put  up  their  camp  kitchens,  cooked 
their  food,  and,  when  evening  drew  on,  they 
were  ready  to  settle  for  the  night  with  entire 
comfort.  And  yet,  whilst  the  business  of  the 
encampment  was  in  progress,  they  had  not  de- 
sisted from  active  war,  for  their  parties  foraging 
and  ranging,  were  ravaging  the  country  and 
firing  more  and  more  cottages  and  barns. 

A  sad  humiliation  this  for  Richard,  that  the 
Enemy  should  thus  be  bearding  him  in  his  own 

Digitized  by  VjOOQlC 


746  LOUIS  iyOUTBEMEB,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 


054-067 


land.  But  the  greater  the  insult,  the  more  glorious 
axvlwa'  must  be  the  compensation.  Nor  was  he  altogether 
taken  by  surprise.  Rouen  was  always  in  defensi- 
ble condition ;  the  strong  walls  and  towers  in  good 
repair,  the  look-outs  garnished,  and  the  deep  cre- 
nellations  planked  and  pallisaded.  Resolved 
to  jact  upon  the  offensive,  he  made  full  show  as 

prct^t'oni  though  he  was  providing  only  for  defence : — the 

o^^SLbT  beacons  were   flickering  and  flaring  upon  the 
ramparts,  the  Warders  watching  on  the  topmost 
turrets,  and  the  Sentinels  walking  their  constant 
rounds,  evincing  their  vigilance  by  the  incessant 
blasts  of  their   bugles.  —  The  seven    hundred 
Knights,  Richard's  boon  companions  in  the  Hall, 
and  his  Capital's  doughty  defenders,  all  ready. 
— Abundance    of  craft  in   the  pool — Richard 
animating   the   whole    meisnee,  addressing  his 
men,  explaining  his  scheme  for  delivering  them- 
selves from  their  foes.   Sure  might  they  be  that  the 
enemy  would  believe  themselves  secure,  and  that  a 
sharp  attack  that  very  night  would  catch  them  off 
their  guard.     Close  must  be  the  conflict, — cut, — 
thrust, — stab, — let  the  blood  spurt  out  after  every 
blow,  but  the  day  of  battle  must  commence  before 
the  dawn. — A  prayer  is  offered  up  by  Richard  in 
the  Cathedral,  his  rich  mantle  cast  as  an  offering 
upon  the  altar  j  and  then,  the  embarkation. 

The  NonnM       Silently  they   muster   on  the  river  bank ; 

cro^ng  the  g]^  jjq^  barge,  and  galley,  put  in  requisition. 
Throughout  the  night  the  troops  were  crossing  the 
water.— A  brilliant  night.— The  splendid  full  moon 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  747 

reflected  in  each  ripple  on  the  broad  flawing   <**-»y 
tidal   stream.      But  the    rich    moonlight   was  /96al9ga> 
saddened  by  the    incendiary  glare, — the  ruins 
of  Hermondeville  and  the  villages  far  and  near, 
smouldering  and  blazing;   a  scene  heightening 
Richard's  anger  and  desire  of  revenge. 

Rightly  had  Richard  speculated  upon  the 
over-weening  confidence  which  possessed  the 
invaders.  At  the  conclusion  of  their  diligent 
encampment  day,  they  had  retired  early  to  rest ; 
but  when  they  were  wrapped  in  their  soundest 
sleep,  just  before  the  day  was  breaking,  the 
shrill  cornets  were  pealing,  the  three  divisions  of 
the  Normans,  shouting  "  Diex  aie!"  burst  upon 
the  Camp,  and  the  desperate  fray  commenced. 

Such  was  the  present  inequality  between  the 
contending  parties,  that,  though  the  Normans 
gained  their  advantage  by  due  diligence,  and  the 
Chartrains  lost  their  chance  by  their  own  neglect, 
the  dealings  of  the  assailants  appeared  almost  ™**h™tof 
unfair.  Ttiibaut's  men  were  routed  whilst  they  t**lluini17" 
were  rising,  or  before.  This  one  found  his  death- 
bed in  his  heather-bed,  that  one,  cloven  down 
whilst  buckling  his  armour.  The  battle  of  Her- 
mondeville could  hardly  be  called  a  fight ;  it  was 
a  flight  and  a  massacre.  How  triumphantly  do  the 
Norman  Trouveurs  describe  the  destruction  of 
the  enemy :  the  Norman  cavalry  galloping  about, 
hoof-crushing  the  fallen,  the  wounded,  the  dying, 
the  corpses,  Richard  loudly  inspiriting  them  by  ' 

his  outcry,  and  they  encouraging  themselves  by 
cheering  Richard.     Thibaut  tried  to  rally  his 


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748  LOUIS  DWJTREMER,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

.**-***.  men,— could  not, — and  speeded  away,  and  es- 


960—962 


caping  simply  by  his  horse's  swiftness,  he  directed 
The  count  his  course  to  Chartres,  ignorant  of  the  sad  recep- 

runsawij. 

tion  there  awaiting  him.  At  that  very  hour, 
Thibaut's  noble  city,  the  inhabitants  knowing 
nothing  of  the  disasters  then  consummating  on 
the  banks  of  the  Seine,  was  resounding  with 
cries  of  terror  and  confusion,  whilst  the  bells 
were  slowly  tolling,  urging  the  bidding  prayer 
for  the  soul  of  the  one  departing. 

Pew  of  Thibaut's  troops  accompanied  him, 
more  fled  in  his  footsteps  helter-skelter,  but 
a  greater  number  tried  to  save  themselves  by 
skulking  in  the  woods  and  swamps.  These 
mostly  became  the  victims  of  their  own  terrors. 
Out  poured  the  Burgesses  from  Eouen,  wielding 
gisarme  and  battle-axe ;  the  peasantry  followed 
with  club  and  scythe.  Very  many  prisoners  were 
taken,  and  magnificent  was  the  booty  grabbled 
by  the  Burghers  and  Clowns  stripping  the  bloody 
carcases.  Six  hundred  and  forty  were  counted  on 
the  field.  Richard  employed  the  day  in  exploring 
Richards    Hermondeville  and  the  vicinities,  which  afforded 

humanity 

™Jnwi2!  only  an  insecure  shelter  to  the  fugitives.  But 
his  object  was  a  work  of  mercy.  He  sought 
out  all  the  living.  Hurt  and  wounded  were 
carefully  conveyed  in  litters  to  Rouen,  whilst 
to  the  dead  he  gave  a  Christian  burial. 

™umu]a9ted  As  f°r  Thibaut,  mournful  was  his  arrival  at 
Chartres.  Little  was  Thibaut  aware,  when  flee- 
ing from  the  battle  field,  that  the  day  was  a  day 


misfortune*. 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  749 

of  four-fold  calamity. — He,  disgraced — his  troops  ,ft547°87, 
slaughtered — Chartres  devastated  by  a  dreadful   wiora 
conflagration,  his  noble  palace  a  smoking  ruin, — 
but,  deepest  grief  of  all,  his  son  and  namesake 
a  corpse ;   for  on  that  very  day  had  the  young 
Thibaut  died. 

§  40.  Splendid  successes  these  for  Richard,  Jftg^KE 
yet,  unconclusive.     The  alliance  formed  against  ESS? 

their 

the  Pirate  continued  undissolved,  nay,  it  should  «*«■■■• 
seem  that  the  reverses  of  the  Confederates  stimu- 
lated them  to  fiercer  hostility.  The  Normans 
though  for  the  most  part  assimilating  themselves 
in  language,  manners,  and  religion  to  the  French, 
— under  which  term  we  may  include  all  the  popu- 
lations between  Alps  and  Atlantic,  Mediter- 
ranean and  North  Sea,  Bretons  only  excepted, — 
still  laboured  under  social  excommunication. 
All  enchorial  Frenchmen,  without  distinction  of 
race,  hated  the  Danish  lineage,  considered  them 
as  intruding  barbarians,  and  yearned  to  expel 
the  black-blooded  aliens  from  the  land. 

Disasters  had  neither  mitigated  Thibaut's  en- 
mity nor  stayed  his  activity.  We  are  almost 
compelled  to  respect  him  for  his  strenuousness  and 
consistency  in  wrong.  Grisgonnefle  was  seek- 
ing to  enlarge  his  borders.  Arnoul-le-Jeune 
inherited  the  domains,  as  well  as  the  sentiments 
of  father  and  grandfather.  Lothaire  contributed 
his  contingent,  and  all,  uniting  their  forces,  in- 
vaded Normandy.  A  succession  of  expeditions 
now  ensued.  Grisgonnelle  ravaged  the  Passoiz. 
— The  Manceaux,  and  the  other  confederates, 

Digitized  by  VjOOQlC 


750  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

954-eo7   taking  their  share,  spoiled  and  despoiled  Dom- 
- — * — >  front  and  Belesme,  and  all  as  far  as  Rotrou. — The 

WO— 962  ' 

.   Count  of  Maine  pestered  Alen9on  and  the  Cor- 
i»d  Jdg~   bonnois,  and  up  into  the  Lieuvain.    The  Normans 

bours  annoj  '  * 

viSSE?  were  hearty  in  their  defence,  but  the  multiplicity 
of  the  points  attacked  by  the  French  rendered  it 
impracticable  for  Richard  to  make  any  decisive 
movement.  The  men  of  Exmes  and  Eu  guarded 
their  country  against  the  Count  of  Perche.  The 
men  of  the  Avranchin  did  their  duty,  so  also 

S?B^S,.of  those  of  the  Pays-de-Caux.    The  Bretons  stood 

and  Normans     .         -,.■,       ,         -rv-    i  i 

steadily  by  Richard. 

Very  peculiarly,  however,  did  Richard  rely 
on  the  Bessin  and  the  Cotentin.  Richard's  early 
training  at  Bayeux  had  given  him  a  personal  hold 
upon  that  country,  abounding  more  than  any 
other  portion  of  his  dominions  with  families  of 
pure  Scandinavian  blood :  and,  glancing  at  a 
gayer  theme,  we  may  suppose  that  in  this  region 
he  made  acquaintance  with  that  lovely  Damsel 
of  Danish  race,  who  became  the  Ancestress  of 
the  future  Dynasty. 

Over  and  above  his  own  subjects,  Richard 
mustered  a  considerable  number  of  soldiers — 
soldiers  in  the  modern  or  strict  sense  of  the 
word.  Brabanters,  Hainaulters,  Flemings,  happy 
to  receive  their  solde  or  pay  from  any  hand ;  and 
in  this  case,  from  their  own  liege  lord's  enemy. 
They  belonged  to  the  people  who  afterwards  as- 
sisted Richard's  great  grandson  in  effecting  the 
Conquest  of  England,  and  even  more  extensively 
co-operated  with  the  Scoto-Saxon  Kings  in  the 
reduction  of  the  regions  north  of  the  Tay. 

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MCHABD  SANS  PEUR.  751 

Yet,  notwithstanding  these  aids,  and  amidst   «*-«& 
all  his  prosperity,  the  conduct  of  Richard  dis-  '^2^* 
closes  the  important  fact  which  his  biographers  Rlchmrd> 
carefully  conceal,  that  he  deemed  himself  in  great  f^la^r 
peril.     On  the  face  of  the  current  affairs  we  can  dM«w- 
discover  only  one  patent  reason,  justifying  the 
anxieties  thus  troubling  him,  that  is  to  say,  the 
detention  of  Chartres,  which  still  continued  in 
Thibaut's  power.     But  his  own  language  reveals 
the  deeply-seated  root  of  his  misgivings.     He 
knew  the  truth. — Richard  the  child,  Richard  the 
youth,  Richard  the  man,  like  the  rest  of  his 
lineage,  was  extruded  from  the  sphere  of  French 
civilization ;  always  under  society's  outlawry, — 
a  Coloured  man  on  the  Broadway, — an  Irish 
Papist  at  Bandon  during  the  full  orange  blaze  of 
the  "  Glorious  and  Immortal  Memory," — and,  to 
his  dying  day,  spoken  of  and  written  about  only 
as  "  Dux  Piratarum"  Chief  of  the  Pirates. — He 
was  perfectly  cognizant  of  the  universally  ac- 
cepted doctrine  that,  when  open  weapons  could 
not  prevail  against  the  Dane,  it  was  lawful  to  dig 
any  pit  into  which  the  Wolf  could  fall. 

Under  such  a  weight  of  trouble,  the  recollec- 
tion of  the  fraud  attempted  against  Richard  by 
Archbishop  Bruno  justified  him  in  assuming  that 
the  Germans  participated  in  the  feelings  of  the 
French.  The  fickle  Celtic  tribes  might  turn 
against  him  any  day.  The  seeming  firm  land 
might  in  fact  be  quicksand,  and  except  the  Cape- 
tian  party,  and  they  doubtfully,  there  was  not  a 
soul  who  could  really  be  trusted  by  the  Chief  of 
the  Pirates.     Richard  had  persevered  in  keeping 

Digitized  by  GoOgle 


752  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

>0547°87.  up  friendly  relations  with  his  kindred   in  the 
'  m-m *  pristine  home  of  Gorm   and  Rollo.     To  them, 
SSS^tto1'  ^an^s  '°  k*s  rearing,  he  was  still  as  a  fellow- 
ffiffii*  countryman.— The  stout  ruddy  Danish  damsel 
he  could  compliment  not  less  intelligibly  than  if 
he  had  joined  her  in  the  Yule-dance.     When  a 
Danish  keel  came  up  to  Rouen,  Richard  could 
greet  the  rough  Butsekerl  in  his  native  speech, 
shake  his  hand,  and  ask  whether  "  cow-smeer  " 
sold  well  in  the  London  Southwark,  and  how 
things  were  going  on  in  the  Baltic  Islands.     And, 
if  the  vessel  landed  her  cargo,  Richard,  in  due 
terms  of  trade,  could  offer  good  cheap  for  the  bar- 
gain.    His  heart  turned  northwards.     Harassed 
and  depressed,  he  determined  again  to  invoke  the 
assistance  of  that  Monarch  to  whom  in  his  early 
days  he  had  been  indebted  for  the  preservation 
of  his  dominions,  perhaps  also  of  his  life. 
BuStondi  Supreme,  or  Over-King  of  the  North,  Harold 

prosperity,  jjlaatand  was  now  ruling  most  prosperously. 
Notwithstanding  the  multitudes  which  had  gone 
forth  to  England  and  to  Ireland,  and  to  France 
and  to  Flanders,  expatriated  or  slain,  colonising 
or  ravaging,  mouldering  beneath  the  turf,  or 
cultivating  the  soil,  Denmark  still  teemed  with 
population.  The  riches  and  spoils  acquired  by 
the  Danes  during  their  inroads,  instead  of  ener- 
vating their  vigour,  had  encreased  their  martial 
efficacy.  No  people  in  Christendom  better 
equipped  with  helm  and  hauberk,  sword  and 
shield : — and  a  first-rate  navy.  In  addition  to 
his   own  eager  swarming  subjects,  crowds   of 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  753 

adventurers  had  joined  Harold — Norwegians,  >a5V>87, 
Irish  Danes,  or  Oost-men, — and  those  whom  the  '  w^-m' 
Chroniclers  designate  as  Alans,  probably  some  25%^ 
of  the  Slavo-vendic  populations.  Was  Harold  a  IJS^Lk. 
Christian  ?  He  is  claimed  as  such.  The  fact 
must  be  considered  as  doubtful :  Harold  certainly- 
abstained  from  manifesting  that  hostility  to  the 
Gospel  which  had  characterized  his  predecessors, 
but  we  do  not  possess  any  proof  of  his  perversion 
or  conversion.  Lukewarm,  and  taking  matters 
easily,  the  Missionary  cause  obtained  no  advan- 
tage either  from  Harold's  persecution  or  his  fa- 
vour, nor  did  he  discourage  the  old-faith  folk,  who 
adhered  to  Odin.  Consequently  the  Heathens 
were  so  numerous  amongst  the  Danes,  that  the 
French  still  considered  them  generally  as  Idola- 
ters.— Heathens  or  Idolaters  they  might  be,  but 
any  such  objection  vanished  under  Richard's 
present  need.  Help  must  be  sought  where  help 
could  be  found,  and  what  help  more  trustworthy 
than  his  own  antient  people. 

Forthwith  he  despatched  his  messengers  to  his  Rich**  in- 
dependable friend  Harold  Blaatand.   He  besought  JJJSjf 
Harold  as  his  kinsman,  complained  of  his  wrongs, 
praying  him  to  abate  the  pride  of  France.     Joy- 
fully did  Harold  receive  the  Ambassadors,  and 
accept  their  message.    High  spirited,  full  armed, 
and  eager  for  the  battle,  the  best  and  choicest  of  gjS^j- 
Harold's  warriors  mustered  in  the  service.    The  ***"**• 
Keels  were  fitted  out,  and  amply  manned,  and, 

VOL.   II.  3  o 


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754         LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

>>547W7.  amongst  the  many  Commanders,  incidental  cir- 
'  mlm  '  cumstances  enable  ns  to  distinguish  three  : — 
Guthrun,  perhaps  the  brother  of  Harold  Graafell, 
— Askman,  whose  name  emphatically  designates 
him  as  the  Pirate, — and  Eyvind  Screya.  The 
fleet  sailed  from  the  Baltic  during  the  fine  spring 
season :  their  navigation  was  prosperous,  and 
they  entered  the  familiar  Seine. 
jen.ft»e,  or       8  41.  It  will  be  recollected  that  when  Sidroc, 

the  Fona  °  ' 

SpuSf bj^he  the  Irish  Dane,  accompanied  by  Irish  Guthrun, 
SSTof^the  present  Guthrun's  name-sake  and  precursor, 
l^J&T01'  made  their  grand  invasion,  they  established  them- 
T^um!6'  selves  at  "  Jeu-fosse"  or  "Givoldi-fossa,"  a  most 

locality  m  7 

of  hSow^  advantageous  locality,  which  they  fortified  and 
torcei'  rendered  their  head  quarters :  and  Richard,  having 
settled  his  own  plan  of  operations,  directed  that 
Harold's  land  and  sea-forces  should  there  unite 
with  him.  No  difficulty  had  the  descendants  of 
the  earlier  ravagers  in  reaching  their  destination. 
No  need  had  they  of  chart  or  map,  or  compass 
in  the  binnacle.  Experience  and  tradition  con- 
curred in  guiding  them.  All  the  soundings  from 
the  Baltic  to  Paris,  and  far  beyond  Paris  were 
known  to  them, — all  the  deeps  and  all  the  shoals, 
and  every  bight  and  every  bend.  Cheerfully 
was  the  "  Heysaa"  shouted  by  the  Danes  as  they 
pulled  up  the  stream.  Intense  was  the  panic  of 
the  French,  the  Pagans  again  covering  the  inland 
waters. 

The  Danes  were  the  Cossacks  of  mediaeval 
France,  loathed  as  filthy  barbarians,  and  dreaded 
for  their  ferocity.    Would  not  all  the  horrors  of 


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054-087 
MO-962 


RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  755 

which  the  remembrance  was  perpetuated  by  the 
tales  repeated  round  every  hearth,  recur  again, 
the  branches  of  the  trees  bearing  the  ghastly  crop 
of  swinging  corpses. 

More  than  an  hundred  summers  and  an 
hundred  winters  had  rolled  round,  since  Sidroc 
and  Godfrey  first  raised  the  Raven  standard  at 
the  Fossa  Givoldi.  But  the  lofty  ramparts  and 
the  precipitous  dykes  were  ready  to  shelter  the 
great-grand-children  of  the  earlier  devourers. 
Well  chosen,  and  well  re-chosen  was  this  posi- 
tion, for  fixing  the  Danes  in  the  very  heart  of 
Northern  France,  offering  them  the  most  avail- 
able means  for  defending  themselves,  and,  at  the 
same  time  annoying  the  surrounding  country. 
To  the  East  the  station  was  protected  by  the  Seine, 
and  on  the  West  by  the  Eure,  for  the  streams  of 
Seine  and  Eure,  converging  at  Pont  de  TArche, 
form  a  species  of  peninsula,  in  which  Jeu-fosse  is 
included.  Yet  we  must  speak  cautiously.  The 
topography  of  this  spot  has  been  carefully  inves- 
tigated by  those  unparalleled  archaeologists,  the 
French  academicians ;  and,  it  should  seem  from 
their  researches,  that  many  channels  have  been 
filled  up,  and  the  face  of  the  country  otherwise 
changed. 

Whilst  the  Danes  were  advancing,  Richard,  ***«* 

.,.,.__  _   _  °7  '  march«  to 

heading  his  Norman  and  Breton  cavalry,  marched  SS«i? 
concurrently  to  meet  them  and  greet  them :  and,  atrowT 
in  the  army's  train,  good  store  of  provisions 
followed,  such  as  would  encourage  his  guests. 

3C2 


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756  LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

«4--fle7  pienty  of  fish,  (without  doubt  salted,)  wine  and 
'  9601962 '  venison,  and  when  and  as  soon  as  the  Keels  had 
anchored,  Bichard  and  his  allies  held  a  Council 
of  war.  The  visions  of  misery  which  had  haunt- 
ed the  French  were  speedily  realized  and  amply 
fulfilled,  Jeu-fosse,  the  key  of  the  Danish  opera- 
tions, was  strengthened,  and  thence  they  sallied, 
desolating  all  around  with  fire  and  flame.  As 
heavily  fell  the  scourge  on  the  enemy  as  the  Nor- 
SSSitSd08  man  ^eart  could  wish,  or  the  Danish  eye  could  see. 
b/theD*1"..  Upland  and  Townland  equally  devastated.  Char- 
tres  alone  was  spared.  The  inhabitants  concealed 
themselves  in  the  woods  and  the  wilds,  or  fled. 
Cultivation  ceased.  For  the  purpose  of  starving 
out  the  inhabitants,  all  the  stores  of  provisions 
which  the  Invaders  could  not  consume  they  des- 
troyed. The  Danes  staved  the  casks,  and  burnt 
the  corn ;  an  audacious  dealing  with  the  gifts  of 
God,  condemned  even  by  man's  natural  conscience, 
and  confessed  as  a  sacrilege  by  Infidel  and  Pagan. 
Nevertheless,  the  Danes  proceeded  methodi- 
cally. They  wasted,  but  they  wanted  not :  fierce 
warriors,  they  were  also  merchant  pirates ;  wild 
Buccaneers,  yet  prudent  and  provident.  If  abroad 
they  scattered,  they  nevertheless  hoarded  for  their 
own  land.  Their  booty,  such  articles  of  value  as 
they  seized,  rich  robes  and  burly  garments,  cups 
and  flagons  of  gold  or  silver,  they  warehoused  at 
£**&&*  Jeu-fosse.  The  antient  Camp  became  an  empo- 
rtore'  rium  to  which  the  Normans  and  Bretons  resorted 
and  drove  their  bargains ;  and  at  Jeu-fosse  also 
the  barbarians  detained  many  a  douce  damsel  and 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  757 

uncomplaining  matron  whom  they  had  captured  . 954"887. 
or  carried  off  during  their  forays.  '  m^-m' 

Their  inroads  extended  far  to  the  west.  Gris- 
gonnelle  had  full  reason  to  repent  his  attacks  upon 
Richard,  which  conducted  the  Northman  into 
Maine  and  Anjou.  Well  might  he  deplore  the  day 
when  he  provoked  the  enemy.  But  Thibaut's  do- 
minions suffered  most  severely.  Herbert  Eveille- 
chien  would  have  lost  his  occupation  there.  So 
great  was  the  desolation,  that,  as  men  said  with 
doleful  pleasantry,  not  a  dog  was  left  to  bark 
in  the  Pays  Chartrain. 

§  42.  Upwards  of  twelve  months  did  the  fury 
of  the  Danish  desolation  continue  raging.  The 
countries  thus  infested,  became  completely  dis- 
organized. Such  was  the  panic,  that  the  whole 
of  Prance  was  considered  as  lost; — those  vile 
Northmen  will  subdue  our  whole  realm  even  to 
the  Alpine  borders ! 

The  discontent  excited  in  Prance  exaggerated  SSLttiw 
the  terror.     Utterly  despairing  of  finding  the 
means  of  resistance,  the  French  cast  the  whole 
blame  upon  Lothaire.     The  Prelates  assembled  2r»t?i«n- 

x  dli  held  by 

in  council  in  Melun.  Thibaut  appeared  before  u^t^ 
them,  representing  himself  as  a  martyr  to  his  *  La*u 
principles.  Was  it  not  by  his  fidelity  to  Prance, 
and  to  the  King  of  Prance,  that  he  had  drawn 
down  upon  himself  the  Norman  vengeance.  It 
was  resolved  by  the  Synod,  that  an  appeal  should 
be  made  to  Richard's  clemency. — Another  Con- 
vention was  held  at  Laon,  Prelates  and  Nobles 


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758         LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

.  fl547W7 .  joining.  The  Bishops  took  the  lead;  Lothaire 
no!^'  was  compelled  again  to  listen  to  their  reproaches. 
Negotiation.  The  proppsition  for  negotiations  was  entertained 
as  advisable,  and  Wolfaldus,  recently  Abbot  of 
Fleury,  but  now  Bishop  of  Chartres, — firm  and 
wise, — was  requested  to  undertake  the  task  of 
mediation, 
wound*,  Wolfaldus,  accepting  the  office,  warily  des- 
SSjS^e  patched  a  Monk  to  feel  the  way.  It  is  probable 
MSlSor.  that  this  same  Monk  belonged  to  the  Monastery 
of  Saint  Peter  at  Chartres,  a  House  specially 
patronized  by  the  Norman  Dukes ;  if  so,  he,  an 
individual  belonging  to  a  friendly  community, 
was  therefore  more  likely  to  be  kindly  received. 
Prom  the  brief  report,  it  is  difficult  to  ascertain 
whether,  when  the  clever  tonsured  Nuncio  ap- 
peared before  Richard,  he  addressed  the  Duke 
in  dread,  or  in  drollery,  A  proper  escort  was 
requested  as  a  preliminary  favour,  lest  the  Bishop 
should  be  devoured  by  Richard's  "  wolves" 
and  "  devils  ; "  and  Richard,  smilingly  assented, 
promising  that  due  precaution  should  be  adopted 
for  protecting  such  a  good  morsel  as  the  Bishop. 
Wolfaldus,  when  he  arrived  at  Rouen,  spake 
sternly  and  solemnly,  rebuking  Richard  for  his 
treason  against  the  whole  Christian  Common- 
wealth, by  inviting  the  Pagans  to  pester  the  land, 
and  he  earnestly  supplicated  Richard  to  arrest 
the  torrent  of  evil- 
Recrimination  is  not  always  an  illogical 
mode  of  defence.     Richard  could  perorate  by 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  759 

recapitulating  his  own  personal  history,  from  K4r~^m . 
the  days  when  he,  a  boy,  beguiled  by  the  'mi^- 
artifices  of  Louis  d'Outremer,  had  been  im- 
prisoned in  the  dungeon  of  Laon.  He  vehemently 
burst  out  into  complaints  of  the  treachery  and 
treason  which  had  been  continually  employed 
against  him.  Archbishop  Bruno — shame  to 
his  calling — plotting  against  Richard's  life: — 
Thibaut  never  ceasing  his  devices  : — Lothaire's 
faithless  proffers,  which  had  decoyed  him  to  the 
ambuscade  of  the  Eaulne ;  and  now,  could  not 
Richard  most  truly  assert,  that  Thibaut,  insulting 
him  up  to  the  very  walls  of  Rouen,  had  planned 
Normandy's  complete  partition  and  subjugation  ? 
As  befitted  a  loyal  subject,  Wolfaldus  avoided 
concurring  in  any  censure  passed  upon  his  own 
Sovereign,  but  insisted  upon  the  crime  which 
Richard  had  committed  by  inviting  the  Danes, 
and  thus  renewing  the  miseries  of  the  Kingdom. 
Richard  began  to  relax :  his  natural  disposition 
inclined  him  peace-ward.  Could  he  avoid  feeling 
that  he  had  contracted  a  most  perilous  alliance  ? 
He  proposed  a  conference  with  Lothaire,  andSSSSto 
the  French  Prelates  and  Nobles.  Let  them  meet  *"** 
him  amicably  in  the  genial  month  of  May,  and  he 
would  endeavour  to  mollify  the  Pagans.  Lothaire 
concurred  in  the  proposition.  The  Assembly  was 
convened  at  Laon.    No  Thibaut  repaired  thither.  «**  «- 

*  eluded  from 

Some  cause  of  distrust  had  arisen,  and  the  jailor  SuSf  * 
of  Louis  d'Outremer  was  excluded  from  Kingr 
Lothaire's  counsels.    But  the  intended  proceed- 


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760         louis  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

.P547987   ings  could  not  be  concealed;  and  Thibaut's  anxie- 

'ow-»62"  ty  betrays  his  apprehension,  that  he,  so  long  an 
intriguer,  might,  at  last,  be  sold  by  his  own 
confederates. 

Siu?nde.         He  therefore  began  to  treat  independently. 

53thentl7    Again  was  the  Monk  employed  as  a  messenger. 
The  Heraldic  office  had  not  yet  been  instituted, 
but  the  clergy  had  a  constant  mission  as  peace- 
makers.    Like  the  tabard  in  subsequent  times, 
the  rochet  or  the  cowl,  bespoke  neutrality,  and 
commanded  respect  from  all.    The  Monk,  speak- 
ing in  Thibaut's  name,  addressed  the  Duke  as 
the  wielder  of  the  Danish  power. — The  Count 
of  Blois  and  Chartres,  deceived  by  the  French 
evil  advice,  but  now   repentant,   was  the  suf- 
ferer ;  his  country  thoroughly  ruined,  nor  could 
he   be    rescued  otherwise    than  by  Richard's 
aid.     Thibaut   would   appear    before  him,  re- 
store Evreux,  praying  Richard,  on  his  knees, 
to  grant  that  he  might  be  honoured  by  claiming 
Richard  as  his  Lord  and  Suzerain.     Could  this 
exaggeration  of  humility  be  considered  as  sincere 
by  Richard  ?    But  it  did  not  offend  him.    Indeed, 
what   mattered   sincerity?      No    man    of   the 
world,  when  he  receives  the  tribute  of  adulation, 
rings   the  money,  or  even    grumbles,  though 
a    few    base    pieces    be   passed    amongst   the 
sterling.     Richard  began  to  be  uneasy  in  the 
Danish  hug,  and  longed  to  be  free  from  their 
embraces,  and  therefore  he  closed  at  once  with 
Thibaut's  offer.    Let  Thibaut  himself  visit  Rouen 
within  three  days,  and  proffer  his  submission. 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  761 

Thibaut  sought  no  guarantee,  no  pledge  for   «*-w7 
safety.     Gulping  the  humiliation,  he  repaired  to  /wolttcav 
Richard.     Entering  the  City  by  night,  he  stole  tw^ 
silently  through  the  dark  crooked  streets,  some  Rich** 
few  of  Richard's  confidential  friends  guiding  and  ^£s£ 
guarding  him.    Thibaut  was  tired  out,  Richard  SuSE* 
apprehensive,  each  equally  eager  for  a  reconcilia- 
tion.   When  Thibaut  entered  the  Presence  cham- 
ber, they  ran  to  meet  each  other,  embraced  and 
exchanged  mutual  kisses, — a  ceremony,  to  both 
of  them  either  a  farce  or  a  loathing. — It  is  how- 
ever somewhat  mournful  to  think  of  the  "  Vieux 
Chartrain"  craving  young  Richard's  clemency ; 
but  he  had  brought  himself  to  this  pass.    Not 
only  did  he  engage  forthwith  to  restore  Evreux, 
city,  and  castle,  but  covenanted  to  hold  all  his 
dominions  as  a  Benefice  under  Richard.   Richard 
may,  as  his  encomiasts  tell  us,  have  been  van- 
quished by  Thibaut's  lowliness,  but  unquestion- 
ably far  more  by  the  concession ;  and,  on  his  part 
he  promised  a  cordial  peace.   That  self-same  night 
did  Thibaut  set  oflf  for  Chartres ;  and  the  eva- 
cuation of  Evreux  by  Thibaut's  troops,  and  the 
consequent  restoration  of  the  betrayed  City  to 
the  lawful  owner,  attested  his  sincerity. 

§  43.  This  weighty  transaction  concluded,  now 
remained  to  Richard  the  equally  important  concern 
of  completing  his  negotiations  with  his  enemies  the 
French,  and  the  more  difficult  task  of  saving  him- 
self from  the  Danes,  his  dubious  friends.  Richard 
conducted  the  transaction  characteristically,  and 
in  consistent  conformity  with  the  gay  and  gallant 


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762         LOUIS  d'outbemer,  lothaibe,  &c. 

m*--987   character  of  the  Norman  Court : — a  character 
wolwa'  which,  since  Guillaume  Longue-6pee's  accession, 
had  become  traditional.    Many  of  Richard's  do- 
mestic circle  must  have  fully  recollected  the 
merry  hunting  meet  in  the  romantic  "  Forest  of 
Lions ; "  when  the  courtship  between  Guillaume 
Tete-d'Etoupe  and  the  Norman  Emma,  began  so 
j07<uS£*"  luitowardly,  and   ended  so  happily.      On  the 
Suitor  present  occasion,  the  enjoyments  of  that  sylvan 
£ttj£P  °n  festival  were  re-presented  with  increased  bril- 
liancy.    By  Richard's  command,  the  trelliced 
lodges  were  raised,  and  the  lengthened  bowers 
prepared,  astonishing  the  beholders  equally  by 
their  size  and  their  magnificence. — Green  rushes 
and  sweet  smelling  herbs  overspread  the  hard- 
trodden,    smooth,    foot-worn,    embrowned  turf 
within :  whilst  the  rich  curtains  dependent  from 
the  entwined  branches  composing  the  roof,  im- 
parted to  the  rustic  edifice  the  courtly  character 
of  palatial  splendour. 

It  was  during  the  brightest  season  of  the 
year ;  the  Sun  in  Gemini,  radiating  upon  Mother 
Earth  from  the  culminating  point  of  vernal  loveli- 
ness, about  to  ripen  into  full  summer  scorch.  As 
usual,  or  rather  as  inevitable,  where  Richard 
fixed  his  quarters,  an  avalanche  of  good  cheer 
continued  descending — man  and  beast  equally 
cared  for, — sacks  of  oats  and  trusses  of  pro- 
vender,— wains  laden  with  venison  and  pipes  of 
good  wine. 

Lothaire  absent,  his  Bishops,  Counts,  Eiiights, 


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BICHABD  SANS  PEUK.  763 

and  Nobles,  appeared  as  petitioners  before  the  ftM~987 
Norman  Duke,  tendering  their  services,  and  en- 
treating his  mercy.  Urgently  did  they  beseech 
him  on  behalf  of  the  French  King,  the  French  inS^o*. 
knighthood,  and  the  French  people,  that  Richard 
would  restrain  the  ferocity  of  the  Danes,  and 
rescue  France  from  their  fangs.  Lothaire  was 
guiltless.  Thibaut,  the  seducer,  had  been  par- 
doned, and,  as  a  perfect  guarantee  for  peace, 
Lothaire  and  the  Optimates  of  all  France  would 
by  their  hand-fast  compact  secure  to  Richard 
and  his  heirs  the  "Regnum  Northmannicum" 
for  ever. 

Fully  willing  was  Richard, — but  now  came 
the  pinch.  How  was  Richard  to  free  himself 
from  his  allies ;  now  not  merely  needless,  but 
dangerous  ?  " — The  mythic  Richard-sans-peur, 
who  figures  in  the  Minstrel  song  or  the  Old 
wife's  tale,  is  as  reckless  of  bogles  as  Tarn 
o'Shanter.  But  the  flesh  and  blood  Richard  never 
displayed  any  extravagant  venturesomeness  when 
imminent  peril  was  impending. 

§  44.  Manifesting  his  accustomed  gracious-  JJJjj* 
ness  equally  inbred  and  acquired,  Richard  cor-  5 "dEEI? 

from  the 

dially  accepted  the  proposition.  Yet,  even  at  this 
juncture  he  could  not  refrain  from  recapitulating 
his  grievances,  and  recurring  to  the  treasons 
which  had  been  effected  or  contemplated  against 
his  liberty — authority — life.  Bruno's  machina- 
tions most  of  all. 

We  feel  that  Richard  was  conscience  stung. 


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764         LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

.rc^*87.  In  this  last  desperate  scheme  of  invoking  the 
'goo^oea'  Danes  he  had  fully  justified  all  the  obloquy 
attached  to  the  leader  of  the  Pirates,  and  which, 
in  the  opinion  of  the  French,  dictated  the  course 
they  had  pursued,  not  repudiating  the  possibility, 
or  rather  the  hope,  of  ending  his  life  without 
judicial  formality  or  war  declared. 

Richard,  however,  was  now  as  much  appalled 
as  the  French  could  be.  There  were  the  Danes, 
and  they  would  not  go.  His  management  was 
skilful,  and  a  friendly  negotiation  was  commenced 
by  him.  He  knew  the  Danish  strength,  and  the 
Danish  weakness ; — the  weight  of  the  Danish  bat- 
Rtcbard      tle-axe,  and  the  fault  of  the  Danish  armour.    Con- 

meets  the 

rom*  sorting,  he  addressed  them  conjointly  and  seve- 
peace"  rally ;  Chieftains  and  subordinates,  each  had  his 
compliment  and  good  word.  The  old  were  vene- 
rable ;  the  middle  aged  mighty ;  and  the  young 
so  fine  and  brave.  He  had  not  thanks  enow  for 
the  hearty  friendship  they  had  displayed  in  leav- 
ing their  native  country.  But  they  had  secured 
his  safety,  and  vindicated  their  own  renown.  The 
King  of  the  French,  his  Nobles,  his  people,  now 
worn  out  by  hostilities,  earnestly  sought  quiet, 
and  solicited  peace.  Eichard  therefore  prayed 
that  they  would  discuss  the  proposition,  and 
thVprJSJ-0*  grant  at  least  a  truce. — No,  noble  Duke,  was  the 
unanimous  shout  of  the  Northmen.  Thou  art 
gibing  and  jeering  us.  No. — Neither  now  nor 
ever. — No. — Not  for  a  day !  They  would  have 
their  will.    France  was  theirs,  and  the  abandon- 


rition. 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  765 

ment  of  their  conquest  would  bring  them  to  .  **-;*". 
shame,  Danishmen  and  Irishmen,  Alans  and  '  wo-l^  ' 
Norskmen,  before  the  whole  Northern  world. 

Go  with  us, — and  we  will  win  all  France  for 
ourselves,  and  for  thee. — Keep  aloof,  and  we 
shall  win  all  France  for  ourselves,  but  not  for 
thee. — Choose  !  Richard,  however,  continued 
self-possessed.  Loud  was  the  outcry,  but  Richard 
knew  that  strength  of  lungs  is  not  always  accom- 
panied by  corresponding  stoutness  of  heart. — 
Hostilities  being  stayed,  let  two  days,  he  soli- 
cited, be  allowed  him  for  deliberation. — Two  days 
were  granted.  Then  two  days  more. — Four  days 
ended,  he  then  asked  eight  days  further  time, 
and  at  the  end  of  the  eight,  he  craved  eight 
days  again. 

Much  perplexed  were  the  French  Bishops  and  t™^ 
Nobles  by  this  delay.  But  Richard  was  well  22JS2T 
acquainted  with  the  Danish  character.  He  had 
begun  his  manoeuvres,  for  his  qualifications  as  a 
Statesman  would  be  unfairly  appreciated,  if  we 
rejected  the  supposition  that  the  proposal  which 
he  intended  to  make,  had  not  been  ventilated 
between  him  and  the  more  leading  men  of  the 
Danishry.  Having  fully  matured  his  scheme, 
grounded  upon  his  thorough  knowledge  of  the 
Danish  character,  he  explained  his  plans  to  the 
French.  The  Danish  sword  would  slip  easily 
into  the  sheath,  if  the  full  purse  opened  suf- 
ficiently wide.  To  deal  successfully  with  the 
Danish    Chieftains,  he    must    select  not   only 


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766  LOUIS  iyOUTREMER,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

.  054^9fl7,  those  who  would   have  most    powers  of  per- 
'qwIwkT  suasion,  but  also  the  most  persuadable.     The 

best   tools  are   such   as  do  your   work,    and 

their  own. 
££*£!*.        ^he  meeting  with  the  Danes  was  appointed 
£LEhh  **  to  be  held  in  a  meadow,  nigh  the  Seine,  at  that 

Chiefr. 

dead  hour  of  the  night  when  slumber  falls  the 
heaviest  on  the  eyelids  and  the  prescient  cock 
heralds  the  unseen  dawn.  The  full  Moon  was 
shining  brightly,  the  breeze  was  lulled,  and  the 
green  tints  of  the  trees,  and  the  green  tint  of  the 
grass,  were  distinguishable  from  each  other,  per- 
ceptibly though  obscurely,  by  the  conjoint  opera- 
tion of  eye  and  mind. 

Richard  had  put  himself  in  communication 
with  the  most  useful  men  amongst  the  Danes,  the 
proudest  born,  the  boldest,  and  the  wisest :  but 
not  many.  It  was  essential  for  the  success  of 
the  scheme,  that  the  conference  should  be  con- 
cealed from  the  vulgar ;  and  the  end  was  attained. 
Richard  ^e  proceedings  are  related  amply.    Richard 

SSSSTto  opened  the  conference  by  delivering  a  "  ser- 
mon":— a  laborious  and  didactic  exhortation, 
inviting  them  to  accept  Christianity.  The  Dean 
of  Saint  Quentin  and  the  diligent  Benoit  give  a 
full,  and  apparently  faithful,  report  of  the  dis- 
course, nor  can  any  adequate  arguments  be  raised 
against  their  general  accuracy.  But  Master 
Wace,  reciting  his  composition  before  Henry 
Plantagenet  and  Adelisa  of  Lorraine,  and  their 
gay  Court,  he  expecting  a  handsome  guerdon,  and 


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RICHARD  SANS  FEUR.  767 

also  fully  aware  that  the  preachment  and  certain  .  054~fl87, 
matters  alluded  to  therein,  would  not  be  pleasant  '"ScCmT 
to  ears  polite,  discreetly  elides  the  Homily;  and 
I  shall  follow  his  example.  But  the  fact  is,  that 
such  a  proceeding  was  in  conformity  to  the  spirit 
of  the  age,  and  the  address  was  probably 
composed  by  some  of  the  French  clergy,  who 
sought  to  improve  the  opportunity, — say  Wol- 
faldus. 

A  full  assent  was  given  by  the  Chieftains  to  2nBcJ^"t 
Richard's  promises,  perhaps  to  his  performances.  %£££?' 
The  Danes,  whom  he  had  called  to  council,  were 
few  in  number.  A  bracelet  of  gold  was  easily 
portable,  and  we  should  not  be  inclined  to  reject 
the  supposition,  that  some  earnest  was  given  by 
Richard  to  their  leaders  pending  the  discussion. 

The  locality  was  far  away  from  the  Danish 
vessels,  and  the  Danish  camp.  Richard's  various 
arguments  were  plausibly  and  discreetly  urged. . 
— Were  not  the  Danes  as  his  own  people  after 
all  ? — He  would  suggest  plans  for  their  benefit  ; 
and  those  whom  he  consulted  being  really  friends, 
or  having  been  made  so,  closed  with  his  offer. 
The  conference  was  prolonged  till  the  night  had 
concluded,  and  the  dew  drops  had  begun  to  fall 
from  the  damp-heavy  leaves. 

§  45.  Stealthily  they  met ;  silently  they  de- 
parted ;  and  conforming  to  Richard's  directions, 
the  docile  Chieftains  summoned  a  general  muster 
of  the  Dansker  men,  which  was  held  in  a  mead, 
adjoining  the  Seine.     Richard  appeared  before 


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768         LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

a*-**  the  Danish  army  and  recommended  a  pacifi- 
'  960^962 >  cati°n  5  a  proposal  received,  as  before,  by  a 
Richard  universal  burst  of  indignation  from  the  mul- 
3£i?efthe    titude      They    reproached    Richard    with    his 

Danlih  Ho#t.  *  r 

folly.     No  talk  of  peace,  or  concord  with  the 
Frenchmen,  would   they  tolerate.     The    work 
they  had  begun  they  would   conclude;  never 
desisting  until  they  had  made  the  whole  coun- 
try their  own.    A  schism  immediately  ensued. 
The   Chieftains  whom  Richard  had  conciliated 
urged  compliance  with  the  Norman  proposals. 
The  Heathen  section,  for  as  such,  we  must  de- 
signate the  dissidents,  were  enraged.    The  dis- 
pute became  more  violent.     Richard  prudently 
avoided  mixing  himself  up  in  the  matter,  whether 
by  opposition  or  argument,  and  stole  away,  al- 
lowing the  Danes  to  continue  the  dispute  amongst 
themselves. 

During  three  successive  days  did  the  dis- 
cussions endure,  each  party  vituperating  the 
other ;  yet  the  debate  was  merely  a  hammering 
of  words.  Nothing  could  be  gained  by  either 
side  wasting  its  strength  upon  the  other. 
TheDMH»       At  last  the  dissidents  proposed  a  very  rea- 

proposea  x        x  " 

compromise,  gobble  compromise.  They  had  embarked  in 
Richard's  service,  and  at  Richard's  call;  he 
invited  them — he  must  pay  them. — Money,  or 
money's  worth  they  must  have. — If  Richard 
would  defray  their  expenses  or  suggest  some 
other  compensation,  well  and  good ;  they  would 
depart ;  if  not,  they  would  abide  and  compensate 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  769 

themselves.  Amongst  the  Danes,  there  were  . '"t*** 
many,  who,  converted  to  Christianity,  accepted  '  w^m 
the  largesse,  and  settled  in  Normandy.  Ample 
Benefices  were  granted  to  them  by  Kichard, 
and  they  merged  in  the  general  population, 
yielding  to  that  social  influence,  which,  in  the 
next  generation  obliterated  all  difference  of 
origin. 

§  46.  It  was  now  needful  to  deal  with  the 
Heathenry.  The  ensuing  passage  becomes  an 
incident  of  European  interest,  inasmuch  as  it 
throws  much  light  on  the  subsequent  extension 
of  Norman  power.  The  conquests  of  Apulia  and 
Sicily,  are  inaugurated  by  the  events  to  which 
the  Jeu-fosse  Armada  gave  rise.  Eichard  pos-  SSIm* 
sessed  a  large  naval  force,  and  he  had  no  diffi-  JStK?*  * 

07  the  Danes 

culty  in  supplying  ships  and  stores  sufficient  for  gJE^ 
an  expedition  suggested  by  him  to  the  Northmen : 8ptin' 
a  bold  adventure,  which,  relieving  him  from  their 
alliance,  promised  great  advantages  to  the  greedy 
rovers. 

Harold  had  tacitly  abandoned  all  claim  to 
the  Cotentin,  yet,  in  a  manner,  the  Pagus  was  a 
Danish  dependency.  The  almost  insular  peninsula 
abounded  with  excellent  Mariners :  and  the  prede- 
cessors,— or,  perhaps,  we  ought  rather  to  say, — 
the  progenitors,  of  Tancred  de  Hauteville  and  his 
companions, — were  familiarized  with  the  Atlantic 
navigation.  Their  "  Esturemenz  "  ( — as  the  word 
"  Steersmen"  was  naturalized  in  the  Anglo- 
Norman  dialect — )  were  accustomed  to  frequent 
the  coasts  of  Spain,  and  guided  the  fortune- 

vol.  11.  3  D 

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770  LOUIS  DWTREMER,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 


954-997 
900-906 


the  shores  of 
France  under 
Gnthnuu 


seekers,  who  were  content  to  repay  themselves  for 
the  service  rendered  to  Richard,  by  the  plunder 
of  a  distant  nation,  which  these  marauders  anti- 
cipated would  be  defenceless  against  their  power. 

The  Danish  traditions  concerning  the  achieve- 
ments of  Ogier-le-Danois,  or  "  Holger-danske,"  in 
Charlemagne's  days,  have  been  adapted  or  adopted 
by  imaginative  Scandinavia  in  many  a  sweet  Bal- 
lad and  romantic  Saga.    But  their  own  Historians, 
properly  so  called,  are  silent  as  to  any  more 
recent  communications,  whether  hostile  or  pacific, 
with  the  trans-pyreneean  realms,  and  we  gain 
our    knowledge    of    the    present    transactions 
wholly  from  Norman  and  Spanish  sources.  King 
Guthrun,  or  Guthred,  figures  on  the  deck  as 
the  most  prominent  personage   in    the  arma- 
ment.     Three   hundred    keels    composed    the 
fleet,  eighteen  opulent  Cities  are  said  to  have 
been  destroyed  by  the  Flibusteers  during  their 
course, — and    a    considerable    length    of   time 
elapsed  ere  they  discerned  the  Galician  hills. 

This  was  a  season  of  great  national  tribulation. 
Upon  the  death  of  Sancho  el  Gordo,  the  Kingdom 
of  Leon  had  descended  to  his  son  Don  Bamiro, 
then  only  five  years  of  age.  No  regular  regency 
had  been  appointed.  The  powers  of  government 
were,  however,  exercised  by  the  renowned  Fernan 
Gonzales,  and,  upon  his  death,  Garci  Fernandez 
outrun,  became  the  successor  of  his  Sire.  The  young 
Chieftain  avoided  the  conflict.  Sisnando,  the 
martial  Bishop  of  Compostella,  was  alone  em- 
boldened   to    attempt  any  adequate  defensive 


Invasion  of 
Galida 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  771 

measures,  and,  through  his  exertions,  the , — „ — , 
Shrine  of  Saint  Iago  was  surrounded  by  'mo-Imc' 
walls. — But  the  invaders  stormed  Compos- 
tella ;  the  City,  plundered ;  Sisnando,  slain ; 
and,  during  two  years,  did  the  descendants 
of  the  Visigoths  groan  under  the  Danish  do- 
mination. The  Danes,  despising  the  Galicians, 
treated  the  country  as  their  own:  and,  without 
doubt,  the  generous  product  of  the  Galician 
vines  enhanced  their  enjoyments,  and  relaxed 
their  discipline. 

At  last,  the  Gothic  blood  was  up.  Rallying 
under  Count  Gonzalo  Sanchez,  who  assumed 
the  command,  the  people  universally  took  arms. 
It  should  seem  that  the  Christians  sustained 
a  defeat  in  the  field.  The  respective  narratives 
given  by  the  Norman  and  by  the  Spanish 
Chroniclers  are  very  discordant.  The  boozing 
Danes,  laden  with  booty,  and  exhilarated  by 
victory  and  its  accompaniments,  were  staggering 
and  straggling  in  triumphant  disorder  towards 
their  ships.  Count  Gonzalo  suddenly  attacked  2X2*  *j 
the  enemy.  His  success  was  complete;  Guthred,  ***** 
killed ;  the  plunder,  recovered ;  the  captives, 
rescued ;  many  of  the  Danish  barks  burnt,  and 
neither  Spain  nor  the  Spaniards  ever  thereafter 
annoyed  by  this  plague. 

France,  equally  fortunate,  had  seen  the  last 
of  the  Danes. — The  encreasing  splendour  of  the 
Anglo-Saxon  Empire,  incompletely  veiling  the  rot- 
tenness of  the  Commonwealth,  was  attracting  their 
avarice.     Svend-Tveskieg,   or   Swein  with  the 

3  1)2 

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Peace 
concluded 
between 
Lothaire  and 
the  Normans. 


772  LOUIS  D»OUTREMER,  LOTHAffiE,  &C. 

^fL  Forked  beard,  the  son  of  Harold  Blaatand,  was, 

wolgw'  ere  long,  to  appear  and  obtain  that  supremacy 

which  placed    Canute    upon    the  throne :  and, 

henceforward,  their  energies  were  concentrated 

upon  the  British  islands  and  England. 

g  47.  In  the  meanwhile,  harmony  was   fully 
restored  between  Normandy  and  France.     Soon 
after  the  departure  of  the  Danes,  the  compact  was 
concluded  between  the  rival  Potentates.  Lothaire, 
—escorted  by  his  Prelates  and  Nobles;  Richard, — 
surrounded  by  his  Warriors,  they  to  be  distinctly 
recognized  in  the  next  generation,  as  the  founders 
of  an  hereditary  nobility, — met  on  the  shores  of  the 
Epte.   Lothaire  assured  the  "  Regnum  Northman- 
nicum"  to  Richard  and  his  descendants :  covenant- 
ing also   to   maintain   perpetual   peace.      This 
treaty  was  confirmed  by  reciprocal  oaths  :  gifts, 
exchanged    as   further  tokens  of   amity:    and 
Richard  returned  cheerily  to  Rouen. 
Death  or  Not  very  long  afterwards,  the  childless  Emma 

departed.  Upon  her  death-bed,  she  requested 
her  brother  the  Capet  to  receive  into  his  Palace 
those  faithful  companions  and  servants  who  had 
enjoyed  her  confidence  and  her  love.  Her  worldly 
estate  she  divided,  or  more  probably,  had  di- 
vided, amongst  or  between  the  Church  and  Poor. 
Affectionate,  submissive,  pious,  we  find  no  record 
of  Emma's  alms  and  donations.  They  were,  we 
must  suppose,  mostly  perfected  during  her  life- 
time.— Not  even  a  sepulchral  stone  denoted  her 
humble  grave.  All  who  survived  her,  willingly 
forgot  her,  and  none  more  gladly  than  the  courtly 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  773 

historian  Dudo.  It  is  a  plausible  conjecture,  that  a  .  fl54ygefy. 
voluntary  separation  had  previously  taken  place   w>im 
between  Emma  and  her  husband,  and  that  she 
had  sought  repose  in  a  Monastery. 

Eichard,  however,  though  he  did  not  feign  J^iS* 


regard,  treated  her  with  respect;  and  the  unin- Richard md 
terrupted  friendship  between  him  and  Hugh 
Capet  proves  that  no  offence  had  been  taken  at 
his  notorious  connubial  infidelity.  The  marriage 
was  a  State-marriage,  in  the  fullest  meaning  of 
the  term,  and  was  so  viewed  by  all  parties,  from 
the  day  when  the  first  proposals  were  made  upon 
Hugh-le-Grand's  overture  by  Bernard  de  Senlis 
and  Bernard  the  Dane; — but  rendered  less 
uncomfortable  than  usual  through  Richard's  kind 
temper  and  Emma's  patient  humility. 

Richard,  having  fully  released  himself  from  all  £££?£: 
dependence  upon  France,  he  drew  the  closer  to  SSSLndy 
his  Patron,  the  young  Capet,  priding  himself Capeto- 
upon  the  honourable  subjection  he  was  bound  to 
render  to  his  late  Ward,  now  the  magnificent 
Hugh,  "Prince  of  the  French  and  the  Burgun- 
dians,  the  Bretons,  and  the  Normans."  Whatever 
superiorities  were  derived  or  claimed  as  sub- 
sisting between  Normandy  and  France,  after  the 
accession  of  the  Third  Race,  must  be  deduced 
from  the  relations  contracted  between  Richard 
and  Hugh-le-Grand.  Richard  clung  closely  to 
the  Capetian  cause;  and,  so  efficient  was  his 
assistance,  that  he  is  reckoned  as  the  chief 
amongst  the  partizans  who  established  Hugh 
Capet  on  the  throne. 


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S64-407 


Tbelaat 
GarloTio- 
giuu. 


774         LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaibe,  &c. 

Lonis  d'Outremer,  and  Lothaire,  and  the  last 
Louis  of  the  line,  and  the  Charles,  in  whose 
persons  the  Carlovingian  Dynasty  closes,  availed 
themselves  of  all   the    powers    and  resources 
which  remained  to  them :  and,  had  their  talent 
and  courage  been  permitted  to  prosper,  they  might 
have  rescued  the  falling  Monarchy.     Hoping 
against  hope,  they  performed  their  duty,  but  their 
hope  was  not  fulfilled. — Despised,  because  un- 
fortunate,— for  our  harsh  nature  is  gratified  when- 
ever we  can  attribute  culpability  to  misfortune. 

Is  the  alms  ever  dropped  from  the  charitable 
hand,  without  some  involuntary  tendency  to 
suppose  that  the  suffering  which  the  charitable 
heart  rejoices  in  relieving,  is  either  directly  or 
indirectly  the  token  or  punishment  of  folly  or 
of  sin? — There  is  but  One  Benefactor,  who 
gives  without  upbraiding.  —  The  language  of 
human  mercy  always  tones  into  contempt.  Com- 
miseration renders  the  commiserated  vile  in  our 
eyes.  How  intelligible  and  how  logically  con- 
sequential are  the  sentiments  excited  by  the  two 
words  in  apposition — "pauvre  miserable!" 

A  complete  fusion  of  interests  ensued  between 

the  Oapets,  * 

SJSSS1  the  Courts  of  Eouen  and  Paris.  The  events 
to^T"1  which  subverted  the  Carlovingian  domination, 
must  therefore  be  treated  as  integral  portions  of 
Norman  history.  It  was  from  these  early  com- 
munications and  dealings  that  the  Norman 
Duchy  acquired  its  peculiar  character.  Nor  was 
it  until  Hugh  Capet  ascended  the  throne,  that 
the  ban  of  social  exclusion  pronounced  against 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  775 

the  then  fully  converted  Northern  Pirates  was  JZt^OL 
removed.  But  the  Law  of  Love  is  as  inoperative  '"SCSeT 
between  Nations  as  between  individuals.  Im-NomMUIillot 
placable  was  the  mutual  feud  between  Normandy  £%£?*" 

,    Christian 

and  France,  thongh  the  Normans  were  received,  £232^ 
in  all  respects,  as  members  of  the  Christian  Com-  Sl'StE" 


monwealth.  Djn-tj. 

We  must  now  approach  the  last  act  of  the 
terrible  Carlovingian  tragedy,  and  witness  its  ca- 
tastrophe :  the  implacable  Nemesis  avenging  the 
pristine  crimes — the  crimes  of  glory:  and  ac- 
cording to  the  usual  compensation  of  historical 
injustice,  in  the  same  proportion  that  Charle- 
magne is  extravagantly  extolled,  even  so  are 
his  descendants,  in  whom  his  proud  lineage 
expires,  equally  unduly  condemned. 

g  48.  Vainly  toil  we,  philosophising  in 
Science,  to  evade  confessing  the  Almighty's  om- 
nipotent universality  in  the  material  creation; 
substituting  in  our  reasonings,  nature's  laws,  for 
His  ever-enduring  active  will. — He  is  the  Source 
of  all  existence,  celestial  or  terrestrial.  He  is 
not  eternal  and  infinite,  but  Eternity  and  In- 
finity. He  is  the  Fountain  of  all  intelligences. 
He  is  the  Foundation,  the  constant  Efficient 
Cause  of  spirit  and  of  matter,  of  body  and  of 
soul,  and  of  all  the  qualities,  forms,  or  sub- 
stances which  the  senses  or  the  intellect  He  has 
bestowed  upon  us,  can  perceive  or  conceive.  The 
gemmation  of  each  animalcule,  and  the  expansion 
of  each  spore,  as  much  the  special  behests  of 
His  incomprehensible  Power,  as  the  Fiat  that 


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776  L0UI8  D'OUTREMER,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 


954-087 


first  called  heaven  and  earth  into  being.   When  the 
'  wo-Uee '  sparrow  falls  from  the  bough,  the  earth's  attrac- 
tion fulfilling  His  word,  acts  as  He  commands 
in  bringing  that  one  little  bird  to  the  ground. 
Each  bulb  from  which  each  hair  of  our    head 
springs  forth,  was  numbered  before  He  formed 
the  protoplast  out  of  the  dust.    All  mutations,  all 
developments,  all  corelations,  all  operations   of 
forces,  all  result  from  the  Creator's  enduring 
ordinances.     But  our  consciousness  of  guilt  com- 
pels us  to  shrink  from  the  conception  of  the  Living 
God  walking  personally  amongst  us :  we  seek  to 
hide  ourselves  from  the  knowledge  that  He  is 
actually  accompanying  us  in  all  our  paths  and 
in  all  our  ways.    With  us  when  we  rise  up,  with 
us  when  we  lie  down,  with  us  whether  we  sleep 
or  wake,  with  us  whether  we  live  or  die ;  not  by 
metaphor  or  poetical  imagery, — not  by  trope 
or  figure  of  speech,  but  incomparably  more  truly 
than  any  created  being. — You  and  I  and  all  things 
exist  only  through  Him,  He  the  only  reality. — 

Are  we  right  in  accepting  human  history  as  a 
series  of  scrutable  causes  and  calculable  results, 
the  progress  of  human  Societies  governed  by  uni- 
versal general  laws,  immutable  as  those  which 
permeate  the  Material  Universe?  Are  we  not 
paltering  with  our  consciences  when  we  merge 
individual  responsibility  in  collective  destiny? 
Do  we  not,  theorizing  according  to  mere  human 
reason,  always  discover  or  conceal  a  residual 
energy  for  which  no  hypothesis  can  account. — 
Not  even  can  the  cast  of  the  die,  or  the  lottery 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  777 

chance,  the  jerk  of  the  Gamester's  elbow,  or  ■  ag47wff, 
the  blinded  boy's  hand-dip  into  the  fortune  of  'miw' 
the  wheel,  be  disengaged  from  the  special  direc- 
tion of  Providence. — Whoever  looks  beyond  the 
surface  averages,  and  the  classifications  of  the 
Statist  or  the  Physician, — honourable  as  are 
these  productions  of  diligence  and  acuteness 
and  skill — and  render  to  them  every  honour, — 
must  discern  that  the  poisonous  miasms  of  the 
sewer,  obeying  the  predetermined  harmony  es- 
tablished by  the  Eternal  Mind,  have  been  re- 
moved from  the  Prince  in  the  Eoyal  Palace,  or 
brought  to  bear  specifically  upon  the  Proletarian 
in  his  fetid  cellar,  as  clearly  as  if  we  beheld  the 
destroying  Angel  drawing  or  sheathing  the  sword. 
§  49.  Every  event  in  each  individual's  life, 
and  consequently,  every  event  in  each  class,  sept, 
tribe,  or  family,  the  aggregate  of  individuals ;  and 
every  event  in  each  community,  state,  or  com- 
monwealth, being  the  aggregate  of  classes,  septs, 
tribes,  or  families;  has  its  salient  point  in  the 
consiliency  of  the  thoughts,  acts,  tempers  and 
passions  of  separate  and  single  embodied  souls. 
And  thus,  when  reviewing  French  history,  no 
circumstance  becomes  more  prominent  than  the 
generic  likeness  marking  the  various  convulsions 
and  revolutions  which  the  Realm  has  sustained ; 
the  great  majority  connected  with  the  influence 
of  some  one  woman  in  State  affairs.    Blanche  of  l^JSJuf. 


Castile's  bland  piety,  and  the  Pompadour's  brazen  R^ape- 

cnliiur  feature 

profligacy — Joan  of  Arc's  rapt  visions  and  Agnes  &,££;* 
Sorel's  meretricious  charms. — The  diplomacy  of 

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778        LOUTS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 


054—087 
060-OW 


Capetlaa 


causes  m  the 
Carloringiaii. 


the  Ruelle,  guiding  the  Cabinet  or  ruling  the 
Sovereign,  planning  the  marriage  or  prompting 
the  murder,  negotiating  the  peace  or  provoking 
the  war. 

The  Capetian  Dynasty  obtained  the  Crown 
by  contingencies  bearing  the  closest  analogy  to 
those  whereby  they  lost  the  Crown.  The  charges 
adduced  against  the  last  Carlovingian  Queen  were 
virtually  re-echoed  when  Marie  Antoinette  was 
d5E5S£  conducted  to  the  Scaffold.  Vice,  intrigue,  and 
treachery,  ruined  the  Carlovingians.  The  like 
stern  retribution  clove  to  the  line  of  Robert-le- 
Fort.  And  the  hell-hounds  unleashed  from  the 
Pare  aux  cerfs,  hunted  the  progeny  of  Saint 
Louis  to  destruction. 

The  powers  exercised  by  Woman  pervade 
the  national  annals.  —  Deep  is  the  lesson 
conveyed*  by  the  fact,  that  Brantome's  record 
of  depravity  is  an  indispensible  muniment  of 
French  History. — Consider  what  would  constitute 
a  truthful  series  of  tableaux  dedicated  to  the 
memory  of  the  "Father  of  letters." — Stand  by 
the  death-bed  terminating  his  career. — Diane 
de  Poictiers  as  gay  as  a  lark,  whilst  the  Duke  de 
Guise,  slowly  creeping  to  the  door  with  a  doleful 
face,  trills  and  sings  as  he  trips  away, — il  fen  va, 
le  gallant. 
™£%£L  §  50-  -A*  the  commencement  of  the  Carlo- 
vingian history,  Franco-Gallia  teeming  with 
intellectual  vigour,  her  literary  remains  supply 
the  most  abundant  materials  to  the  historian. 
Men  of  note,  Men  of  mark,  Prelates,  Monks, 


information. 


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BICHAED  SANS  PETJR.  779 

Divines,  and  Soldiers,  have  contributed  their  ^t^HL 
stores.  As  the  Monarchy  declines,  the  historians  oeolgw 
decrease  in  number,  though  still  retaining  signal 
value.  But  we  must  now  lose  the  last  survivor 
amongst  our  old  friends  —  Prodoardus. — We 
have  heard  him  speaking  through  these  many 
years :  sometimes  taking  part  in  the  transac- 
tions he  narrates  and  for  the  most  part  almost  al- 
ways their  witness.  Truth  seeking,  truth  telling, 
neither  expecting  profit,  nor  courting  praise, 
bearing  testimony  to  the  fortunes  of  his  genera- 
tion as  a  simple  duty  towards  them  and  towards 
posterity,  he  continues  working  with  unabated 
diligence ;  but,  during  the  period  which  we  are 
now  treating,  the  reader  may  trace  some  dimi- 
nution in  his  vigour. — Incidents  related  more 
briefly,  —  powers  of  observation  less  acute, — 
strength  less  adequate  to  the  exertion. 

Quietly  and  sedulously  however  does  Frodo- 
ardus  proceed,  until,  diverting  his  path  for  awhile 
from  public  affairs,  he  pauses,  inscribing  the 
approaching  termination  of  his  labours.  Having 
attained  the  age  of  seventy  years;  broken  by 
age  and  infirmity — his  sacerdotal  duties — pain- 
ful labours — and  not  caring  to  drink  the  cup 
to  the  dregs,  he,  as  he  informs  us,  cast  off 
the  burden  of  his  preferments, — Canonry  and 
Abbey, — and  retired  to  his  Cell.  The  events 
which  happened  during  the  three  subsequent 
years,  are  succinctly  commemorated,  and  then  the 
pen  drops  from  his  hand.  He  died  on  the  Feast  i5££,5Mld 
day  of  Saint  Joseph  of  Arimathea,  and,  interred  $£*•«*. 


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780         LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaibe,  &c. 

fl54^-887  jn  Qrimt  Remy's  Royal  Basilica,  his  memory  re- 
'w^-m'  ceived  great  honour. 

2JSJE;        But  the  loss  of  Frodoardus  is  most  satisfac- 
SufSSSL  torily  compensated.    Whilst  he  was  declining,  a 
successor  was  maturing,  by  whose  aid  we  complete 
the  melancholy  epic  of  the  Carlovingian  decline 
and  fall.    This  is  Richerius.    Hitherto  Richerius 
has  afforded  an  ample  complement  to  Frodoardus : 
henceforward  his  book  becomes  the  back-bone  of 
the  annals.     Richerius  alone  enables  us  to  con- 
nect the  ruin  of  the  Second  Race  with  the  rise 
of  the  Third  Race:  and,  chasing  the  visions 
which  have  been  evoked,  he  sweeps  away  all  the 
cobwebs  spun  by  imaginative  talent.     It  may 
be  doubted  whether  any  parallel  case  can  be 
adduced,  in  which  the  resuscitation  of  a  single 
author,  his  work  existing  only  in  a  unique  ex- 
emplar, has  imparted  an  entirely  new  aspect  to 
the  previous  Textus  receptus  of  history. 

It  has  become  the  silly  phrase  of  the  day,  that 
the  paramount,  nay,  the  only  condition  required 
for  good  government,  whether  in  great  things  or 
small,  is  the  placing  the  right  man  in  the  right 
place.  But  we  can  neither  command  the  existence 
of  the  right  man — "poeta  nasdtur  mm  fit "  is  true 
in  every  calling — nor  compel  the  right  men  to 
place  that  same  right  man  in  that  same  right  place, 
so  the  presumptuous,  nay,  mischievous  popular 
aphorism  vanishes  in  pompous  vanity.  But  if 
we,  living  in  the  nineteenth  century,  try  to  select 
the  qualifications  required  for  the  individual 
who  was  to  close  the  chronicle  of  the  Carlovin- 


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RICHAKD  SANS   PEUK.  781 

gian  Dynasty,  we  shall  find  them  combined  in  .96*7W. 
Richer  or  Richerius.  The  son  of  a  personage  '"^CST 
not  so  elevated  in  station  as  to  be  entangled  p«*mi« 

°  qualification! 

over-much  in  public  business,  nor  so  inferior  in  &  aftS? 
rank  as  to  be  an  unworthy  companion  of  the 
Monarch,  Richer' s  father  became  the  living  record 
of  the  facts  and  recollections  which  he  related  to 
his  son. 

The  son  was  equally  competent  to  execute 
the  task.  Yearning  for  knowledge,  and  embued 
with  traditionary  information  which  he  alone 
could  attain,  he  was  fully  fitted,  both  by  talent 
and  acquirement  to  employ  the  teaching;  and, 
at  that  period  of  life  when  the  powers  of  memory 
are  most  vivid,  and  the  mind  most  matured,  he 
was  called  upon  to  be  the  Historiographer  of  an 
expiring  race,  by  the  most  pre-eminent  amongst 
his  contemporaries,  one  whose  name  stands  so 
high  in  the  annals  of  science — though  so  dubious 
as  to  moral  desert. 

When  Gerbert  of  Aurillac,  (of  whom  more  here-  Q?*** 

7  v  when  Arch- 

after),  famed,  or  defamed,  as  Pope  and  Magician,- gffi.0' 

had  attained  the  Primatial  Seat  of  the  Gauls,  he  SSSSTo 

7  compote* 

requested  Richerius  to  compose  a  History  of  the  SKS^* 
Monarchy  from  its  foundation.— Richerius  declined  Rmm"" 
the  labour.  It  appeared  to  him  that  he  could  not 
make  any  useful  addition  to  the  works  of  his  prede- 
cessors, and  he,  therefore,  preferred  confining 
himself  mainly  to  the  more  recent  portions,  his 
father's  times  and  his  own.  Had  it  not  been  for 
Richer's  sagacious  diligence,  any  approximation  to 
the  real  history  of  this  eventful  period  could  never 


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782  LOUIS  POUTBEMEB,  LOTHAIBE,  &C. 

.ft5*7flfl7.  have  been  known. — "  Tynt  is  tynt ! " — "  Verloren 
'wolwo'  ist  verloren !" — Lost  history, like  lost  languages, 
never  can  be  recovered  by  any  process  in  the 
nature  of  induction. 
SSScSr       Gerbert — no  one  else  could  have  done  the 
*SL***m  deed — gave  over  his  correspondence  to  Eiche- 
rius.      Gerbert    was    constantly    involved     in 
machinations,  on  behalf  of  others  and  of  his  own 
self,  and  it  is  sometimes  difficult  to  avoid  the 
suspicion  that  he  occasionally  betrayed  one  party 
tElSEF'  by  co-operating  with  another.    We  possess  his 
SET^S*  own  letters,  or  letters  under  his  name,  others 
3££rit£    which  were  dispatched  or  exchanged  to  or  be- 
tween the  most  eminent  personages  of  his  time, 
including  the  Sovereigns :  but  we  are  rarely 
enabled  to  distinguish  whether  he  speaks  in  his 
own    person,  or  in  the   person  of  the  party 
whose  name  is  prefixed ;  nor  whether  he  acts  as 
agent  or  as  principal ; — nor  whether  the  letters 
were  confided  to  him  by  the  writers  j  nor  whether 
he  obtained  the  documents  honestly  or  by  collu- 
sion.   This  singular  collection  has  been  long 
known  under  the  title  of  Epistoke  Gerberti,  and 
has  proved  a  torture  to  the  wits  of  the  erudite. — 
Crabbed— enigmatical, — the  inexplicable  hint, — 
a  phrase  in  conventional  gergo, — names  in  secret 
characters.— The  obscurity  has  encreased  their 
interest.    Much  labour  has  been  bestowed  upon 
their  elucidation,  but  with  indifferent  success. 
^roipt         The  original  of  Richer's  history  exists  as  he 
wt^r>phA;left  it:   autograph  and  holograph:   never  used 
during  the  nine  hundred  and  odd  years  which 

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RICHARD  SANS  PEUB.  783 

have  elapsed  since  his  era  and  our  own,  but  by 

one  scholar,  famous  Abbot  Trithemius  in  the  '"JS^ST 

fifteenth  century. 

It  is  amusingly  instructive  to  observe  how  the 
old  Monk  went  to  work  upon  his  task.  He  pro- 
ceeded economically.  For  the  most  part  his  manu- 
script is  a  palimpsest :  the  membranes  of  various 
qualities,  and  the  leaves  of  unequal  sizes.  Here, 
are  interlineations  in  larger  characters  —  and 
there,  interpolations  in  the  margin;  some  por- 
tions in  exceedingly  small  and  delicate  letters, 
penned,  perhaps,  when  the  sun  was  shining 
brightly, — others  again,  in  large  Pica,  written 
when  the  smoky  lamp  was  burning  dimly. 
The  text  has  been  most  carefully  corrected  and 
re-corrected,  enlarged  and  improved  by  the 
author.  But,  if  Bicher's  additions  are  important, 
the  subtractions  are  even  more  so,  and  his  con- 
cealments more  striking  than  his  disclosures. 
Sometimes  a  word  or  a  paragraph  has  been  erased, 
and  the  scalpel  employed  so  earnestly,  that  not 
a  letter  can  be  traced.  Considerable  breaks  and  SSS^***" 
halts  are  found  in  the  narrative,  assuredly  not  for  UStiL. 

7  *  doted  by  lib 

want  of  knowledge.  These  occur  wholly  during  the  S^5^£^ 
reign  of  Lothaire,  to  the  extent,  in  the  aggregate,  mm"sdptm 
of  nearly  twenty  years,  and,  very  generally,  at 
the  precise  nick  of  time  when  we  are  peculiarly 
anxious  to  receive  full  information. 

Richer's  conduct  as  an  historian  was  unques- 
tionably dictated  by  prudence,  though  combined 
with  a  higher  principle  than  prudence.  Enriched 
with  materials  for  composition;  and  fully  able  to 

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064-067 
900—966 


784  LOUIS  iyOUTREMER,  LQTHATKK,  &C. 

employ  them,  he  was  endued  with  the  rare  virtue 
of  silence.  The  periods  omitted  would  have  neces- 
sitated the  narration  of  occurrents  which  it  would 
have  grieved  him  to  record.  This  is  the  more  evi- 
dent, because  in  one  very  remarkable  instance, 
when  he  had  commenced  a  chapter  which  must 
have  contained  matters  bearing  painfully  upon  the 
moral  character  of  individuals  who  are  amongst 
the  most  prominent  in  this  history,  and  thereby 
enabling  us  to  form  a  more  correct  judgment  con- 
cerning the  more  immediate  motive  causes  of  the 
revolution,  he  baulks  us  by  his  conscientiousness, 
and  taking  up  his  shears,  he  snips  off  the  re- 
mainder of  the  page.  This  is  one  of  the  numer- 
ous examples,  when  a  pentimento  is  far  more 
instructive  than  the  Artist's  completed  composi- 
tion.— No  passage  can  be  really  suppressed,  but 
by  casting  it  in  the  fire. 

After  the  death  of  Lothaire,  the  narrative 
expands.  Eicherius  appears  to  have  emboldened 
himself  to  his  task,  and  to  have  worked  with 
more  confidence.  Yet  his  reticences  do  not 
cease,  and  we  can  discern  them  again  in  connec- 
tion with  the  scandalous  subject  which  must  have 
filled  the  chapter  we  have  lost.  Upon  the  acces- 
sion of  Gerbert  to  the  See  of  Rheims,  the  his- 
tory terminates.  Infirmity  probably,  inter- 
rupted Richer's  labours.  But  the  parchment 
is  not  exhausted,  and  he  still  employed  him- 
self in  collecting  memoranda  for  the  continua- 
tion of  the  useful  task.  He  transcribes  two 
letters   from   his    Patron   Gerbert,    which    the 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  785 

learned  editor  who  disentombed  the  manu- .  ft54y987J 
script,  has,  in  consequence  of  some  nicety  of  'no-Ito' 
arrangement,  withheld  or  postponed.  Then 
follow  some  few  miscellaneous  jottings, — words 
written  to  try  his  pen, — a  sketch  intended  for 
a  letter  addressed  to  some  friend,  concerning  a 
"  medical  treatise  which  that  friend  had  lent  him 
in  the  course  of  the  year :  and,  amongst  other 
notices,  one  of  peculiar  interest  to  us,  which, 
whilst  testifying  that  the  affairs  of  Normandy 
continued  to  attract  his  attention,  affords  at  the 
same  time  a  grotesquely  forcible  testimony  of 
the  permanently  enduring  contemptuous  feeling 
which  the  old  Carlovingian  Frenchmen  enter- 
tained against  the  mongrel  Pagans. 

§  51.  The  fragmentary  character  possessed 
by  Carlovingian  history  at  this  era,  when  the 
antient  fabric  was  crumbling  into  ruins,  often 
necessitates  a  departure  from  chronological  order. 
We  must  occasionally  groupe  our  personages; 
and,  amongst  these  personages,  none  requiring 
to  be  more  distinctly  individualized  than  the 
Prelates,  who,  acting  very  different  parts,  con- 
tributed,  each  in  his  position,  to  the  Capetian 
triumph. 

Shortly  after  that  Lothaire,  having  reduced  aJSftr 
Dijon,  had  given  so  hard  a  blow  to  the  Verman-  ^wSop 

Of  R)">,Tr>ffi 

dois  family,  the  wearying  career  of  Artaldus  came 
to  a  close.  The  ecclesiastical  Provinces  of 
Rheims  and  Sens  were  forthwith  synodically 
convened.     The    Capet,   who  possessed  much 

VOL,   II.  3  E 


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786  LOUIS  IVOUTREMER,  LOTHAffiE,  &C. 

.  fl547ft87.  influence  in  this  assembly,  supported  Hugh  the 

'wo-Iob'  old  Parvulus,  the  Regicide's  son.    Three  more 

Bishops    were    the    Capet's    Bishops,  —  Paris, 

ThJfc8    Orleans,   Senlis.      The  restoration  of  the  ex- 

h^*?7  pelled    ex-archbishop    being    opposed,   it  was 

agreed  that  the   question    should   be   referred 

to  the  Holy  See.     The  Pontiffs  decision  was 

J2L25S;   adverse  to  the  Parvulus.    The  hopes  to  which  the 

and  death.    oug^  litigant  had  so  fondly  clung,  were  finally 

crushed.     Having  been  kindly  received  by  his 

brother  Robert,  he  fell  sick,  and  died  of  a  broken 

heart  at  Melun. — We  have  had  the  Boy-Bishop 

before  us  ever  since  he  was  five  years  old,  and 

now  there  is  an  end  of  him. 

A  vacancy  in  the  Rhemish  Primacy  was  a  very 
important  political  crisis,  setting  all  parties  in 
motion.  The  successor  of  the  Saint  who  bap- 
tized the  Sicamber  ranked  as  the  first  subject  in 
the  State,  Arch-Chancellor  of  the  Monarchy, 
and  President  ex  officio  in  all  the  great  national 
assemblies. — Invested  with  these  powers,  the 
Archbishop  of  Rheims,  though  he  cannot  be  de- 
scribed as  the  King-maker,  might,  nevertheless, 
when  the  balance  trembled,  turn  the  scale,  and 
become  the  arbiter  of  the  kingdom's  destiny. 

The  antient  canonical  right  of  election  was 
vested  in  the  Clergy  and  Laity ;  yet  rarely  did 
they  recalcitrate  against  the  recommendation 
given  by  their  natural  patron,  the  Sovereign. 
But  Prance,  since  Lothaire's  accession,  had 
passed  virtually  under  the  German  protectorate, 


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RICHABD  SANS  PEUR.  787 

superiority  neither  recognised   by   treaty  .  fts^fl87. 
nor  created  by  compact,  yet  not  the  less  real.  '  mlm* 
Bruno,  filling  the  office  of  Protector,  availed 
himself  of  every  opportunity  which  might  knit  wdbL 
Lotharingia  more  closely  to  France ;  and  upon  SKaV- 
his    solicitation,    Odalric,    the    member    of    aEheinu- 
noble  Lotharingian   family,    obtained   the  dig- 
nity.     Pious,    honest,    and    hearty,    Odalric 
Was  welcomed  by  Lothaire,  who  honored  his 
character  and  energy.    Thibaut-le-Tricheur  had 
usurped  many  of  the  archiepiscopal  domains, 
including  Couci.     Odalric  pronounced  sentence  of 
excommunication  against  him  and  other  intruders. 
They  all  submitted.     The  Archbishop  having  vin-  ™^r 
dicated  the  claims  of  his  predecessors,  he  mani-  SS^SSf11*' 
Mri  hie  generosity  b7  renting  the  contested  ~ 
domain  to  Eudes,  now  Thibaut's  eldest  son  and 
heir ;  and  Eudes  was  well  contented  to  hold  the 
lofty  tower  of  Couci  under  the  Archbishop's 
suzerainty. 

After  this,  we  hear  nothing  more  of  Thibaut, 
whom  his  own  people  called  "&  Vieux"  The 
enterprising  and  active  statesman  and  warrior, 
who  connects  us  continuously  with  the  times  of 
Rollo,  is  laid  by.  The  time  of  his  death  is  not 
particularized : — and  thus,  one  more  amongst  our 
few  remaining  acquaintances,  who,  dating  from 
the  old  times,  are  all  going,  is  taken  away. 

Odalric,  so  long  as  his  incumbency  lasted,  Jg^fj*^ 
fully  asserted  his  station;  but  he  held  his  Pon-*^"™' 
tificate  during  four  years  only,  when,  to  use  the 

3E2 


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788  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

.  ft547987.  antient  customary  form  of  speech,  the  "  widow- 
IJJ^T  hood"  of  the  Church  again  excited  the  expecta- 
tions  and  intrigues  of  various  clerical  and  secular 
suitors. 
AdSS^  The  appointment  of  another  Lotharingian  of 

tSrpuSfo1?  high  estate  and  merit,  again  reveals  the  obedience 
rendered  to  Archbishop  Bruno.  Adalbero's  father 
was  Godfrey,  Count  of  the  Ardennes,  or  Verdun, 
and  from  him  also  descended  the  "  Pio  Goffredo," 
— alas,  for  the  teaching  of  the  chivalrous  Muse ! 
Adalbero  was  thoroughly  well  taught  in  theo- 
logy and  divinity.  He  applied  himself,  with 
equal  ardour,  to  the  humanities,  as  they  were  then 
pursued.  The  classics,  no  less  than  all  branches 
of  knowledge  which  tended  more  or  less  towards 
the  mathematics,  were  sedulously  cultivated  by 

Adalbero'f  7  " 

%£*%?*  him*  He  was  deeply  read  in  the  History  of 
StetSiS011"  France,  and  had  carefully  studied  the  laws 
and  usages  of  the  Eealm  and  the  principles  of 
the  Constitution.  Adalbero  adapted  himself  to 
the  spirit  of  his  age  and  country.  Towards  the 
close  of  the  tenth  century,  Literature  was  cul- 
tivated in  France  and  Germany  with  singular 
ardour: — and  learned  men,  enjoying  a  degree 
of  reputation  analogous  to  that  exhibited  in 
Western  Europe  at  the  period  usually  termed 
the  revival  of  letters,  received  solid  rewards. 

Rarely  did  Adalbero  appear  in  public  affairs, 
until  towards  the  conclusion  of  Lothaire's  reign, 
when  he  came  forward,  exhibiting  great  ability, 
united  to  much  laxity  of  moral  principle :  but  can 


law. 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  789 

any  party^Leader,  or  any  practical  Statesman  or  .^T*1, 
Politician;  ever  conform  in  his  pnblic  life  to  those   mo-w 
dictates,  which  render  the  Gospel  as  heavy  a 
yoke  to  him  as  the  Law. — Adalbero  decided  the 
fate  of  the  Carlovingian  Dynasty. 

The  ecclesiastical  promotions  which  Adal- 
bert's high  situation  enabled  him  to  procure  or 
bestow,  deserve  singular  attention.  The  one, 
exercised  a  most  baneful  influence  upon  the 
reigning  family — the  other,  became  a  memorable 
era  in  the  history  of  the  Papacy,  and  therefore  of 
Western  Christianity. 

Not  long  after  Adalbero's  appointment  to  the 
Archbishoprick,  we  find  a  Diploma  or  Charter 
issued  by  him  in  his  capacity  of  Arch-Chan- 
cellor, countersigned  by  a  Clerk  of  the  Chapel, 
holding  the  office  of  Vice-Chancellor,  an  active 
functionary,  sometimes  denominated  Asceline,  and 
sometimes  Adalbero.  No  explanation  is  given  of 
this  somewhat  singular  equivalence.  If  this  Asce- 
line, who  becomes  so  painfully  prominent  in  the 
annals  of  courtly  scandal  and  falsehood,  called 
himself  "Adalbero,"  out  of  compliment  to  the 
Archbishop,  he  could  not  have  selected  an  alias 
more  perplexing  to  the  historian.  There  were 
five  contemporary  Prelates,  including  him  of 
fiheims,  all  rejoicing  in  that  identical  appella- 
tive ;  and  therefore,  for  the  sake  of  brevity  and 
clearness,  we  shall  always  designate  him  as 
Asceline. 

The  exact  period  of  Asceline's  elevation  to 


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790         LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

.*47*y,  the  See  of  Laon  is  uncertain ;   possibly,  some 
'  »w-w2 '  slight  confusion  may  have  arisen  in  consequence 
of  the  multiplicity  of  his  namesakes.     But  his 
(other***    biography  is  consistent,  and  high  did  he  stand 
JiViS^in  public  favour. — No  wonder,  for  Asceline's 
sw  of  £L  character  was  singularly  attractive  :  nobly  born, 
rich,  ambitious,  a  clever  lampooner,  such  as  in 
society  are  courted  and  dreaded;  liberal  and 
bountiful, — his  great  wealth  judiciously  bestowed, 
so  as  to  obtain  general  applause.    Pleasant  and 
persuasive  in  conversation,  Asceline  encouraged 
learned  men:  and,  neglected  as  Dudo  de  Saint 
Quentin  has  been  by  modern  enquirers,  it  is 
important  to  inform  the  historical  student  that 
much  weight  is  added  to  the  "  Acta  Normanno- 
rum"  by  the  circumstance  that  the  author  in- 
scribes the  work  to  Asceline.    Asceline's  ability 
and  acquirements  rendered  him  popular  in  every 
sphere.     Equally  welcome,  much  too  welcome, 
was  the  smirking  Asceline,  whether  in  the  Royal 
Cabinet,  or  the  Ladies'  Bower.    His  position  at 
Laon  enabled  him  to  become  a  pestiferous  inti- 
mate of  the  Court. — He  was  a  base  deceiver, 
and  we  have  reason  to  fear  that  he  was  guilty  of 
sins  darker  even  than  treachery. 
22^oof         Kings  and  Queens,  Emperors  and  Empresses, 
i^Surei-  concurred  in  rendering  the  highest  tribute  to  the 
intellectual    powers    possessed   by   Gerbert  of 
Aurillac. — Gerbert,  the  peasant's  son,  destined 
to  attain  the  highest   station  in  the  Christian 
Commonwealth. — They  honoured  his  mental  en- 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  791 

dowments,  and  at  the  same  time,  they  promoted  .  **-**. 
his  labours ;  but,  under  their  leading  he  diverted  '  mL^ 
his  great  ability  into  the  paths  and  ways  of  the 
world,  whether  crooked  or  straight,  for  their 
profit  and  advantage.  The  incidents  of  Gerbert's 
life  offer  as  many  difficulties  as  his  mysterious 
and  problematical  character.  When,  in  the  days 
of  the  Plantagenets,  the  English  pilgrim  visited 
the  shrine  of  Saint  Peter,  he  heard  how  Gerbert 
the  Magician  had  attained  the  Papal  See  by 
his  dealing  with  the  Powers  of  darkness; — 
how  the  hidden  treasures  of  Augustus  were  dis- 
closed to  him,  and  when  disclosed,  withheld  by 
the  Demon; — and  how  the  brazen  head  which 
he  constructed,  pronounced  those  oracles,  at  once 
true  and  false,  which  encouraged  him  to  per- 
severe until  he  was  seated  in  Saint  Peter's  chair. 

That  Gerbert  visited  Moslem  Spain,  and  ac-  £^wiSU 
quired  his  mathematical  knowledge  in  the  schools  fkjjgj;* 
of  Seville  or  Cordova,  can  scarcely  be  doubted,  j*"*^"* 
To  him,  European  civilization  is  indebted  for 
those  arithmetical  numerals,  which,  if  not  the 
foundation,  have  so  greatly  contributed  to  the 
progress  of  science,  and  the  general  conve- 
nience of  society.  As  an  astronomer,  Gerbert, 
the  cotemporary  of  Albategnius,  and  Alfragan, 
and  Thebith,  and  Ebenyounis,  and  Aboul  Wefa, 
seems  to  have  known  all  that  the  wisdom  of 
Javan,  expounded  by  Semitic  acuteness,  could 
afford.  He  constructed  the  first  celestial  globe 
which  Christian  Europe  ever  beheld.     Obser- 


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792  LOUIS  m)UTREMER,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

0547°87.  vation  had  perfected  all  that  the  book  had 
Molg^'  taught.  In  mathematics,  and  the  then  kindred 
science  of  music,  Gerbert  acquired  the  greatest 
proficiency.  His  talent  as  a  dialectician  was 
unrivalled;  whilst  his  knowledge  of  the  antient 
classical  writers,  and  his  zeal  for  the  diffusion 
of  their  study,  fully  equalled  the  ardour  which  he 
evinced  in  other  branches  of  human  knowledge. 
An  uncouth,  halting  hexameter,  marking  the 
progress  of  Gerbert,  is  quoted  in  most  of  his 
biographies : — 

Scandit  ab  R,  Girbertus  in  R,  post  Papa  regens  R. 

Some  repeat  the  verse  as  Gerbert's  jocular 
vaunt  after  he  had  succeeded ;  others  represent 
it  as  a  vaticination  of  the  Demon.  But  Ravenna 
and  Rome,  denoted  by  the  second  and  the  last  of 
the  thrice  reiterated  initials,  would  never  have 
been  attained,  had  not  Adalbero's  favouritism 
afforded  him  the  advantages  which  enabled  the 
protege  to  become  his  patron's  successor  in  the 
See  of  Rheims,  indicated  by  the  first. 

Having  cultivated  Gerbert's  acquaintance 
by  correspondence,  Adalbero  solicited  the  young 
philosopher  to  become  the  Rector  of  the  schools 
annexed  to  the  Cathedral,  as  well  as  to  aid  in 
the  formation  of  a  Library.  The  invitation 
reached  Gerbert  about  the  time  when  he  was 
introduced  to  the  Emperor  Otho,  who  received 
him  into  his  confidence, — a  confidence  which, 
extended  through  three  generations,  rendered 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  793 

him  a  thorough  familiar  at  the  German  Court.  JJi^fL 
— Scarcely  inferior  was  Gerbert's  potency  in  ^^n 
France,  where  he  exerted  the  same  fascination. 
The  lovely  Grecian  and  Italian  Queens,  who  ££££ 
rivalled  each  other  in  beauty,  and  the  recluses 
of  the   Cloister,  equally  placed  their  trust  in 
Gerbert.  Amidst  all  the  whirl  of  political  affairs, 
his  ardent  pursuit  of  science  and  literature  never 
slackened.     But  we  cannot  discover  in  Gerbert's 
character  any  traces  of  piety  or  conscientious- 
ness.—We  can  only  view  in  him  a  profound 
philosopher,  a  brilliant  genius,  and  an  ambitious 
and  unprincipled  intriguer. 

§  52.  During  the  era  of  Charlemagne  and  SSStrpl' 
his  immediate  successors,  the  rich  and  instruc-?hiiLtunde 

'  CarloTin- 

tive  Capitulars,  combined  with  the  antient  Bar-  **"•■ 
baric  Codes,  declare  the  law  of  real  property, 
whilst  the  "  Formularies  "  exemplify  the  practice. 
Many  obscurities  do  they  offer,  baffling  solution  : 
yet,  on  the  whole,  we  possess  an  adequate  number 
of  texts,  enabling  the  constitutional  archaeologist 
to  frame  a  tolerably  plausible  theory.  But,  as 
we  advance,  these  sources  of  information  become 
more  scanty,  and,  in  the  most  important  branches, 
wholly  cease.  The  Lawgivers  abandoned  their 
functions,  nor  do  we  possess  any  materials  for 
discussion  or  consideration,  save  and  except  a 
scanty  sprinkling  of  Charters, — the  language 
employed  by  historians, — and  the  facts  occa- 
sionally revealed. 

"  Feudality"  was  assuming  a  more  systematic 


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794         L0UI8  d'outremeb,  lothaire,  &c. 

.0547°87.  form, — a  fonn  imparting  greater  stateliness  to 
'jh^Ihh'  the  Sovereign.  More  symmetry  was  acquired 
by  this  branch  of  the  "  Civil  Hierarchy/' — we 
JSS3SSyTof  shall  borrow  this  designation,  now  vernacular 
amongst  our  neighbours,  though  a  contradiction 
in  terms,  until  one  more  comprehensive  and 
more  accurate  can  be  found.  The  species  of 
adoration,  supposed  to  have  been  imported 
from  Byzantium,  and  which  Rollo  performed 
by  deputy,  occasioning  the  ludicrous  scene 
enacted  at  Clair-sur-Epte,  was  not  only  insisted 
upon,  but,  as  it  should  seem,  rigidly  enforced  in 
rfldJJSSSST  the  most  humiliating  guise.  The  Vassal  was  re- 
ex*cted-  quired  to  place  his  hands  beneath  the  soles  of 
the  Sovereign's  feet ;  and  the  usage  constituted 
a  sharp,  definite,  and  ungracious  line  of  demarca- 
tion between  the  higher  and  the  lower  Nobility. 
No  exception  was  made  in  favour  of  blood  or 
race.  A  Frank  of  the  Franks,  a  descendant 
of  Charlemagne,  if  his  tenure  placed  him  in  the 
second  rank,  submitted  like  the  rest:  and  we 
may  fear  that  the  Sovereign  delighted  in  com- 
pelling even  the  noble  house  of  Vermandois  to 
gulp  the  degradation. 

Very  few,  as  far  as  we  can  judge,  even 
amongst  the  great  Feudatories,  were  exempted 
from  this  marked  acknowledgment  of  inferiority. 
Normandy  had  been  freed  by  special  compact ; 
and  we  are  certain  that  neither  Louis  d'Outremer 
nor  Lothaire  could  dare  to  demand  the  observ- 
ance from  the  Duke  of  all  France  and  Burgundy. 


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RICHABD  SANS  PEUR.  795 

Greater  attention  was  paid  to  ceremony  and  .  ft5^-°e7J 
etiquette  in  general. — The  French  Court,  proba-  ^CwT 
bly  imitating  the  Imperial  ceremonial,  became 
more  punctilious ;  and  the  Vassal,  who,  bearing 
the  sword,  walked  after  the  Sovereign,  was  con- 
sidered as  thereby  declaring  his  subjection  to 
the  Superior. 

The  incidents  of  tenure  were  more  strictly  £££?£<£ 

■trictiy  de- 
defined,  and  that,  to  the  Crown's  advantage.  *"*• 

More  than  once  we  have  had  occasion  to  point 

out  how  the  Sovereign's  legal  power,  as  supreme 

Lord  of  the  land,  encreased  proportionably  with 

the  decrement  of  his  political  power.      Could 

the  steps  whereby  this  process  was  accomplished 

be  traced,  we  should  probably  ascertain  that  the 

result  arose  from  the  silent  but  constant  and 

consistent  pressure  of  the  Royal  Chancery. — Say  SJcKL* 

what  you  will — all  law  is  judge-made  law  and 

lawyer-made  law. 

It  may  also  be  affirmed  without  hazard  ofeV^S&d 

J  by  Hugh  1«- 

error,  that  the  practice  of  Commendation,  asgj£*52E. 
taught  by  that  illustrious  practical  professor, mefMUtSon- 
Hugh-le-Grand,  had  nearly  eaten  out  allodiality. 
The  principle  exemplified  in  the  legal  phrase, "  h 
mart  saisi  le  vif?  was  not  yet  accepted  as  im- 
parting an  indefeasible  title.  The  son  re- 
ceived possession  only  by  and  through  the 
Royal  Precept  or  Charter.  Upon  parchment, 
seal,  and  signature,  was  the  Vassal's  title 
founded; — Lothaire,  who  so  energetically  vin- 
dicated his   rights    as   supreme    administrator 


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796         louis  d'outbemer,  lothaire,  &c. 

Q54--Q87   0^  ^e  jaw^  wken  Count  Odalric's  son  lost  his 
bilges   head  before  the  gate  of  Dijon,  was  equally  on 
the  alert  to  demonstrate,  that,  through  him,  the 
greatest  amongst  his  Vassals  reigned. 

g  53.  An  excellent  opportunity  had  offered 

for  asserting  those  sovereign  prerogatives,  on  an 

occasion    when    their    enforcement    redounded 

equally  to  the  honour  of  the   Crown  and  the 

Realm's  stability.     Upon  the  resignation  made 

by    Arnoul-le-Vieux    in    favour    of   his    Son, 

Baudouin-le-Jeune,  Lothaire  did  not  take  any 

notice  of  the  transaction :  and,  when  Baudouin. 

died,  Arnoul-le-Vieux  reverted  to   his    former 

authority,  construed  by  Lothaire  as  having  been 

merely  suspended  during  his  Son*s  brief  reign, 

though  exercised  in  ihe  name  and  on  behalf  of 

upSuTe     the  grandson.    The  demise  of  Arnoul-le-Vieux 

5SSff.il    having  ensued,  Lothaire  treated  the  Fief  as  open ; 

£32>di?-  an(*  insisted,  as  he  was  fully  justified  in  doing,  that 


S?hon»«e  Arnoul-le-Jeune  was  bound  to  render  homage : — 

ofArnoul-le-  ° 

jeune.       fc^  the  ill-advised  youth  refused. 

For  the  purpose  of  annoying  Richard-sans- 
Peur,  Lothaire  had  gladly  allied  himself  with 
Flanders,  yet  no  real  friendship  could  subsist 
between  the  Kings  of  France  and  Lideric  the 
Forester's  formidable  descendants.  The  con- 
nexion through  Madame  Judith,  the  daughter 
of  Lothaire's  great-grandfather,  did  not  produce 
any  practical  affinity.  Lothaire  acted  as  Louis 
d'Outremer  would  have  done,  or  have  tried  to 
do, — he  enforced  obedience  by  military  execu- 


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RICHARD  SAN8  FEUR.  797 

tion.     Eaising  a  powerful  army  of  French  and  .9H^m. 
Burgundians,  he  invaded  the  country,  and  the   m-m 
whole  of  the  "Flandre  Gallicante," — that  is  to 
say,  the  entire  territory  extending  as  far  as  the 
river  Lys, — fell  into  Lothaire's  power.    Young  J^w 
Arnoul  was  expelled. — From  whom,  under  this  S3i£5"S 
distress,  did  he  seek  for  aid?    He  appealed mSEE^. 
to  the  Norman  Eichard,  and  found  a  friend  J^J^ 
in   him,    who    had    a    right   to    treat   Arnoul 
as  an  hereditary  enemy,  his  own  father's  mur- 
derer.— Some  authorities  assert,   that  Richard 
was  co-operating  with  Lothaire,  and  had  fur- 
nished a  contingent  as  an  ally;  but,  influenced 
by  sentiments  deserving  a  higher  name  than 
mere  generosity,  the  son  of  Guillaume-longue- 
epee    interfered    on    the    suppliant's    behalf. 
Arnoul    rendered    due    homage,    received    his 
great  Comitial  Marchland  from  Lothaire's  grant, 
and  was  thoroughly  re-instated  as  Count  Marcher. 
§  54.  About  one  year  after  Lothaire's  death,  ™ 


The 


there  suddenly  rises  up  an  individual,  never  iSES* 
named  in  Lothaire's  lifetime,  and  who,  by  his 
unexpected  apparition,  indicates  a  most  impor- 
tant unrecorded  passage  in  the  then  deceased 
Monarch's  history ;  a  chapter  relating  to  an  event 
which  must  have  happened  about  the  period 
with  which  we  are  dealing.  This  personage, 
the  living  witness  of  the  matters  left  untold,  and 
who  attained  to  portentous  eminence  during 
the  Capetian  Eevolution,  is  Arnulphus  or 
Arnoul,  a  Canon  of  Ladn,  then  promoted  to 


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798  LOUIS  tfOUTREMER,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 


054-087 
062-065 


the    See    of   Rheims,    though    stigmatised    as 
Lothaire's  bastard. 

Epithets  now  understood  as  implying  illegiti- 
macy, must  not,  during  the  Middle  Ages,  be  con* 
strued  as  necessarily  conveying  the  import,  that 
the  connexion  subsisting  between  the  parents 
Loth«iw.    was  illicit.     Arnulph,  as  we  have  every  reason 

clandestine  *      7  y 

S^So-  to  suppose,  was  not  a  spurious  child,  but  the 
lS^?"1  issue  of  a  marriage  lawfully  and  honourably  con- 
fix ton.  tracte(j  i>etWeen  Lothaire  and  a  lady,  who  was  a 
cousin  of  Guy,  Count  of  Soissons,  and  daughter 
of  a  Lotharingian  Noble,  probably  reckoned 
amongst  the  lower  nobility.  Her  lineage,  how- 
ever, is  presented  with  much  obscurity ;  though 
the  references  given  in  the  standard  work,  from 
which  I  collect  the  information,  might  perhaps 
assist  those  skilled  in  French  genealogies,  to 
remove  the  difficulties. 

By    this    Consort,   Lothaire   had  Arnulph, 
though  not  a  word  is  breathed  concerning  him 
during  his  father's  life-time;  possibly,  also,  a 
Eichard,  of  whom  we  have  a  transient  notice. 
The  latent  Queen  having  then  been  separated 
from    her    husband,   she  became    the  wife  of 
Theobald  de  Monte  Acuto,  or  Montague.    No 
cause  for  the  dissolution  of  the  marriage  be- 
tween her  and  Lothaire  is  hinted.    The  whole 
Thcu^    transaction  has  been  designedly  enveloped  in 
SSEi?"     obscurity.    All  we  can  conjecture  is,  that  some 
Theo&dde  one  of   the  many  allegations    arising   out    of 
£»£&    canonical  affinity,  pre-contract,    or    the    like, 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  799 

which  were   considered    as   legal   grounds    of  J^t^L 
nullity,  helped  Lothaire  in  slipping  out  of  the  '^S^ST 
bond  when  he  desired  to  solemnize  a  more  de- 
sirable union. 

§  55.   Since  Lothaire's  accession,  Otho  had 
been    uninterruptedly    pursuing    that    brilliant 
career,  which  I  have  perfunctorily  attempted 
to    describe  : — Western    Christendom    rescued 
from  the  Magyar  pollutions. — Italy  freed  from  suJ^T 
anarchy : — an  Anti-pope  put  down  : — all  oppo-  oS^er 
sition    silenced: — the    Lombard    power    extin- Gennan7, 
guished;  and  from  the  Alps  to  the  frontier  of 
the  Byzantine  territories,  Apulia  and  Calabria, 
the  whole  Peninsula  obeyed  the  Saxon  Emperor, 
The   subjugation   of   the    Roman    Republic  to 
the  Caesar  constituted  her  charter  of  indepen- 
dence.     Nay,  Venice,  though    girded  by  her 
lagunes,  courted  the  Latin  Emperor's  favour. 

Otho's  task  was  however  only  partially  ac- 
complished, clouds  were  rising ;  but  he  yearned 
to  be  again  present  with  those  who  loved  him. 
Desisting  for  a  time  from  his  world-influential 
labours,  he  returned  home.  Materials  exist, 
enabling  the  historian  to  follow  him  stage  by 
stage;  but,  omitting  all  intermediate  stations, 
we  will  meet  him  at  Cologne. 

There  were  gathered  together  Otho's  nearest 
and  dearest  kindred.  Pious  Matilda,  King 
Henry's  affectionate  relict,  the  Dowager  Em- 
press, honoured  as  the  Mother  of  the  family. 
Queen  Gerberga,  followed  by  her  two  sons,  Lo- 


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954-967 
94»-96t 


800  LOUIS  D>OUTREMER,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

thaire,  the  King  of  France,  struggling  against  fate ; 
and  his  brother  Charles,  the  neglected  boy,  whose 
destitution  was  rendered  more  pitiable  by  his  il- 
fESi^ST  lustrious  ancestry.     There  also  Hugh  Capet  and 
Eudes,   Otho's  ambitious  nephews,  and  Henry 
the  excluded  Porphyrogenitus,  Otho's  repentant 
brother,  and  his  pleasant  son  Henry,  so  cosset- 
ted  during  baby-hood  and  boy-hood  by  his  grand- 
mother.     All  the  Dukes    and  Banner-bearing 
Counts,  all  the  great  Feudatories  of  the  Empire, 
hailed    their    Sovereign's    return.      And,    pre- 
eminent amongst  the  mitred  crowd  arose  Bruno, 
commanding  universal  respect  and  honour. 

This  Court  so  held  by  Otho  at  Cologne  was 
admired  as  the  grandest  spectacle  which  men  had 
ever  witnessed  in  the  German  Empire.  Long 
subsisting  were  the  traditions  of  the  festival's 
splendour.  Particularly,  as  it  should  seem,  in 
Saxony,  where  we  find  them  recorded  in  the  ver- 
nacular chronicles,  written  centuries  after  the 
Sceptre  had  departed  from  Henry  the  Fowler's 
lineage.  Yet  these  rejoicings  were  uneasy,  and 
only  disguised  the  anxieties,  whose  bitterness 
dashed  the  present  pleasure.  However  tri- 
umphant Otho  had  been,  he  apprehended  danger 
in  Italy.  Rome,  fermenting :  the  Imperial  suc- 
cession not  yet  settled  in  favour  of  the  younger 
Otho.  And  Otho  therefore  determined  to  depart 
from  Germany  for  the  purpose  of  accomplishing 
his  last  Imperial  progress  to  the  Capital  of  the 
Christian  world. 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.    *  801 

The  Court  broke  up,  and  clouded  was  the  .  flM7w, 
close.     Otho  accompanied  his  mother  to  Nord-  IS^mT 
hausen;  and,  during  seven  days  did  he  linger  there, 
dreading  the  parting.     When  the  eighth  gloomy  ^p^tii 
morn  had  dawned,  the  Imperial  Mother  and  the  S&hJFi*11 
Imperial  Son  having  attended  Mass,  Matilda  pre-        ""^ 
ferred  her  last  request. — Nordhausen,  said  she, 
is  precious  to  me ;  here  was  thy  brother  Henry 
born,  here  Gerberga,  here  I  founded  this  House, 
for  the  good  of  my  children's  souls.     Give  care 
to  this  holy  place,  and  let  it  be  thy  Mother's 
memorial.     Tearfully  pressing  him  to  her  bosom, 
she  accompanied  him  so  far  as  the  portal,  where 
his  train  was  ready;  and  they  separated,  bidding 
each  other  farewell. 

Yet  the  last  farewell  minute  had  not  really 
arrived.  Matilda,  returning  into  the  Church, 
clave  to  the  dust  of  her  child's  footsteps;  not 
figuratively,  but  actually  kneeling  over  them, 
and  literally  bedewing  his  path  with  her 
tears.  Some  kind-hearted  attendant  ran  forth, 
and  informed  the  Emperor,  who  was  preparing 
to  mount  his  steed,  of  his  Mother's  desolation. 
The  mighty  warrior,  turning  back,  rushed  into 
the  Sanctuary,  embraced  his  agonized  Mother, 
hugged  her  and  kissed  her  again  and  again;  and, 
wrenching  himself  from  his  parent's  arms,  fled 
away,  never  to  look  upon  that  dear  old  face  any 
more. 

But  the  youngest  amongst  Otho's  collateral 
kindred  or  ascendant  relatives  was  the  first  to  be 

VOL.  II.  3  F 


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802  LOUIS  b'OUTREMER,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 


9M-087 
900-986 


called  away.  Bruno's  health  was  declining 
rapidly  and  irrecoverably.  Weak  in  constitution, 
he  was  exerting  himself  beyond  his  powers,  and 
sinking  under  premature  old  age.  Constantly 
worried  with  state  affairs ;  and  now,  it  may  be 
hoped,  awakened  to  the  feeling,  that  in  the 
acts  of  the  Politician,  the  Christian  had  too 
often  deeply  sinned,  he  debilitated  his  body  by- 
rigorous  abstinence  and  fasting;  at  the  same 
time  he  was  wearing  himself  out  by  intense 
application  to  those  studies,  which  recruited 
his  soul  at  the  expense  of  his  corporeal  frame. 

The  urgencies  of  France  summoned  Bruno  to 
Oompi&gne.  He  was  now  utterly  unfitted  for  such 
a  journey. — Whether  for  this  world  or  the  next, 
he  who  does  most,  lives  longest.  The  pages  of 
history  bring  Bruno  so  repeatedly  before  us,  that, 
unless  we  mark  carefully  the  dates  of  events, 
we  might  imagine  he  was  verging  towards 
senility.  But  he  had  scarcely  over-passed  the 
mezzo  del  camin  di  nostra  vita,  his  thirty-eighth 
ESh  if15"-  year,  and  yet  he  was  dying.   He  broke  down  under 

Archbishop 

Bnmo.  the  fatigues  of  the  journey  ere  he  reached  his 
archiepiscopal  residence;  and  his  death  ensued 
on  a  noted  day,  the  Feast  of  Saint  Gereon, 
honoured  at  Cologne  as  foremost  in  the  rank  of 
Christian  warriors. 
p^d^of11  §56.  Connected  with  the  vigorous  expan- 
toiSSSJ.004  s*on  °^  feudality,  which  so  greatly  enhanced 
the  royal  authority,  was  the  evolution  of  a 
new  constitutional  principle,  tending  to  create 
a  royal  Caste;  a  Caste  completely  severed,  not 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  803 

merely  from  the  main  body  of  the  nation,  bnt  «*-« 
even  raising  an  impassable  barrier  between  the  #9Jt^w> 
royal  family,  and  the  vast  majority  amongst  the 
natural  aristocracy  as  a  class  or  order,  a  very  few 
Houses  only  being  excepted.  It  was  now  taught 
and  held  that  the  daughter  of  a  Vassal  appertaining 
to  the  secondary  rank,  a  Vassal  who  had  kissed  a 
Sovereign's  knees  and  placed  his  hands  beneath 
a  Sovereign's  feet,  was  disqualified  by  the  in- 
cidents of  her  father's  tenure,  from  becoming 
a  Sovereign's  legal  Consort.  So  stringently  was 
this  doctrine  construed,  that,  even  Imperial 
blood  became  polluted,  if  flowing  in  the  veins 
of  an  individual  whose  ancestor  had  submitted 
to  such  a  humiliation. 

We  do  not  trace  any  foundation  for  this^SSS^' 
opinion  during  the  earlier  periods  of  the  Mo-S^in 
narchy.  Magnanimous  Charlemagne  was  not  en- 
cumbered by  any  such  prejudices :  and,  contem- 
plating his  crowd  of  wives,  real  or  dubious,  we 
can  scarcely  distinguish  more  than  one, — one, 
equally  remarkable  for  her  virtues  and  her 
misfortunes, — who  could  claim  a  regal  parentage. 

This  principle  of  " Eberiburtigkeit"  familiar 
to  the  German  Jurists,  but  legally  unknown  in 
this  Realm,  subsists  throughout  the  ambit  of 
the  German  Confederation  and  Scandinavia; 
and  it  has  been  even  recently  adopted 
by  the  two  newly  erected  and  rival  King- 
doms, raised  upon  the  soil  of  the  antient 
Lotharingian  Duchy,  Holland  and  Belgium ;  so 

3  F2 


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804  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

.  a5479e7.  that  a  Sovereign,  whose  lawful  affections  have 
'  mo-966  '  been  fixed  upon  a  woman  included  in  the  ex- 
cluded rank,  must  either  abdicate  as  an  atone- 
ment for  his  misalliance,  or  purchase  domestic 
happiness  by  imposing  upon  her,  through  whom 
that  happiness  is  bestowed,  the  brand  of  a 
Morganatic  marriage. 
£5$?*  Very  probably  the  sudden  development  of 

S^R  *^s  novel  au^c  doctrine,  this  encroachment 
SLteJ?t2r  upon  the  Sovereign's  personal  liberty,  acquired 
greater  energy,  by  reason  of  its  peculiar  appli- 
cation to  Lothaire.  Floating  prejudices  or 
opinions,  social  or  conventional,  religious  or 
political,  solidify  by  the  touch  of  one  whom  we 
hate  as  an  enemy,  whether  by  reason  of  him- 
self, his  party,  or  his  faith. 

Subsequent  events  demonstrate,  with  suffi- 
cient clearness*  that  Lothaire's  unscrupulous  and 
artful  enemies,  the  Capets,  and  all  the  Capets' 
adherents,  cleric  and  lay,  might,  should  a  fitting 
opportunity  arise,  render  his  connection  with 
Count  Guy's  sister,  a  pretext  for  depriving  him  of 
]*£2K*r  the  crown.   Lothaire  may  have  become  tired  of  his 
ph^ioS,  first  love :  perhaps  he  was  very  young  when  he 
theTE?*116  made  a  hasty  choice :  and,  all  these  motives  con- 
curring, he  would  find  no  difficulty  in  divorcing 
himself   from  the   Lotharingian   lady,  as    the 
preliminary   step   towards   a    more    congruous 
union. 

But  where  washe  to  seek  a  Princess  to 
or  for  whom  he  could  propose?  Not  amongst 
Cerdic's    illustrious    line ;    for  at   this   period 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  805 

the  only  Atheliza  whom  we  can  discover  in  .  g54yM7J 
our  royal  genealogy,  is  Edgitha,  the  holy  wCom* 
Abbess  of  Wilton.  No  one  looked  over  the 
Pyrenees.  Barbarous  Denmark  was  out  of 
the  question.  Whether  Conrad  the  Pacific,  the 
King  of  Burgundy  or  Aries,  had  a  daughter, 
we  care  not  to  enquire. 

Heartily  cordial  was  the  intimacy  between 
the  Empress  Dowager,  and  the  congenial  Em- 
press Regnant.  The  Othonian  Memoirs,  as  they 
may  be  justly  termed,  the  special  biographies  of  gjjjjg^ 
Otho,  and  of  Bruno,  of  Matilda  and  of  Adelaide ;  wwaDO]n- 
one  amongst  these  compositions  penned  by  Saint 
Odilo,  and  another  by  Eoswitha,  the  celebrated 
poetical  Abbess,  whose  misapplication  of  her 
talents,  in  her  imitations  of  the  Roman  dramatist, 
should  rather  deserve  censure  than  earn  praise, 
render  us  thoroughly  familiar  with  the  hearty 
lovingness  which  pervaded  the  German  Court;  and 
such  is  the  spirit  exhibited  in  the  painting  (so  to 
speak)  of  the  family  groupe.  Grandmother  and  ^S^1 
Mother,  children  and  grand-children,  present  at***""1**™- 
their  table,  or  frolicking  before  them.  The  pa- 
rents were  indulging  in  matrimonial  speculations. 
Emma,  Adelaide's  daughter  by  her  first  husband, 
the  Lombard  King,  scarcely  more  than  a  baby, 
when  Otho  rescued  and  espoused  her,  was  now  un- 
der the  protection,  and  received  the  bounty  of  her 
liberal  step-father.  But  the  prudent  mother  could 
not  be  otherwise  than  anxious  to  obtain  a  proper 
establishment  for  the  penniless  creature;  and 
we    should    discredit    her  feminine  acuteness, 


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806  LOUIS  D'OUTREMEB,  fcOTHAIRE,  &C. 

854~fle7   were  we  t0  suppose  that  when  she  recommended 
^o^eT  her  "little  girl  Emma,"  as  the  future  wife  for 
one  of  the  royal  youngsters,  the  words  were 
casual.    The  minute  particularity  of  the  anecdote 
shews    that    the    conversation  made  a  strong 
impression  upon  the  family  mind — and  it  fruc- 
tified, though  not  exactly  as  Adelaide  intended ; 
— for  we  do  not  see  any  reason  to  reject  the 
supposition,  that  the  match  between  the  Car- 
lovingian    King    Lothaire,   and    the    Lombard 
Lothaire's  daughter,  was  made  up  during  the 
Cologne  festival. 
we-  §  57.    But  we  continue  oppressed  by  the 

Marriage  " 

Lotha!£>  and  ominous  shadow  enveloping  French  history.    The 
ElMna'      marriage,  an  event  of  high  national  interest,  is 
recorded  most  drily  and  succinctly.    We  as- 
certain the  fact  from  a  notice  contained  in  the 
very  last  paragraph  Frodoardus  penned;   and 
he  tells  it  as  though  he  wished  to  get  rid  of 
the    matter,    "  Lotharius  Rex    uxorem  accepit, 
Emtnam  Jiliam    quondam   Regis  Italici" — In 
the   eyes  of  the  French  the  Lombards  were 
Italians,    and  they  loathed   the   alliance,   not 
caring  to  know  what  was  her  father's  name ; — 
as  for  Eicherius,  he  is  resolutely  silent 
obwuritj  of        So  sporadically  and  stingily  indeed  are  the  cir- 
^ncwi?   cumstances  of  this  reign  related,  that  we  hear 

Lothaire'i  °  7 

Em££-b7  nothing  concerning  Louis,  Lothaire's  first  son  by 

0S0.  *"     Emma,  until  the  young  Prince  was  called  to  share 

his  father's  throne.    Moreover,  they  had  a  second 

born,  Otho,  whose  very  existence  is  passed  over 

by  historians.    We  become  acquainted  with  him 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  807 

simply  through  a  very  curious  miniature  limned  .  fl64yQ87J 
in  Queen  Emma's  Prayer-book. — The  tonsure  '"J^CST 
testifies  that  the  youth  had  received  Holy 
Orders ; — a  scarlet  or  purple  robe  indicates  his 
royal  birth ; — a  line  in  the  necrology  of  Eheims 
bears  record  that  a  Canonry  in  the  Primatial 
Cathedral  had  been  bestowed  upon  him, — pro- 
bably as  a  provision  until  some  better  prefer- 
ment,  perhaps  the  Arch-Bishopric,  should  fall 
in :  and  a  note  at  the  conclusion  of  his  mother's 
Psalter  informs  us  of  the  day  when  he  died,  but 
not  the  year. 

g  58.  Rapidly  is  the  Royal  family  decaying. 
— Gerberga,  she,  whose  name  has  hitherto  been 
associated  with  every  important  event  since 
the  day  when  Louis  d'Outremer  won  and  wooed 
the  young  widow  of  Gilbert  the  bold  swimmer, 
— so  wise  in  counsel,  so  pious,  so  tender  to 
her  own,  but  so  implacable, — now  wholly  disap- 
pears from  our  sight.  The  Bride  immediately 
supplied  the  Mother's  place,  and  Gerberga  de- 
parted from  the  Court  of  Laon.  Her  retire- 
ment made  a  considerable  change  in  the(K)rber^ 
aspect   of  public  affairs.      Gerberga  had  beenSSVith 

her  youngest 

Lothaire's  guide  and  counsellor,  ever  active  on  "■•  <**** 
his  behalf,  the  main  connecting  link  between 
France  and  Germany,  ensuring  the  uncle's  aid, 
that  aid  needed  by  the  nephew  under  every  con- 
tingency. The  Matron  presents  herself  as  poor 
and  neglected.  She  does  not  come  before  us  as 
a  Dowager  Queen,  occupying  a  Royal  Palace, 
or  as  the  cozy  well-to-do  secular  Abbess  of  Notre 


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808  LOUIS  iyOUTEEMER,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 


954-067 


Dame  de  Laon.  The  preferment  was  taken  from 
•  ©co-loea '  her,  and  she  retreated  to  some  obscure  unnamed 
Gerb*  •■  ab°de,  where  she  persevered  in  performing  the 
SSS^d"  duty  imposed  upon  her  by  Providence.  Charles, 
now  about  sixteen  years  of  age,  was  her  sole 
companion,  her  comfort,  her  sorrow. 

Since  his  father's  death  we  have  never  met 
Charles,  otherwise  than  clinging  to  his  mother's 
side.  The  poverty-stricken  boy  seems  to  have 
been  in  every  body's  way,  except  his  mother's. 
The  destitution  impending  upon  the  younger 
branches  of  the  Royal  Family  had  been  fully  an- 
ticipated by  Lothaire  and  Gerberga,  years  ago ; 
though,  child  succeeding  child,  and  child  dropping 
off  after  child,  they  could  not  foresee  upon 
what  member  in  particular  the  lot  would  fall. 
It  was  unquestionably  this  fretting  anxiety 
which  aided  in  stimulating  Louis  d'Outremer 
to  prosecute  his  frequent  schemes  for  rein- 
tegrating France  by  the  recovery  of  Lotharingia, 
and  equally  excited  him  to  regain  that  noble 
Neustria,  usurped  by  the  Danish  barbarians. — 
For  this  object,  Louis  d'Outremer  had  entrapped 
the  rosy-cheeked  confiding  Richard.— With  this  in- 
tent, he  kidnapped  the  noble  boy,  and  imprisoned 
him  in  the  Tower  of  Laon. — It  was  under  this 
temptation,  that  the  warm-hearted,  affectionate, 
generous,  conscientious  Gerberga,  rejoiced  when 
she  was  watching,  with  tip-toe  eagerness,  at  the 
chamber  door,  for  the  moment  when  Richard, 
worn  out  by  grief  and  duresse,  should  expire. 
— But  her  sin  had  now  come  home  to  her ; — and 


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RICHARD  SANS  FEUR.  809 

she   was   enduring   the    chastisement  she  had  .  M4^fl87. 
earned.  "gS^wT 

Gerberga  died  about  three  years  after  Lo-^ b 
thaire's  marriage.  We  miss  her  much  when  cESEm- 
we  lose  her, — she  has  been  so  long  before  us,  So*** 


in  joy  and  in  sorrow,  that  we  part  from  her  as 
an  old  and  intimate  friend.  And,  upon  his 
mother's  decease,  the  young  Charles  was  re- 
ceived, but  not  welcomed,  in  his  Brother's 
palace,  where,  wearily  and  joylessly  his  young 
life  wore  away. 

§  59.  During  six  years,  running  into  the0*»-ra 
seventh,  was  Otho  enforced  to  absent  himself  ftS?.1* 
from  his  native  land.  Occasionally,  though 
rarely,  could  Adelaide  comfort  and  support  him 
by  her  presence  and  her  love.  In  all  its  length 
and  in  all  its  breadth  did  Otho  traverse  his 
Transalpine  Eealm,  from  the  Marches  of  Verona 
to  the  Gulph  of  Naples,  and  from  the  Adriatic 
to  the  Great  Sea.  The  diplomas  bearing  Otho's 
signature  and  seal,  and  the  laws  he  promul- 
gated, enable  us  to  track  his  diligent  visitations. 
Yet,  amongst  these  singularly  interesting  and 
instructive  documents,  the  historical  enquirer, 
if  he  attempts  to  verify  a  theory  at  once 
popular  and  baseless,  will  vainly  seek  for  a 
solitary  instance  of  any  grant,  bestowing  any 
constitutional  franchises  upon  the  Italian  muni- 
cipalities.— The  charter  must  be  sought  upon  the 
same  parchment  which  enrolls  King  Alfred's 
enactment  establishing  jury  trial. 

Realising  in  his  own  person,  the  authority 


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»54-«87 


m— m 


810  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER,  IX)THAIRE,  &C. 

of  his  Imperial  predecessors,  Otho  acted  upon  the 
full  consciousness  that  all  their  autocratic  powers 
had  descended  to  him.     The  fasces,  whenever  he 

Bererityof  _  _  _ 

0T«SSment.  gave  the  word,  were  unbound,  and  the  axe  up- 
raised ;  and  the  satellites  who,  by  Otho's  com- 
mand, swung  and  wielded  the  instruments  of 
punishment,  had  no  more  feeling  for  the  sufferers 
than  the  scourge  and  steel. 
iuiy.-it.  Otho  could  now  devote  himself  to  his  Italian 
wuh°o^on  administration  with  undivided  attention.    So  ably 

many. 

had  he  organised  those  dominions,  so  completely 
had  domestic  or  foreign  foes  been  conciliated  or 
subdued,  that  Germany  continued  as  tranquil  as 
if  he  had  been  present.  Italy  appeared  thoroughly 
consolidated  with  the  Teutonic  Empire.  Teutsch- 
land  might  despise  Welschland,  and  Welschland 
might  spit  at  Teutschland :  but  the  dispathies  be- 
tween the  Italian  races  and  communities  encreased 
the  strength  of  the  rivets  which  held  them  toge- 
ther under  the  paramount  Sovereign.  The  Clergy 
seemed  contented  to  forego  all  local  privileges, — 
merging  all  distinctions  of  country  in  their  com- 
mon Catholicity.  Thus,  the  extent  of  the  province 
appertaining  to  the  newly  erected  Archiepiscopal 
See  of  Magdeburgh,  was  settled  at  Ravenna  in 
a  Lombard  Church  Council,  where  Hatto  of 
Mayence,  Hildebrand  of  Halberstadt,  Landwart 
of  Minden,  Reginhart  of  Reichstadt,  and  Wich- 
feld  of  Verdun,  and  many  other  German  Prelates 
attended,  undeterred  by  the  lengthened  journey. 
Important  were  the  objects  which  induced  or 


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RICHAKD  8ANS  FEUR.  811 

compelled  Otho  thus  to  continue  abiding  in  .95i^4m . 
Italy.  The  Lombard  Princes  were  ever  and  'g^lm* 
anon  giving  trouble.  But  the  most  perplexing 
causes  of  uneasiness  were  always  nestling  at  xSETS?^ 
Rome, — such  as  they  had  been,  such  as  theypraTlt7' 
have  been,  such  as  they  always  will  be. 
Gerbert  spoke  the  general  opinion  prevailing 
beyond  the  Alps,  that  all  Italy  was  as  bad 
as  Rome,  and  Rome,  the  horror  of  the  world. 
But  the  Bark  of  Saint  Peter,  though  tossed  by 
the  tempest,  and  so  oft  driven  toward  the  shoal 
by  her  own  pilot's  incompetence,  or  worse, 
rights  herself,  and,  casting  anchor  beneath  the 
sheltering  rock,  rides  buoyantly  upon  the  waves. 
At  this  era,  the  Papacy  had  become  the 
opprobrium  of  Christendom ;  the  Lateran 
Palace,  a  Lupanar;  fornication,  minor  amongst 
the  fouler  sins  by  which  John  XII.  was  de- 
filed. In  this  our  task,  we  are  dispensed  from 
dwelling  upon  his  delinquencies  :  but,  as  a 
characteristic  trait,  we  may  notice,  that  he  was 
a  desperate  gambler,  infected  by  that  vice  which 
includes  the  germs  of  every  crime.  When  the  bones 
turned  against  him,  he  was  accustomed  to  break 
out  in  paroxysms  of  insane  anger,  cursing  and 
swearing,  invoking  the  aid  of  Jupiter  and  Venus. 
Nor  are  these  oaths  to  be  considered  as  un- 
meaning or  semi-profane  ejaculations,  in  the 
manner  according  to  which  the  like,  "perBacco" 
for  example,  are  now  employed  in  the  vulgar  ver- 
nacular ;  but,  according  to  the  teaching  of  Scrip- 


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812  LOUIS  tfOUTREMER,  LOTHAIEE,  &C. 


954-^987 


ture,  not  repudiated  in  the  mediaeval  period,  were 
W6_lwa '  highly  sinful,  if  not  real  appeals  to  the  Demon. 

The    frequently    recurring  schisms   in    the 
Papacy,  heightened  the  evils  resulting  from  the 
turpitude  of  individual  Pontiffs.     During    the 
miserable    contest  which  raged  between    Leo 
VIII.  and  Benedict  V.,  it  was  scarcely  possible  to 
define  who  was  Pope  and  who  was  Anti-pope. — 
In  fact,  the   lawless    violence  of    the  Roman 
Nobles,  and  the  depravity  pervading  the  Roman 
people,  rendered  the   Pontiff  either  their  tool 
or  their  victim : — a  state  of  things  which  their 
descendants  have  unintermittingly  endeavoured 
to  perpetuate  even  to  the  present  day. 

Otho  effected  a  partial  reformation  of  these 
abuses ; — the  stiff-necked  citizens  were  severely 
chastised;  good  laws  enacted;  some  stability 
was  restored  to  the  Pontifical  Chair; — his  own 
supremacy,  though  occasionally  insulted,  was 
never  questioned;  and,  consequent  upon  these 
qualified  successes,  he  accomplished  his  second 
object,  for  which  the  first  was  the  needful  intro- 
gression, — the  association  of  his  only  son  and 
namesake,  Adelaide's  child,  young  Otho,  the 
crowned  King  of  Germany  and  of  Italy,  to  the 
Imperial  dignity.  The  father's  nomination  could 
scarcely  be  resisted;  but  the  merits  of  the 
youth  recommended  him  to  the  people ;  and  the 
Supreme  Pontiff's  special  invitation  graced  the 
latter's  obedience  to  an  irresistible  command. 

The  junior  Otho  crossed  the  Alps,  and  held 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  813 

his    Court    at  Verona.      A  great  Council   or  vift^fL 
Diet  of  the  Italian  Nobles  had  been  convened  IS^T 
there.     It  is  a  sign  of  the  times,  that  in  this  as- 
sembly, the  elder  Otho  thought  fit  to  publish  Diet^ 
his  famous  chivalrous  decree,  giving  a  further  g^«of 
and  mischievous  extension  to  trial  by  battle. BatUe- 
Thence  to  Rome.     Senators  and  people,  Priests 
and  Pontiff,  hailed  the  Emperor  regnant  and  the 
Emperor   designate.      The   young    Sovereign's 
appearance  was  exceedingly  prepossessing.     He 
fully  inherited  his  father's  spirit,  whilst  his  mo- 
ther's beauty  predominated  in  his  outward  form. 
Small  in  stature,  sweet  the  expression  of  his 
countenance,  smiling  lips,  fresh  coloured  cheeks, 
and  truly  golden-tinted  hair :  and,  on  the  Feast  ^       w 
of  the  Nativity,  the  second  Otho,  amidst  the 
applause  of   the  Roman  people,  received  the 
Imperial  Crown  from  the  Pontiff's  hands. 

But,  according  to  Otho's  political  theory,  a 
third  element  was  indispensable  for  the  purpose 
of  imparting  to  the  young  Otho  the  pre-eminence 
needed  to  satisfy  the  father's  aspirations.  None 
but  an  Emperor's  daughter  —  none  but  the 
Eastern  Emperor's  daughter, — could  become  the 
fitting  Consort  of  Imperial  Otho's  Imperial  son. 

§  60.  In  the  course  of  the  last  twenty  years,  or  g^JSe 
thereabouts,  reckoning  retrospectively,  of  Otho's  cSSSS^ 
reign,  four  Sovereigns  had  successively  governed  ^^Z  n. 
or  were  governing,  the  Eastern  Empire.    Three  ^inSES- 

John 

amongst  these  four  Sovereigns  had  espoused  the  zhaUkm- 
unhappily  celebrated  Theophania,  and  three  of 
the  four  Sovereigns  were  successively  relieved 


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814  LOUIS  D'OUTREMEB,  LOTHAIKE,  &C. 

.  fl5i7fle7.  from  all  earthly  troubles  by  that  same  fatal 
'flsalw*  charmer.  Her  origin  was  ignoble,  nay  vile ;  but 
_    v      the  low  born  damsel  redeemed  her  degradation 

Theophania  ° 

SriS^Si.   by  her  beauty  and  her  talent.     Yielding  to  kind- 

SK£  ness  or  infirmity  of  judgment,  the  celebrated 
Constantine  Porphyrogenitus,  permitted  his  son 
and  heir,  Romanus,  to  select  the  fascinating 
girl  as  his  consort.     She  repaid  the  affectionate 

&£*£&  concession  which  sanctioned  her  marriage,  by 
poisoning  her  husband's  confiding  father :  and 
Romanus,  prematurely  raised  to  the  throne 
through  the  atrocious  act,  is  more  than  sus- 
pected of  complicity. 

Romanus  reaped  as  he  had  sown, — the 
wicked  daughter-in-law  consistently  became  the 
wicked  wife.  Yet  they  lived  happily  together. 
The  wily  Theophania's  pleasant  manner  and 
conversation,  her  adroitness,  and  her  hand- 
some face,  enabled  her  to  mask  her  wickedness, 
and  to  retain  an  encreasing  dominion  over  her 
husband's  affections.  Their  nuptials  were  fruit- 
ful. Theophania  "brought  forth  four  children. 
Two  daughters :  the  eldest,  bearing  her  mother's 
name,  destined  to  become  very  prominent  in 
the  history  of  Germany  and  of  France,  gifted 
like  her  mother,  though  unstained  by  that 
mother's    depravity.      Two    sons    also,    Basil 

SES^iy  and  Constantine.      And,  when  Romanus,  sink- 
*°p       ing  under  the  effects  of  the  venom  scientifi- 
cally administered  by  his  treacherous  partner, 
anticipated  his  death,  totally  ignorant  of  its 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  815 

oause,  he,  fully  depending  upon  her  fidelity  and  .  9547°e7. 

love,  nominated  her  to  be  the  guardian  of  their  ,953im 

sons,  and,  during  their  minority,  Regentess  of 

the  Empire. 

Chief  amongst  the  Imperial  Generals,  Nice-  n^o™ 
phorus  Phokas  was   honoured  and  trusted  by™™******* 
Eomanus  as  the  pillar  of  the  throne.     Hideously  &IE2SL  far 
ugly,  but  endued  with  equal  valour  and  ability,  ££***■ 
he  had  attracted  the  love  of  Theophania,  or  rather  %£*£? 

Nloephorw. 

provoked  her  lust.  She  was  constantly  gnawed 
by  that  direful  appetite  for  crime,  so  frequently 
the  consequence  as  well  as  the  punishment  of  the 
first  misdeed.  Eomanus,  being  on  his  death- 
bed, Theophania  gave  birth  to  an  infant,  the 
second  daughter,  who,  like  her  sister,  is  rendered 
memorable  in  history  by  her  marriage ;  for  Anne 
became  the  wife  of  Vladimir  the  Great :  and 
this  alliance  is  quoted  by  the  Czars  of  Russia,  as 
one  of  the  proofs  qualifying  them  to  serve  them- 
selves heirs  to  the  Eastern  Empire.  Nicephorus 
ascended  the  throne,  and  Theophania's  inde- 
cent acceptance  of  the  usurper  as  her  husband, 
deepened,  if  possible,  the  disgrace  which  her 
reputation  had  sustained. 

But  Theophania  had  surrendered  her  soul  to  ^o^ISS! 
the  Evil-concupiscence,  and  she  exaggerated 
her  sins.  She  was  captivated  by  John 
Zimiskes,  the  nephew  of  Nicephorus,  a  warrior 
no  less  valiant  than  his  uncle.  John  Zi- 
miskes assembled  a  band  of  the  Emperor's 
personal  enemies.    They  rowed  their  boat  to  the 


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816  LOUIS  D'OUTEEMER,  LOTHAIKE,  &C. 


054-087 


foot  of  the  lofty  palace  wall.    Theophania  and  her 
'  053-I073 '  tender-hearted  maids  of  honour  and  sympathising 
ladies  were  ready.    The  basket  descended,  and 
the  fair  and  zealous  labourers  hauled  the  pleasant 
freight — burly  Zimiskes  and  his  confederates — up 
to  the  window.    The  assassins  burst  into  the  sleep- 
ing Emperor's  apartment.    He  was  cruelly  butch- 
ered, John  Zimiskes  insulting  his  uncle's  dying 
jo??-973   aSonies    by  kicks  and   vituperations. — As    for 
•p^fnt^i    Theophania,  Zimiskes  profited  by   experience, 
pcror'     During  the  remainder  of  her  life,  secluded  in  a 
monastery,  she  was  abandoned  to  the  tortures  of 
craving  passions  and  unsatisfied  vengeance. 

Undeterred  by  the  turpitude  of  the  By- 
zantine  Court,  Otho,  his  mind  wholly  occu- 
pied by  his  magnificent  vision  of  restoring  the 
Roman  Empire  to  its  pristine  glory,  perse- 
vered in  his  schemes  for  winning  an  Imperial 
Princess  as  the  partner  of  his  son,  the  young 
Emperor. 


oifcocon-  Constantine  Porphyrogenitus  had  most  em- 

Sd^wag  phatically  warned  his  successors  against  the  self- 

pJKlEr*  degradation*  resulting  from  an  alliance  with  a 

for  u.  son.  Astern  Barbarian.      This  aversion,  —  closely 

paralleled  by  our  European  assumption  of  social 

superiority   over  the   Orientals,  —  is  generally 

known  through  the  terse  summary  of  fact  and 

Gibbon's 

&£^53.d  doctrine  which  we  owe  to  the  most  popular  amongst 
our  standard  historians.  Yet  the  progress  of 
society  has  practically  furnished  us  with  a  clearer 
exposition  than  could  be  given  by  a  writer  who 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEDR.  817 

did  not  live  to  witness  more  than  the  incipient  de-   954-9*7 


964-973 


velopement  of  the  ideas,  bound  together  according 
to  each  individual  man's  views,  yet  not  connoted, 
by  the  undefinable  term,  Civilization.  And,  for 
a  clearer  exposition  of  the  inward  feeling  enter- 
tained by  Nicephorus,  when  a  matrimonial  con- 
nection with  the  younger  Theophania  was  sought 
by  a  Teutscher  Emperor,  let  us  imagine  the 
Envoy  who  represents  his  Majesty,  Faustin  le 
premier,  seeking  to  obtain  for  the  Crown  Prince 
of  Hayti — whom  shall  we  say  ?— Not  a  British 
Princess ;  for,  in  such  a  contingency,  the  offer, 
however  unsuitable,  would  be  declined  politely 
and  delicately,  without  any  expression  of  con- 
temptuous horror :  but,  picture  to  yourself  that 
same  Envoy  soliciting  the  fair  daughter  of  a 
Senatorial  free-soiler,  to  share  the  future  diadem 
and  throne  of  his  swarthy  master's  son. 

Otho    probably  expected   that   Nicephorus  Jgj*™ 
would  feel  fewer  scruples  than  a  real  Porphy-jjSE^6 
rogenitus,  in  conceding  a  Despoena  appertaining  tooiSoii. 
to  the  family  he  had  deposed.     But  though  Nice- 
phorus did  not  acquire  the  imperial  dignity  by 
descent — yea,  though  he  was  a  usurper, — he  had 
adopted  as  heir-looms  all  the  principles  and  prac- 
tices of  his  predecessors  ;    and  denied  assent 
Otho,  rendered  the  more  eager  by  opposition, 
determined  to  employ  military  force  in  aid  of  <*!»*- 

tampta  to 

amatory  persuasion.     Had  not  he  wooed  andj^jj?1 
won  Adelaide  by  the  sword?    Advancing  as  farSe'oJSS? 

potMtsionf* 

as  Capua,  he  menaced  the  Greek  possessions. 

Nicephorus    sought     to    open   negotiations, — 

vol.  ii.  3  a 

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818  LOUIS  DWJTREMER,  LOTHAIBB,  &C. 

**-*»   Otho   refused,  probably  expecting  some    more 
'^2^*  decided  advantage ;  and  his  conquests  in  Apulia, 
widening  and  expanding,  Byzantine  pride    con- 
descended to  make  another  overture  for  peace. 

Otho   accepted    the   message,   and    having 
raised  the  siege   of  Bari,   he  selected   as    his 
Envoy  the  celebrated  Liutprand,  Bishop  of  Cre- 
mona.   A  Lombard,  a  Paduan,  a  son  of   that 
City,  where  the  love  of  learning  seems  to  have 
become  adherent  to  the  soil,  Liutprand  was  not 
unworthy  of  his  birth-place ; — a  good  scholar, — 
versed  in  the  classics, — possessing  a  very  fair 
knowledge  of  the  Greek  tongue;   perhaps,  ac- 
quired colloquially,  for  at  this  period,  the  ver- 
nacular language  of  the  Byzantine  Greeks  had 
scarcely  departed  from  their  ancestorial  standard, 
uutSSrf'i        A  previous   Legation  to   Constantine  Por- 
SiJEti*   phyrogenitus,   had    made    Liutprand    well  ac- 
quainted with  his  sphere  of  operations — but  the 
learned   Bishop  qualifications  for   diplomatic 
agency  were  more  than  counterbalanced  by  his 
faults  of  temper ;  nay,  by  his  talents.    Liutprand 
was  a  keen  observer  of  character :  and,  yielding 
to  the  temptation  so  frequently  conjoined  to  the 
useful  gift,  he  was  an  uncharitable  observer. 
Proud  of  his  penetration,  delighting  in  discover- 
ing the  faults  and  the  weaknesses,  and  the  pre- 
tences and  the  sillynesses  of  all  with  whom  he  had 
to  deal,  enjoying  when  he  could  uncover  the  naked- 
ness of  his  neighbours ;  a  lick-spittle,  catering 
for  the  supply  of  scandal  to  please  the  appetites  of 
others,  and,  at  the  same  time,  gratifying  his  own. 


nople. 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  819 

Liutprand,  accompanied  by  the  Papal  Legate,   wi-wt 
proceeded   to  Byzantium,  prepared  and  ready  * — * — > 
to  bully  and  ridicule  the  Court  and  the  Nation, 
where  and  amongst  whom  he  was  to  appear  as 
his    Sovereign's    Representative.      We  have  a  Liutpnuurt 

°  r  report  of 

very  full  account  of  his  Embassy  in  the  f0rmhllLeBatl011- 
of  a  journal,  addressed  to  the  two  Emperors — 
Otho  the  father,  Otho  the  son,  and  also  to  the 
Dowager  Empress  Adelaide. — "  Cremona  to  Con- 
stantinople," ought  to  figure  as  the  title  of  the 
production. — It  reads  like  a  Book  of  the  Season. 

Much  curious  information  however  is  con-  u*vnav% 

oontem- 

tained  in  this  "  Libellus."  It  conveys  the  gene-  &S5S* 
ral  idea,  that  the  differences  between  Eastern  "* 
and  Western  Europe  were  no  less  marked  than 
at  the  present  day,  and  the  sentiments  of  each 
party,  ignorance,  contempt  and  vanity,  counter- 
parted  on  either  side.  Liutprand  is  incessantly 
groaning  at  the  absence  of  creature  comforts ; 
his  miseries  deplored  in  every  tone  of  objurgation 
and  growl.  He  was  starved  by  the  naked  splen- 
dour of  the  marble  palaces  of  the  Grecian 
Caesars.  Beds  not  fit  for  a  dog,  if  the  members 
of  the  Legation  were  so  happy  as  to  find  any,  they 
being  frequently  compelled  to  wrap  themselves 
in  their  mantles,  and  bundle  themselves  up, 
shivering  on  the  precious  tesselated  pavement, 
so  splendid  and  so  cold.  Sour  wine,  defiled  by 
tar  and  gypsum.  Disgusting  food  dished  with 
more  disgusting  sauce ;  the  main  foundation  of 
the  feast,  however,  being  generally  leeks  and 
garlic  and  onions,  which  Nicephorus  was  wont 

3  os 

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070-073 


820  LOUIS  DWJTBEMEB,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

w4-w»   to  devour.    Allowing  for   a   portion  of    troth 
in  these  complaints,  arising  from  differences  of 
custom  and  taste,  it  is  evident  that  the  greater 
sobriety  and  simplicity  of  living  amongst  the 
Greeks,  was  one  of  the  main  causes  of  offence 
which  the  jovial  Bishop  received. 

The    mission,  with  which    Liutprand    was 
charged,  demanded  the  highest  degree  of  tact, 

view  «f  the  good  sense,  and  good  manners.    Whatever  may 
have  been  the  corruption,  the  vileness,  and  the 
depravity  of  the  Greeks,  they  certainly   con- 
stituted the  most  refined  society  of  the  age,  de- 
lighting in  the  literary  treasures  of  their  ances- 
tors.   Unable  to  imitate  the  works  of  Hellenic  art, 
yet  fully  competent  to  appreciate  their  aesthetic 
excellence,  they  also  inherited  a  gift  long  denied 
to  Western  Christendom — the  whole  of  the  Scrip- 
tures in  their  own  mother  tongue.    Hence  they 
prided  themselves  upon  their  superiority  over  the 
Teutonic  Barbarians.    The  remote  chance  of  a 
favourable  result,  was  frustrated  by  Bishop  Liut- 
prand's  pragmatic  sneering,  and  arrogant  bearing; 

Nicephom.  and  the  demand  which  he  made  for  Theophania, 
on  behalf  of  the  young  Emperor,  though  supported 
by  the  Papal  Legate,  was  treated  as  on  the  pre- 
vious occasion.  But  Nicephorus  sustained  the 
dignity  of  his  station,  and  his  negative  was  con- 
veyed in  the  most  courteous  and  respectful  form. 

After  the  After  allowing  an  interval  of  about  a  year 

ffiSfiTft.to  ©lapse,  Otho   resumed  the  war  in  Apulia 


Otho  treats 

with 

Zimlskef, 

wnoaitenta.  ^  military  skill  and  valour  of  Nicephorus  might 


with         vigorously,  but  he  sustained  many  reverses,  and 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  821 

lead    him  to  anticipate  formidable  resistance. 
The   swords  of  Zimiskes  and  his  confederates    ^^^ 

970—978 

delivered  Otho  from  this  perplexity,  and  revived 
Iris  hopes.    The  younger  Theophania  was  an  Im- 
perial Princess,  but  the  intrusive  Zimiskes,  unlike 
the  fellow  intruder  whom  he  expelled,  did  not 
cling  to  etiquette  :   and  Theophania's   mother, 
condemned  to  a  life  of   penance  but   not  of 
penitence,  cast  an  ugly  shadow  upon  her  lovely 
daughter.      Otho  was  again  in  the  field :   he  re- 
commenced hostilities,  whilst,  at  the  same  time, 
Gero,  the  Archbishop  of  Cologne,  a  better  man 
and  better  principled  than  the  clever  Bishop  of 
Cremona,  was  despatched,  amicably  and  in  due 
form,  with  a  noble  and  reverend  cortege  to  By- 
zantium. 

Otho's    perseverance   succeeded.     Zimiskes  pJ?t 

tween 

consented ;  and,  after  a  decorous  delay,  the  Por-  22o{& 
phyrogenita  started  upon  her  Bridal  journey, 
accompanied  by  a  brilliant  escort,  bearing  rich 
gifts,  such  as  Byzantine  taste  and  opulence  could 
alone  supply.  The  peace,  between  the  two 
powers,  negotiated  at  Constantinople,  was  rati- 
fied, and  Theophania  was  welcomed  by  Otho 
and  the  Bridegroom  at  Borne. 

The  marriage  was  solemnized  by  the  Pope14jJ*j_ 
himself,  and  the  Supreme  Pontiff  performed  the  SoBn. 

and 

coronation.    According  to  the  good  old  German  Th**h«1*- 
custom,  the  "Morning-gift"  followed  the  bridal 
eve.      The    Diploma    was    produced    securing 
to   Theophania    a   fitting   dowry;    Istria   and 
Pescara  in  the  South,  and  an  ample  provision 


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822  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER,  LOTHAffiE,  &C. 

w-«7   of   domains   in    the   North  though   singularly 
. — * — *  dispersed,  including,  amongst  other  territories, 
Walcheren,  not    yet  an  Island,  and  NiveUes, 
Autumn  972  ^  Boppart  on  the  Rhine. 

§  58.  After  his  long  continued  trials    and 
triumphs,  Otho  had  attained  the  highest  degree 
of  worldly  prosperity.    All  the  objects  for  which 
he    had   striven,  won ;  a  heavy  yoke  imposed 
upon  the  Wends  of  the  Marchlands  ;  Germany 
loyal ;  Italy,  secured  and  tranquilized ;  his  son, 
by  Adelaide,  his  darling  son,  King  of  Germany, 
King  of  Italy,  and  his   fellow  Emperor;    that 
alliance  concluded,  which,  according  to  Otho's 
long  indulged  theory,  would  sustain  his   pre- 
oSore?73""  eminence,  and  perpetuate  his  dominion :   and, 
Germany,    laying  made  the  circuit  of  Lombardy,  he  re- 
turned to  his  German  home. 
Mardh?T  He  opened  his  Court  at  Quedlinburg  with 

Qoedunburg  ominous  and,  to  him,  afflicting  splendour  : — The 
5SSL  representatives  of  Rome  and  Apulia,  Magyars 
and  Sclavonians,  Bulgarians  and  Russians  were 
there,  tendering  their  tributes  of  friendship  or 
tokens  of  subjection.  Yet,  heavy  and  sad  was 
Otho  at  heart ;  for,  whilst  hastening  homewards 
to  meet  that  dear  old  mother,  she  had  been  taken 
away.  His  friends,  fast  dropping  off.  None  pre- 
sent in  the  Hall  save  Herman  the  Saxon,  oldest 
and  most  valued  amongst  them,  and  he,  being 
awfully  stricken  by  sudden  death  during  the 
festival,  the  meeting  was  immediately  dissolved. 
Otho  departed  from  Quedlinburg  for  the  pur- 
pose of  visiting  the  newly  founded  Cathedral  of 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  823 

Merseburg,  and  thither  he  was  followed  by  a  J 
Saracen  deputation;  sa  widely  extended  was  his  '^^ 
renown.    He  then  went  on  to  Memleben,  a  place    ^^ 
hallowed  by  the  recollections  of  the  lost  parent.  oJftwim 
On  the  day  of  his  arrival,  the  feast  of  Saint  John 
Port  Latin,  Otho  felt  himself  fatigued,  but  he 
would  not  desist  from  any  exertion  or  duty, 
which,  during  his  long  life,  he  had  been  accus- 
tomed to  make  or  use. 

On  the  morrow,  he,  quitting  his  couch  at  mid- 
night, assisted  in  the  service  appointed  for  that 
solemn  "hour,  when  the  nocturnal  hymn  was 
sung.  And  again  he  was  roused  at  the  next 
watch,  when  the  glorious  hymn  of  praise  and 
thanksgiving  saluted  the  renewed  day. 

Fulgentis  Auctor  eetheris 
Qui  lunam  lumen  noctibus, 
Solem  dierum  curoibus 
Certo  fimdasti  tramite. 

Laudes  sonare  jam  tuas 
Dies  relatus  admonet, 
Vultusque  coeli  blandior 
Nostra  serenat  pectora. 

Otho  then  again  sought  rest,  but  brief  were  ^g^JS 
his  slumbers,  for  he  rose  and  heard  Mass,  and,  2£° ' dJln* 
before  he  broke  his  fast,  he  greeted  the  Beggars 
who  had  assembled,  waiting  for  the  alms,  always 
expected — always  bestowed. — The  Divine  com- 
mandment, that  the  Christian  shall  never  turn 
away  his  face  from  the  poor  man,  was  not 
obsolete  during  the  dark  ages;  for,  in  guiding 
the  way  to  all  the  works  of  mercy,  Gospel- 
light  shone  undimmed.     If  righteousness  exalts 


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«70-973 


873 
•  May— 
Acoevionof 
OthoIL 


824  LOUIS  iyOUTREMER,  LOTHAIEE,  &C. 

,  a  people,  the  Monk  might  liave  asked  throng 
*  his   cowl,  whether,  in  the  long  run,  the  Mendi- 
cant may  not  contribute  more  to  the  real  wealth 
of  nations  than  the  Millionaire.       Jn  those  times, 
when  simple  faith  contended  earnestly  against  sin, 
they  realized  the  blessing  given  to  the  blind,  the 
lame,  the  halt,  who  thronged  the  pool  of  Bethesda 
and  the  Beautiful  gate  of  the  Temple  ;  whilst  tie 
precepts,  no  less  than  the  examples,  of  Him  and 
Those  who  became  poor,  or  blessed  the  poor,  for- 
bade their  hoiking  away  the  unsavoury  crowd, 
encumbering  the  Church  door,  whom  we  now 
should  loathe  as  standing  between  the  wind  and 
our  gentility. 

Otho,  tired  out,  returned  to  his  couch,  slept 
soundly,  and  awoke  refreshed.    At  the  mid-d*f 
meal,  he  was  cheerful,  and  enjoyed  the  repast. 
He  then  attended  Vespers  in  that  Sanctuary 
where  he  had  last  embraced  his  Mother ;  ac4 
it  must  be  borne  in  mind,  that  the  Congrega- 
tion continued  standing  throughout  the  wfiofe 
of  the  Office,  a  usage  then  universal  throughout 
Christendom,  and  still  retained  by  the  Greek  and 
all  other  Anatolian  Churches. — Weakness,  sod 
feverish  heat  came  on,  the  Nobles  around  him 
brought  a  chair  and  compelled  him  to  sit  down. 
Fainting,  he  spake  his  last  words  in  a  request  for 
the  Holy  Communion,  which,  having  received, 
he  bowed  his  head  and  breathed  his  last  breath.        ; 

Never  was  any  accession  accomplished  more 
tranquilly  and  under  happier  auspices  than  the 
second  Otho's.    Otho  Fitz-Otho,  did  not  need 


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RICHARD  BANS  PEUR.  825 

election,  or  unction,  or  coronation.     Full  King,  .**-**. 
full  Emperor,  on  the  following  morning  the  peo-  '^^ 
pie  crowded  in,  tendering  their  homages,  and  he 
entered  upon  the  full  exercise  of  his  power. 

As  the  general  state  of  political  affairs  should  S^gjfk 
be  viewed  by  us  with  peculiar  reference   toS&STby 

*  the  changes 

France  and   Normandy,  we  must    direct    ourgfg*^ 
attention  to  the  fact,  that  all  the  mutations  and  Coiai' 
changes  in  the  Court  party,  affected  Lothaire 
disadvantageously. 

Since  the  death  of  Louis  d'Outremer,  the 
two  Realms,  Germany  and  France,  had  been 
governed  virtually  as  one  family.  Otho  the 
elder,  Gerberga's  brother,  had  always  acted 
faithfully  in  protecting  his  nephew,  and  with  as 
much  unselfishness  as  could  be  reasonably  de- 
manded.— Like  proverbial  charity,  a  Monarch's 
patriotism  must  begin  at  home.  Lothaire  had 
been  already  deprived  of  Gerberga's  benign 
companionship.  But,  at  first,  the  whole  weight 
of  the  blow  was  not  felt.  So  long  as  Matilda 
lived,  her  age,  her  ability,  her  earnest  affection 
towards  her  children,  and  children's  children, 
that  affection,  pervaded  by  her  humble  piety, 
imparted  an  influence  which  all  obeyed,  smooth- 
ing any  asperities  which  might  arise. 

Undisturbed,  unalloyed  harmony,  had  always 
subsisted  between  Matilda  and  Adelaide.  The 
dispathy  between  the  Mother-in-law  and  the 
Daughter-in-law  is  a  catholic  proverb,  and  such 
proverbs  are  melancholy,  though  veracious,  ex- 
ponents of  human  nature.    The  mutual  love  and 


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826  LOUIS  iyODTBBMER,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 


«9-*7   concord  uniting  the  two  Empresses  offered  a  rare 
r—+ —  exception  to  the  general  rule,  an  exception  pro- 
bably based  upon  their  cognate  virtues.       But, 


Jealovtai 
between 


when   Matilda  died,  then  Adelaide  and   Theo- 
t£$!£K?  phania  followed  the  normal    principle    of    op- 
position.    Theophania's  modes  of  thought  and 
action  were  thoroughly  national ;    thoroughly  a 
Greek,  thoroughly  a  daughter  of  Hellas,  light, 
cheerful,  ready,  witty,  enjoying  the  elegancies  to 
which  she  had  been  born,  and  very  proud  of  the 
intellectuality  and  the  cultivation,  and  the  valour 
of  her  compatriots  and  native  land.   Adelaide,  sad, 
sober-minded,  prayerful,  and  devout.    Therefore 
the  characters  of  the  Empress  Mother  and  the  Em- 
press Consort  heightened  their  mutual  aversions. 
For  a  brief  while,  Adelaide  was  called  into 
council  by  Otho,  but  Theophania  very  soon  ac- 
quired that  ascendancy  over  her  fond  husband 
which  she  retained  during  the  whole  of  his  life. 
Adelaide  quitted  her  son's  Palace,  and  found  a 
temporary  home  in  the  dominions  of  her  kinsman, 
Conrad  the  Pacific,  King  of  Burgundy  and  of 
Aries.     Ere  long,  a  reconciliation  ensued :  Otho 
was  attached  to  his  mother,  and  his  wife  con- 
quered her  inimical  feelings,  or  made  believe. 
But  there  are  kindships  whose  contact  produces 
combustion,  and  the  flames  broke  out  again. 
MdElSSlr        When   the    pacification    had  been  effected 
n?atn*u*     between  Theophania  and  Adelaide,  then  Otho's 
half- sister,    Adelaide's     daughter,     Lothaire's 
Queen,  the  Italian  Emma,  became  the  object  of 
Theophania's  inveterate  dislike.    Both  the  witty 


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RICHARD  SAKS  PEUR.  827 

Toadies  had  sharp  tongues,  and  it  is  possible, 
though  not  certain,  that  Theophania,  whose  repu- 
tation as  a  woman  was  spotless,  may  not  have 
been  satisfied  with  Emma's  moral  character,  and 
therefore  excusably,  if  her  suspicions  were  true, 
became  more  alienated  from  the  half-sister- 
in-law. 

8  62.  But  now,  a  new  and  far  more  energetic  Gen*** 
agency  began  to  operate ;  emanating  from  a  planet  £\£f  3S!6 
sometimes  unseen,  sometimes  very  evident,  often  SS5Sd 

9  J  '  Court* 

scarcely  discernible,  yet  felt  to  be  constantly 
attracting  and  repelling;  accelerating  and  re- 
tarding the  course  of  the  orbs ;  now  invisible, 
and  now  bursting  out  with  portentous  effulgency. 
This  was  Gerbert,  who,  having  returned  from 
the  Saracen  lands, — his  fame  always  proclaiming 
him,  became  most  conspicuous  in  Germany  and 
the  Gauls. 

Some  say  that  Otho,  who  warmly  encouraged  oerwtp- 
scientific  knowledge,  had  been  previously  placed  0tholL 
under  Gerbert's  tuition.  Any  how,  this  renowned 
Teacher  was  much  patronized  by  the  Monarch, 
through  whose  gift  or  influence  he  obtained  the 
important  Abbey  of  Bobbio.  ,  Gerbert  had  na- 
turally many  enemies  amongst  his  compeers. 
Ottric  the  Scholasticus  of  Magdeburgh  stood 
pre-eminent.  He  contested  Gerbert's  estimate 
of  the  relations  between  Physics  and  Mathe- 
matics. The  Saxon  challenged  the  Frenchman 
to  a  disputation.  The  literary  Tournament  was 
fought  before  Otho ;  but  the  growing  bulk  of  this 
volume  warns  me  to  delete  the  interesting  inci- 


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828  LOUIS  DWJTREMER,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

*»-w7  dent.     In  consequence  of  the  opposition  thus 
'  977-^90*  ra*se(*  agai118*  Gerbert,  his  reputation  naturally 
spread  more  and  more.    Otho's  favour  encreased. 
Theophania's  friendship  was  also  gained.     Such 
was  Gerbert's  adroitness,  that  he  wormed  him- 
self  into    connection    with    Emma,    and    yet 
escaped  committing  himself  to  her  party.     We 
trace  him  in  the  pestilent  character  of  a  house- 
friend,  a  married  woman's  confidential  adviser, 
whilst  at  the  same   time  he  enlisted  himself 
silently  and  secretly  as  a  powerful  partisan  on 
the  Capetian  side,  and  thus  in  his  heart — if  figu- 
ratively Gerbert  can  be  said  to  have  had  any — 
he  was  almost  equally  opposed  to  the  Carlo- 
vingian  interest ;  as  will  more  fully  appear. 
ch2^i?2i       §  63.  After  Lothaire's  marriage  with  Emma, 
£rtb£riti«g   we  are  stayed  in  our  work  by  a  yawning  chasm 

of  French  " 

w«toi7.  in  French  history.  An  interval  of  about  eleven 
years  comes  before  us,  during  which,  Frodoardus, 
dead,  Richerius  maintains  an  obstinate  silence, 
and  we  are  enabled  to  resume  our  narrative, 
only  by  turning  out  of  our  way,  till  we  find  a 
footing  beyond.  All  the  information  we  possess 
during  this  period  concerning  the  events  and 
fortunes,  personal  or  national,  of  the  French  King 
and  the  French  Commonwealth,  are  collected 
from  casual  notices  in  a  few  meagre  annalists. 
D«*ho7  Upon  the  death  of  Odalricus,  Adalbero  was 

Archbufep  raised  to  the  See  of  Rheims,  and  Asceline  pro- 
AdjJ^-'   moted  to  Laon.     Hugh  Capet  was  steadily  ad- 
SfptaS!111  vancing  in  his  career ;  his  followers  and  adhe- 
rents multiplying,  and  his  station  during  the 


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977-980 


RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  829 

rapid  progress  of  the  feudality  which  his  father  959-98? 
had  created,  was  defined.  The  confederacy  be- 
tween Hugh  and  Richard  became  firmer ;  and,  at. 
length,  the  third  Dynasty  was  really  founded 
through  Hugh's  espousals.  It  is  somewhat  unac- 
countable that  Hugh  Capet,  so  consistently  and 
sagaciously  ambitious,  had  not,  long  previously, 
resolved  upon  this  step,  by  which  alone  his 
destiny,  as  the  founder  of  a  new  Dynasty,  could 
be  satisfactorily  fulfilled :  until  then,  his  weird 
was  only  inchoate. 

The    circumstances    attending  this    match,  mIJs^j 
exemplify  the   collapse   of   historical  evidence  wi**   * 
during  this  perplexed  era.  A  letter  from  Gerbert  £££{:• 
is  extant,  probably  written  from    Bobbio,  in*£5tirar 

'     *  *  'the  mud. 

which  he  enquires  whether  the  "  Abbacomes "  SX^Lf 
had  yet  taken  a  wife.  Whether  or  no  the  wed-  Jt&upe. 
ding  had  been  actually  solemnized  we  cannot 
ascertain ;  but  the  Count- Abbot  of  Saint  Denys 
had  found,  or  did  find,  a  proper  consort — one 
fit  to  become  a  Queen, — much  about  the  time 
when  the  matter  had  excited  Gerbert's  curiosity. 
Again,  however,  we  labour  under  strange 
difficulties.  Unquestionably  the  Lady  was  of 
illustrious  birth,  yet  no  certain  information  can 
be  discovered  identifying  her  lineage;  at  least 
none  which  genealogists  admit  to  be  certain. 
On  the  whole,  we  incline  to  the  conjecture, 
that  Adelaide,  for  so  we  must  call  her,  was  the 
daughter  either  of  our  old  acquaintance  Guillaume 
T6te-d'Etoupe,  or  of  Guillaume  Fier-a-bras,  his 
son ;  and,  therefore,  niece  or  grand-niece  of  the 


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830  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

•w-987  Capet's  Ann  friend,  the  Norman  Richard ;  either 
- — •*■ — > the  daughter  or  grand-daughter  of  his  sister 
Adela,  whose  wooing  by  Tete-d'Etoupe  we  may 
remember  in  the  Foresl  of  Lions.  According 
to  the  one  supposition,  she  must  have  been 
rather  aged,  according  to  the  alternative,  rather 
youthful:  but,  be  that  as  it  may,  Robert, 
afterwards  King  of  France,  was  the  only  son 
born  of  the  marriage. 

§  64.  So  long  as  Lothaire  was  destitute  of 
any  lawful  issue,  or  issue  acknowledged  as 
lawful,  Charles,  his  only  brother,  was  a  per- 
sonage of  importance  in  the  Community :  but 
the  births  of  Louis  and  the  forgotten  Otho 
having  taken  place,  as  far  as  we  can  calculate, 
about  two  years  previously  to  Gerberga's  death, 
S^SrTof  Charles  then  lost  his  political  value.  Placed  in 
jwgCTof*  a  very  difficult  and  invidious  position,  worse 
off  in  the  world  than  the  meanest  vassal,  not 
being  master  of  a  Mansus  which  he  could  call 
his  own ;  he  was  literally  without  the  means  of 
subsistence.  Charles  was  therefore  taken  into 
the  Palace,  an  act  of  ambiguous  kindness, 
adopted  as  the  performance  of  duty  under 
compulsion, — a  case  in  which  the  fulfilment  of 
the  obligation,  often  occasions  more  pain  than 
the  refusal. 

Flesh  and  blood  could  not  be  otherwise  than 
discontented.  The  younger,  dissatisfied;  the 
elder,  suspicious.  That,  upon  the  death  of 
Louis  dfOutremer,  the  Kingdom,  according  to 
antient  constitutional  principles,  ought  to  have 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  831 

been  divided  between  the  brothers,  was  decided   «»-«7 
by  a  comparatively  recent  precedent — the  con-  * — •* — ■ 
joint  reigns  of  Louis  and  Carloman.     Probably, 
on  account  of  extreme  youth,  no  reservation  was  SEX. 
made  in  favour  of    the  infant  Charles,  when 
Lothaire  became  King.     If  not  admitted  to  the 
share  of  the  Kingdom,  then  an  apanage  was  his 
right.    This  claim  may  have  been  conceded  theo- 
retically ;  but  small  good  could  be  got  by  such  an 
acknowledgment, — there  were  no  assets.    Why 
should  not  Charles  have  received  an  adequate 
provision  as  the  Lay-incumbent  of  some  well- 
endowed  monastery  ? — Alas  there  were  now  none 
in  the  King's  gift.  —  The  Abbacomes,  Hugh 
Capet  occupied  them  all. 

Throughout  the  whole  of  these  most  in- 
structive but  deplorable  annals,  we  have  seen, 
generation  after  generation — how  the  worm  at 
the  root  was  working  the  decay  and  dissolution 
of  Charlemagne's  doomed  Empire.— Much  censure  Jfcjg- 
has  been  passed  upon  the  young  Prince  by  his  ill-  d^wcttod- 
wishers  whilst  living,  and  these  exaggerations 
have  been  subsequently  heightened  by  the  con- 
tempt of  the  unfortunate,  natural  to  all  mankind. 
All  the  Chroniclers  after  the  accession  of  the 
Capets,  conjoin  in  defaming  Charles.  It  was  then 
of  no  consequence,  he  was  quiet  in  his  grave.  In 
Capetian  times  he  was  recollected  only  as  a  rebel 
against  authority,  unlegitimated  by  success; — 
unpopularity  is  a  crime  in  popular  history.  He 
is  represented  as  rude,  boorish,  disregarding  the 
needful  courtesies  of  society.    The  only  example 


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832         louis  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 
*»-«»7   adduced  of  his  roughness,  though  great  stress  is 


970-073 


Chariot 


laid  upon  it,  does  not  possess  much  relevancy. 
Possibly,  however,  there  may  have  been  some 
foundation  for  the  charge.    Adversity  is  rarely 
so  profitable  a  teacher  as  represented  in  our 
great  Dramatist's  fallacious  verse;   rather   the 
contrary.     Misfortune  often  hardens  the  heart 
more    than   prosperity. — When  the  cold  blast 
falls  upon  the    youthful   branch,  the   fruit   is 
usually  soured, 
j^to  In  after  life,  Charles  could  appeal  to  the 

™£dp£"  fidelity  with  which  he  had  served  Lothaire,  when 
his  aid  was  required ;  and  if  Lothaire  failed,  or 
perhaps  was  forced  by  want  of  means  to  fail,  in 
rendering  justice  to  his  younger  brother,  yet  he 
never  shewed  any  ill-will  against  him. 

Not  so,  malapert  Emma.  She  fully  manifested 
the  disgust  which  the  poor  relation  gave  her. 
Humiliated,  even  stinted  in  food,  Charles  was 
drenched  with  the  bitterness  of  dependence  and 
poverty.  life  became  a  burden  to  him,  and  truly 
did  the  future  Pretender  to  a  lawful  inheritance, 
— Pretender  because  unlucky, — feel  the  crushing 
weight  of  another's  roof,  giving  grudging  shelter. 
*£&  Emma's  insolence  became  intolerable.  Charles 
*****"*  delivered  himself  from  his  persecutrix  by  break- 
ing away  and  seeking  his  fortune.  Charles's 
history  has  descended  to  us  only  in  fragments, 
but,  though  unable  to  track  him  distinctly  in  his 
career,  we  can  sufficiently  appreciate  his  courage, 
activity,  versatility,  and  adventurous  spirit. 
He  gained  influence.    Some  may  have  joined 


seeks  hl« 
tartan*. 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  833 

him  from  sympathy ;  others  impelled  by  enmity  .  **-**. 
against  the  Carlovingians,  vassals  of  Hugh  Capet  '^l^" 
for  example :  Eudes  also,  the  son  of  Herbert  of 
Yermandois.  The  times  were  promising  to  the 
Adventurer.  Germany  and  Italy  much  disturb- 
ed. An  insurrection  broke  out  in  Lorraine.  Re- 
nier,  the  expelled  Count  of  Hainault,  assisted  by 
his  brother  Lambert,  endeavoured  to  recover 
Mons,  otherwise  Bergen.  Charles  seized  the 
opportunity.  No  apanage  had  been  reserved  for 
Charles.    He  determined  to  win  one. 

Lorraine  was  an  antient  Carlovingian  inheri- 
tance. Lothaire  had  lost  the  "  Regnum  Lotharii," 
and  Charles  planned  to  acquire  a  compensation 
in  that  Realm,  so  influential  from  its  position 
between  Germany  and  France.  After  various 
evolutions,  he  became  the  staunch  adherent  of 
the  Emperor.  He  now  stood  in  his  proper  place. 
Charles  and  Theophania  were  united  by  their 
common  antipathy  against  Emma.  Good  haters 
keep  together  more  steadily  than  fond  lovers. 
To  earn  Theophania's  favour,  was  to  command 
Otho's;  and  Charles  was  encouraged  by  a 
brief  dawn  of  prosperity. 

Cutting  our  way  through  a  most  obscure,  per- 
plexed, and  litigious  passage,  we  will   arrive 
at  the   results.     Otho   distinguished   the    one  i*™^ 
Cousin  by  an  act  the   most  offensive  to  thel£-b» 

fief  of  the 

other.     He  granted  to  Charles  the  "Duchy  of13"*1"- 
Lorraine."    The  nature  and  extent  of  this  same 
grant  has  been  the  subject  of  elaborate  critical 
vol.  n.  3  h 


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834  LOUIS  DWJTREMER,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

«5o-w7  enquiry ;  but,  for  our  purposes,  it  is  sufficient  to 
know,  that  Charles  is  accepted  by  all  the  histori- 
cal disputants  as  first  amongst  the  hereditary 
Dukes  of  the  "Basse-Lorraine;"  and,  having 
received  investiture,  he  became  a  Vassal  of  the 
Emperor. 

Charles  had  already  encreased  his  authority 
by  matrimony,  for  he  obtained  the  hand  of  Bona, 
who,  (here  again  turning  away  from  a  thorny  field 
of  genealogical  controversy,)  we  believe  to  have 
been  the  daughter  of  Godfrey  the  elder,  Count  of 
the  Ardennes,  and  sister  of  the  second  Godfrey, 
the  latter  appointed  by  Otho  as  Duke,  or  rather 
Governor,  of  Brabant,  Three  children  were 
born  to  Charles,  of  this,  his  first  marriage.  A 
second  union  was  contracted  with  the  affec- 
tionate Adela,  the  daughter  of  the  Vermandois 
Count  Herbert,  who  piously  shared  in,  and  com- 
forted her  husband's  misfortunes. 
BbhJjT  §  65.  And  now,  we  are  suddenly  startled  by 

Afceline 

eSS?*"    the  fearful  though  dim  apparition  of  Emma  and 
Id*!*?/0'    Asceline  shrouded  in  guilt.    Whether  really  cul- 

bj  oommon 

"***•  pable  or  not,  no  human  being  will  ever  be  able 
to  tell.  A  popular  excitement  arose,  founded 
either  upon  foul  depravity  or  fouler  calumny, 
such,  as  in  France,  has  so  repeatedly  sounded 
the  tocsin  of  civil  war  and  revolution.  It  was 
universally  believed  that  Asceline  and  Emma 
had  committed  adultery.  None  but  the  Husband 
could  touch  the  Queen.  The  Husband  moved 
not. — No  Accuser  stood  forward. — No  specific 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  835 

charge  had  been  made. — The  reports,  neverthe-  ^m 
less,  were  spread  loudly  and  universally :  and  the  -  ^^  * 
Bishops  of  the  Province  felt  it  their  duty  that 
so  grave  an  imputation  against  a  Prelate,  should 
become  the  subject  of  judicial  investigation. 

Archbishop  Adalbero  convened  a  Provincialised* 
Synod,  to  be  held  in  the  Abbey  Church  of  Sainte  £?■■ 
Macre,  at  Fismes.    Many  important  affairs  having 
been  discussed, — "  et  postquam  Metropolitanus  " 

******  and  then!  What 
then?  We  know  not — we  never  shall  know: 
Bicherius, — roused  from  his  long  silence,  com- 
mences the  record,  but,  in  the  midst  of  the 
paragraph,  he  cuts  the  parchment  away. 

§  66.  The  proposition  that  affection  descends 
from  the  elder  to  the  younger, — from  parent  to 
offspring — is  fairly  certain.  The  ascent,  from 
offspring  to  parent, — more  doubtful. — Between 
kindred  on  the  same  level,  that  is  to  say,  between 
brothers  and  sisters,  reasonably  probable,  though 
not  to  be* predicted  confidently, — between  col- 
laterals in  the  next  remove, — a  mere  chance — 
what  you  please. 

Otho  the  Uncle  entertained  much  regard  for 
Lothaire.  Otho  fitz-Otho  and  Lothaire,  the  Cou- 
sins, envied  and  hated  each  other.  Lothaire  was 
enraged  by  the  Emperor's  assumption  of  the 
superiority  over  Lorraine :  and,  if  Lothaire  did  not 
include  Theophania  in  his  enmity,  he  assuredly 
neglected  the  consideration  due  to  her  sex  and  dig- 
nity.    Otho  had  openly  called  and  proclaimed  a 

3H2 


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836  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

W9-M7   Diet  at  Aix-la-Chapelle,  the  meeting  to  eventuate 
> — * —  in   the  pleasant  summer  season  — Midsummer 

978-880  r 

bright, — St.  John  the  Baptist's  day.  And  he 
stationed  himself  there,  and  Theophania  accom- 
panied him.  She  was  in  a  condition  which  might 
have  excused  her  journey.  But  Otho  clung 
closely  to  the  lovely  woman. 
LotKfc  Lothaire  determined  upon  hostilities.     The 

Ouotho  Duke  of  the  Franks,  Hugh  Capet,  was,  in  the  first 
Theoph»ia.  stance,  summoned  specially. — Lacking  his  as- 
conTention  sistance  could  Lothaire  expect  to  succeed?  The 
nougat     Capet  and  all  the  other  Nobles  of  the  Kingdom, 

were  convened  at  Laon. 
Hubcap*  Lothaire  came  to  a  full  agreement  with  the 
l£!£rtotho.  Duke,  a  most  important,  nay  indispensable  pre- 
liminary— King  and  Duke,  (or  we  may  almost 
say,  Duke  and  King,)  ratified  an  alliance.  It 
was  agreed  that  Otho  should  be  treated  as  their 
common  enemy.  Otherwise  than  by  joint  assent, 
neither  of  the  contracting  parties  was  to  make 
peace  with  him. 

This  private  conference  concluded,  the  Nobles 
were  introduced.     Not  merely  (as  Lothaire  ad- 
dressed them)  had  the  Saxon  Emperors  usurped 
a  large  portion  of  the  Kingdom,  but  Otho  had 
now    insulted  France,  menacing   the   frontier. 
Lothaire  appealed  for  support  to  their  sense  of 
LouSi     national  honour.   They  expressed  their  patriotism 
SJSnrt6"      by  acclamation.     A  very  large  army  speedily 
chapeiie.     assembled.     Skilfully  organized,  each  Battalion 
mustered  under  its  peculiar  banner,  each  Century 

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078—980 


RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  837 

headed  by  a  Centurion.    Their  line  of  march  was   95»-**7 
towards  the  Mease. 

The  French  army  crossed  without  opposition. 
Humours  of  the  intended  invasion  had  reached 
Otho.  He  would  not  believe  the  intelligence, 
but  comforted  himself  by  the  persuasion,  that 
Lothaire  would  never  dare.  A  reconnaissance 
convinced  him  of  the  truth,  and  he  determined 
to  abandon  Aix-la-Chapelle.  But  the  enemy's  ad- 
vance was  so  rapid,  and  Otho's  forces  so  scanty, 
that  he  could  not  hazard  the  collision ;  and,  with 
the  burdened  Theophania  weeping  and  wailing, 
fled  from  Aix-la-Chapelle  to   Cologne. — Sharp  oKi* 

x  Theophania. 

work. — But  a  few  hours  later,  and  had  not 
Lothaire  been  impeded  by  the  baggage,  the 
Emperor  and  the  Empress  would  have  surely 
been  captured. 

They  evaded  in  the  evening : — early  the  fol-  J^EJS? 

*         •  •  t      ii      •  •  •  /» and  aban<* 

lowing  mormng  Lothaire  was  in  possession  ofdonedby 

Lothaire. 

Aix-la-Chapelle.  The  Halls  of  Charlemagne 
swarmed  with  the  soldiers.  The  banquet  tables, 
overturned ;  provisions  and  good  cheer,  rejoicing 
the  rapscallions  of  the  army ;  the  royal  jewel- 
house,  plundered.  Having  thus  humiliated  his 
adversary,  some  unexplained  motive  induced 
Lothaire  to  sound  a  retreat,  and  he  evacuated 
the  hallowed  Pfaltz  without  any  benefit  from 
the  enterprise,  unless  we  construe  as  such  the 
fancy  that  he  had  avenged  an  insult,  which  the 
French  supposed  they  had  received  by  the  posi- 
tion of  the  Eagle,  crowning  the  structure. 


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97&-990 


Charle- 


838  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

wa-987         This  Imperial  bird,  planted  according  to  tra- 
dition, had  been  placed  on  the  summit  by  Charle- 
magne, looked  Westward,  and  was  construed  to 
J£g££.     be  an  hieroglyphical  token  signifying  that   Ger- 
many claimed  the  Continent  as  far  as  the  land 
extended;  or  that  the  Germans  would  always 
drive  the  French  before  them.    In  all  probability, 
Charlemagne  never  dreamt  of  any  such  allegorical 
meaning ;  and  the  aspect  assigned  to  the  antient 
symbol,  was  either  accidental,  or  suggested  by 
the  direction  of  the  building  whose  axis  neces- 
sitated an  entrance  at  the  Western  end.     An 
imaginary  offence  was  effaced  by  an  equivalent 
reparation.  The  French  whirled  the  Eagle  round, 
pointing  his  beak  eastward,  as  an  omen  that,  by 
France,  Germany  should  be  ruled.    Lothaire  and 
his  troops  occupied  the  city  during  three  days.  No 
advantages  had  been  gained,  save  and  except  the 
practical  refutation  of  an  hypothetical  practical 
joke  and  the  vexation  given  to  Otho  and  his  con- 
sort :  yet,  so  highly  did  the  inglorious  victor  exult 
in  this  silly  triumph,  that  he  dated  the  Charters 
he  issued  during  the  then  current  year,  as  of  the 
year  in  which  he  had  chased  away  the  Emperor. 
The  Raid  of  Aix-la-Chapelle  wears  almost  a 
ludicrous  aspect,  but  the  instigating  causes  were 
deep  seated.    A  bitter,  because  contemptuous 
rivalry  existed  between  Germany  and  France, 
and  the  national  dispathies  were  becoming  per- 
sonal enmities  on  the  part  of  the  two  kings. 
Possibly  Lothaire  expected  co-operation  from 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  839 

the  party  opposed  to  Theophania,  and  was  dis-   •»-*» 
appointed.  ^^ 

If,  however,  he  intended  to  anger  his  Com- 
peer, he  obtained  his  end.  Otho  invited  the 
Lieges  to  assist  him  in  revenging  the  degra- 
dation brought  upon  them  by  Lothaire.  The 
German  Nobles  responded  unanimously,  rival- 
ling the  French  in  zeal.  Thirty  thousand 
Saxons  and  Bavarians  and  Suabians  obeyed 
their  Emperor's  call.  But,  before  commencing 
hostilities,  he  despatched  a  Herald,  authorized 
to  make  the  declaration  of  war. — Otho,  as  the^*^ 
message  imported,  had  been  perfidiously  at-iSSS£to 
tacked  in  the  midst  of  peace,  yet  he  would 
not  retaliate.  He  gave  warning  to  Lothaire 
that  on  the  first  day  of  the  then  next  month 
of  October,  he  would  encounter  the  son  of 
Charlemagne  face  to  face,  and  put  an  end  to 
his  government :  or,  in  other  words,  depose  him 
from  the  throne.  In  this  attitude  of  the  Chal- 
lenger, we  may  discern  the  dawning  spirit  of 
conventional  honour  gilding  the  ockamy  shield 
of  Chivalry :  but  neither  then,  nor  at  any 
time,  did  Chivalry  actually  and  conscientiously 
forbid  any  tortuous  conduct  which  the  ragione 
di  stato  might  dictate.  The  manifesto  did  not 
exclude,  or  rather  was  intended  to  conceal, 
the  secret  machinations  between  Otho  and  Lo- 
thaire's  subjects.  The  invasion  may  not  have 
been  directly  instigated  by  the  profound  politi- 
cian,   Archbishop    Adalbero,    but    the   course 


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840  LOUI8  DWJTREMER,  LOTHAIBE,  &C. 

«9-987  was  pursued  according  to  the  information   he 

T£5T  Save' 

The  ardour  which  Lothaire  evinced  whilst 

978— 

Lotiudre     he  was  Otho's  assailant,  cooled.     His  retreat  was 

retreats  be-  7 

Ktoe*-      simultaneous  with  the  progress  of  Otho's  inva- 
fgy1"      sion.     Disregarding  the  recreancy,  and,  taking 
refuge  at  as  great  a  distance  as  he  could,  Lothaire 
passed  over  the  Seine,  seeking  assistance  from 
the  only  supporter  who  could  really  aid  him, 
Hugh  Capet.     They  met  at  Estampes,  and  the 
Duke  acted  cautiously  but  resolutely. 

Otho,  on    his    part,  advancing,  proceeded 

vigorously.    It  was  for  Lothaire  to  take  up  the 

gauntlet  or  not :  if  not,  upon  him,  the  disgrace 

of  faint-heartedness  would  fall. 

otfeo'tuaeof       In  the  first  instance,  Otho  directed  his  march 

march.  7 

towards  Eheims,  which  he  occupied.  His  gifts 
testified  his  veneration  for  Saint  Remigius,  and 
his  gratitude  to  Adalbero.  Churches  and 
Monasteries  were  mostly  spared.  But  the 
royal  domains  and  demesnes  fared  otherwise. 
Compi&gne,  which  had  recovered  some  portion 
of  her  antient  splendour,  was  pillaged  again: 
and  how  Otho  enjoyed  the  blaze,  whilst  famous 
Attigny  was  flaming ! 
otho  en.  The   German    troops    expanded  themselves 

camp*  before  *  x 

£5irVtop- over  the  country  all   around. — Otho  came  up 
K£trai.e2  to    the    Seine,    and    encamped    before    Paris. 

hli  standard.  '  x 

Lothaire  disappears.  —  Hugh  Capet  had  con- 
tinued for  a  short  time  beyond  the  river, 
but,  collecting  his  forces,  he  then  shut  himself 


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RJCHABD  SAKS  PEUR.  841 

up  in  Paris,  where  he  unfurled  his  standard.    <*»-** 
Paris  becomes  henceforth  more  and  more  pro-  '     *     * 

r  079—080 

minent  in  French  history.     The  island,  protected 

by  the  walls  and  the  water,  seems  to  have  been 

viewed  by  Otho  as  impregnable,  and  he  therefore 

determined  to  draw  Hugh  Capet  out  of  his 

stronghold : — more  easily  said  than  done. — The 

Capet  never  leapt  his  horse  till  he  came  to  the 

hedge.      Careful  consideration    and   astuteness 

characterised   the    Capet ;    he  never    exposed 

himself  to  any  danger  he  could  avoid ;   never 

disdained  any  expedient  by   which   he  could 

steal  away  from  peril,  but  worked  out  his  plans 

by  brain  and  tongue. 

Otho  was  perplexed  by  this  calmness,  and 
sought  to  give  such  a  provocation  as  the  Capet 
could  not  tolerate.  Lothaire  had  proved  craven, 
but  the  challenge  stood.  The  Germans,  teased 
by  the  delay,  and  agreeing  with  their  Sovereign, 
determined  to  test  the  enemy's  pluck  in  right 
chivalrous  fashion.  A  full  armed  Bitter  rode  J^Sf"** 
forth  forward  alone,  and  affronting  the  weU-j^XSLi 
known  gate  of  the  Chatelet  Bridge,  so  strongly 
secured  by  bars  and  chains,  he  defied  the  enemy. 
He  hooted  and  hallooed,  bullying  the  garri- 
son. The  Edeling  scene  was  enacted  again. 
Hugh  and  his  captains  were  stung  to  the  quick. 
The  shame  must  be  effaced  :  but  the  steady 
senior  knights  sagely  avoided  exposing  them- 
selves to  danger,  and   exhorted  the    younger 


Bachelors  to  vindicate  their  honour.    Ivo  ac-0*011-"- 


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978-960 


842  LOUIS  iyOUTREMER,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

Mft-w  cepted  the  challenge.  Who  Ivo  was,  or  whence 
Ivo  came,  we  know  not,  and,  if  Richerius,  besides 
marking  bis  sense  of  Ivo's  prowess  by  writing 
the  young  hero's  name  in  capitals,  had  given 
some  information  which  would  identify  the  War- 
rior, we  should  have  been  more  satisfied. 

The  bolts  were  drawn,  the  chains  clattered, 
the  draw-bridge  dropt,  the  portal  opened,  and  ont 
galloped  the  Champion.     The  contest  was  car- 
ried on  unhandsomely.    The  Combatants  abnsed 
and  vituperated  each  other.    The  German  fell 
Ivo    stripped  the  corpse,   and    presented    the 
dead  man's  weapons  and  armour  to  the  Duke 
as  a  trophy.     The  draw-bridge  drew  np,  the 
gates  closed,  the  bolts  shot,  the  keys  turned, 
and  matters  remained  as  before. 
octroy.         I  67.  Winter  drew  on :  Saint  Martin's  brief 
3*5?  *"  snatch  of  autumnal  summer  had  faded  away  : — 

Mont  Martre  •* 

iudeb£>pre"  Paris,  provokingly  silent.  No  overtures  from  the 
wSil  French.  Otho,  therefore,  inspired  by  that  odd 
combination  of  bravado  and  jocularity,  not  un- 
frequently  displayed  during  the  florid  and  renais- 
sance periods  of  Gothic  Chivalry,  resolved,  if 
possible,  to  incense  the  impassive  Hugh,  taunting 
him  with  the  threat,  that  Paris  Streets  should 
ring  with  the  German  Hallelujah ;  implying  that 
the  chaunt  would  celebrate  the  City's  subjuga- 
tion. Hugh,  however,  moved  not,  and  why  should 
he?  Otho  made  and  continued  making  pre- 
parations for  retreat,  but,  in  the  meanwhile,  a 
bevy  of  Clerks  and  Priests  congregated  upon 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  843 

Mont  Martre,  as  leaders  of  the  chorus.     They  «9-w7 
were  accompanied  by  a  very  numerous  vocal  * — * — . 
band  of   soldiers,  and  they  raised  the  solemn 
Hallelujah    hymn,  so    sonorously,  so  bravely, 
that,    as    the    story    goes,    their     rich     full- 
toned  German    voices    were    distinctly   heard 
within  Paris  walls.    Having  thus  indulged  his 
humour,   Otho  carried   his   determination  into 
effect.    No  blood  bad  been  shed,  except  that  of 
the   unfortunate  Champion.      The  season  was 
lowering.     Sickness  had  broken  out.     But,  be- 
fore the  imperfect  blockade  was  actually  aban- 
doned,  Otho  took  leave    of    Paris,  and  most 
characteristically  galloped  up  to  the  Chatelet 
and  pinned  his  quivering  lance  in   the  door- 
valve  as  a  remembrance  of  the  bootless  enter- 
prise ;  and  about  the  third  week  in  November, 
he  began  his  retrograde  movement  through  the 
Ehemois  towards  the  Aisne,  the  weather  be- 
coming coarser  and  coarser. 

Lothaire  of  whom  we  have  heard  so  little, 
had,  nevertheless,  been  doing  much.  Satisfied 
that  Hugh  Capet  was  sufficiently  able  to  defend 
Paris,  he  had  re-assembled  his  army  for  the 
purpose  of  surprising  Otho  in  the  rear,  exactly 
following  the  enemies'  route.  In  order  to 
understand  an  important  passage  of  this  narrar 
tive,  it  must  be  noticed  that  Geoffrey  Gris- 
gonnelle,  Count  of  Anjou,  had  joined  the  Bang,  ^  g^_ 
and  they  reached  the  Aisne  at  the  very  end  of  i^utlie 


of  the 


dismal  November,  Saint  Andrew's  day.     When 

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844  LOUIS  tfOUTREMER,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

» fl897*ff ,  Otho  came  up,  the  water  was  spreading  and 
'^l^o'  rising,  and  the  transit  threatened  diflBculties. 
Count  Godfrey  of  Verdun,  chief  in  the  German 
army,  Archbishop  Adalbero's  brother,  therefore 
advised  Otho  to  cross  the  yet  fordable  river,  as 
speedily  as  possible :  but  it  became  needful  to 
leave,  on  the  other  side,  a  portion  of  the  troops 
and  all  the  baggage. 

Well  as  Otho  might  have  become  acquainted 
with  the  country,  Lothaire  knew  it  better.     He 
had  caught  up  to  the  enemy  by  availing  himself 
of  short  cuts  and  bye-ways;    and  the   larger 
number  of  the  Germans,  left  with  the  baggage 
and  surprised  by  Lothaire,  and  trying  to  escape 
by  swimming,  were  drowned.    Otho  was  exceed- 
ingly mortified  and  enraged  by  the  difficulty  of 
encountering  his  opponents.    Soon  as  the  water 
could  be  navigated,  he  again  sent  forward  his 
Heralds  in  a  tiny  boat,  inviting  the  French  King 
to  a  fair  battle  in  open  field. — Let  the  war  be 
decided  by  that  one  combat.    Unto  whom  God 
shall  give  the  Land,  to  him  shall  the  Land  be- 
22SK*#  long. — By  all  means,  shouted  Geoffrey  Grisgon- 
tatodrtth  nelle,  repudiating  any  pretensions  to  loyalty  or 

Godfrey  of 

££££  military  glory.  Why  should  so  many  of  us  be 
exposed  to  danger,  for  the  sake  of  those  two  men? 
The  Kings  must  fight  it  out  with  their  own 
swords;  we  will  look  on.  Whichever  of  them 
may  be  vanquished,  we  will  follow  the  victor. 

Had  Lothaire  proposed  the  duel,  there  cannot 
be  any  doubt  but  that  Otho  would  gladly  have 


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RICHABD  SANS  PEUB.  845 

accepted  the  defiance  :  but  this  cool  cowardice  .  *»-«i 
excited  the  indignation  of  the  Germans,  and  <  *  > 
the  Verdun  Count  Godfrey  returned  a  contemp- 
tuous answer.  We  have  always  heard,  quoth  he, 
how  vilely  you  Frenchmen  despise  your  King, 
now  we  know  it.  Never  will  we  allow  our 
Emperor  thus  to  peril  himself  whilst  we  can 
serve  him  by  our  own  blood,  though  your  own 
King  would  assuredly  fall. 

Neither  party  attempted  any  further  military 
operations.  Each  consoled  himself  by  shaping 
the  intelligence  so  as  to  look  best.  Lothaire, 
according  to  the  French  authorities,  chased 
Otho  until  he  found  shelter  in  the  shades  of  the 
Ardennes.  The  Germans  recount  how  Otho  re- 
turned victoriously  to  his  dominions;  but  the 
Sovereigns  were  so  evenly  matched,  that  neither 
party  risked  the  conflict  again. 

§  68.  We  are  now  opening  the  last  scenes  of  aSS^u^ 
the  tremendous  drama. — The  intentions  of  Hugh  ^Jg^T 
Capet  were  as  well  known  as  if  he  had  claimed  tSU^S; 
the  throne  by  manifesto,  though  the  extreme  »*>ta*»- 
caution  of   the  Chieftain  restrained  him  from 
committing    himself  either   by  word   or  deed 
until  the  appointed  time. — A  strange  story  had 
been  floating  in  the  Gauls,  that  Saint  Valery, 
appearing  in  a  vision  to  the  Capet,  had  promised 
the  kingdom  of  France  to  him  and  his  heirs  until 
the  seventh  generation.    The  condition  annexed 
to  the  gift  was  easy  enough. — The  Duke  must 
cause  the  Saint's  relics  and  those  of  his  companion, 


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078-080 


846  LOUIS  FOUTREMER,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

oco-087  Saint  Riquier,  to  be  translated  from  Flanders 
into  France,  and  the  Realm  shall  be  his  reward. 
This,  amongst  idle  legends  the  idlest,  de- 
serves to  be  quoted  only  as  shewing  that  the  ac- 
quisition of  the  Crown  by  the  Capet  was  distinctly 
anticipated.  We  have  a  confused  report  that 
Arnoul  the  younger,  now  governing  Flanders, 
refused  to  surrender  the  relics  until  compelled  by 
force,  whereupon  the  Capet  attacked  Montreuil. 
Geneni  Throughout  the  Realm,  much  discontent  was 

anxiety  pre- 

j£K.ta  prevailing.  Emma,  who  appeared  fully  justified 
in  her  husband's  opinion,  was  becoming  more 
and  more  unpopular.  The  mephitic  mists  which 
blasted  her  reputation,  were  curling  and  rising 
densely  from  the  ground.  Hugh  Capet's  parti- 
zans  were  multiplying;  numerous,  powerful, 
ready  at  a  moment's  call. 

Adalbero  the  Archbishop  of  Rheims,  he, 
whose  vote  might  determine  the  succession,  was 
wholly  alienated  from  the  Carlovingian  line.  In 
the  secular  Estate,  Hugh  possessed  one  adhe- 
rent, not  less  influential  in  his  position  than  the 
Archbishop — Richard  of  Normandy, — Hugh-le- 
Grand's  liege-man,  Hugh  Capet's  liege-man, 
whose  antipathy  to  the  freckled  Lothaire  was 
connected  with  the  boy's  earliest  recollections, 
aggravated  by  the  inveterate  enmity  which  he 
had  experienced  from  him  as  a  man. 

Theophania's  jealousy  against  Emma  continued 
unabated.  She,  therefore,  held  with  the  Capet ; 
and,  in  the  background  we  may  discern  mys- 


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RICHABD  SANS  PEUR.  847 

terious  Gerbert,  soon  to  rejoice  in  diffusing  the   a»-M7 
intelligence  that  Lothaire  reigned  only  in  name.  * — * — » 
Liothaire's  situation  was  truly  perilous.     Hugh  l^^., 
Capet  continued  in  nominal  alliance  with  him ;  SuSST 
but  though  no  one  talked  about  the  future,  every 
one   felt  what  that  future  threatened.     Clear- 
sighted Otho  could  not  be  outwitted ;  powerful 
Otho  could  not  be  beaten.     Hugh  Capet  might 
be  bought  or  won  over  to  the  Imperial  party ; 
and,  difficult  as  the  process  of  obtaining  Otho's 
amity  might  be,  on  account   of  Theophania's 
adverse  influence,  yet  Lothaire's  main  chance 
of  safety  was  by  gaining  his  cousin  over.     Cir- 
cumstances facilitated  the  measure.     Borne,  as 
usual,  was  in  a  state  of  chronic  rebellion.    Lo- 
thaire acted  prudently,  consulting  those  whom  he 
could  trust.    They  advised  him  to  resume  his 
connection  with  the  Emperor.     Could  Otho's 
co-operation  be  secured,  not  only  might  it  be 
possible  to  put  down  the  Capet,  but  all  the  other 
dissatisfied  Nobles,  brought  into  due  subjection. 
Lothaire  therefore  despatched  able  ambas- 
sadors to  Otho.     They  represented  on  his  behalf, 
that  the  quarrel  had  been  fomented  by  fraudulent 
advisers.    Otho  and  Lothaire,  kinsmen,  ought  to 
unite  in  mutual  defence :    Lothaire  would  watch 
Otho's  interests,  whilst  the  latter  should  de- 
fend the  more  distant  Provinces  of  his  Realm. 

Otho  met  Lothaire  at  La  Marine  on  the  Cher,  co^;*, 


the  frontier  station  common  to  France  and  Lor-th»trewid 

Otho  at  La 

raine.    The  French  King  was  supported  by  a  MErMe- 


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848  LOUIS  FOUTEEMER,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

«59-w7   numerous  assemblage  of  Abbots  and  Prelates, 
, — • — >  Princes  and  Nobles,  just  as  when  he  met  Kichard 

978—981 

of  Normandy  at  the  Fosse-Givolde.     Otho  was 
accompanied  in  like  manner.    The  two  Sove- 
reigns exchanged  their  promises  of   enduring 
peace,  embraces  ensued,  and  hand  joined  hand. 
^toluhte  The  particulars  of  the  pacification   are  imper- 
SSSiSf   fectly  known :   their  general  tenor,  unquestion- 
able.   Lothaire,  Bang  of  the  Gauls,  abandoning 
all  his  rights   and  pretensions   over  Lorraine, 
openly  and  solemnly  renounced  the  dominions, 
and  granted  the  same  to  be  held  without  let  or 
interference  from  the  French,  and  be  subjected 
for  ever  to  the  German  Empire.    The  oaths  of 
the  French  Prelates  and  Nobles,  confirmed  the 
cession. — These  transactions  relating  to  Lorraine 
constitute  one  of  the  most  vexed  questions  in 
early  French  History,  and  were  not  without 
diplomatic  importance  in  the  age  of  good  Queen 
Anne  and  Louis  Quatorze. 

Lothaire  returned  to  Laon,  carefully  watching 

the  adverse  parties,  for  he  fully  expected  that 

some  movement  would    soon  be  made.     Otho 

departed  with   Theophania  to  Aix-la-Chapelle. 

He  was  preparing  for  a  Roemer-zug,   but  an 

anxious,  though  joyous,  expectation  delayed  him. 

980-    From  Aix-la-Chapelle,  he  and  Theophania,  pro- 

xSSp'Sija  ceeded  to  Nimeguen,  where  the  then  celebrated 

atNimesaen.  gancf.uary  probably  rivalled  the  world-renowned 

Aix-la-Chapelle,    in    architectural     symmetry, 
though  not  equally  magnificent. 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  849 

Nigh  Nimeguen  there  was  a  fine  forest.  The  .  a5^"087J 
forest  lodge  afforded  a  pleasant  residence  to  the  '^Irci 
Imperial  family,  and  here  its  number  was  en- 
creased.  Theophania  brought  forth  her  only  son, 
— the  third  and  last  Otho.  Hence  the  happy 
father  journeyed  to  distracted  Italy ;  and,  during 
four  years  did  various  most  urgent  affairs  detain 
Otho  beyond  the  Alps.  Otho  entered  Eome  with- 
out opposition,  and,  if  the  narrative  be  veracious, 
a  fearful  punishment  was  inflicted  upon  those  who 
had  rebelled  against  him, — tremendous  yet  not 
politically  useless,  as  he  thereby  consolidated 
his  power. 

§  69.  Meanwhile, France  was  all  in  a  ferment. 
The  terms  of  the  compact  between  Lothaire  and 
Otho  became  speedily  known.  It  is  a  proof  of 
Lothaire's  political  vitality,  that  his  combination 
with  Otho  excited  great  alarm  amongst  the  Cape- 

981— 

tian  party.     They  loudly  expressed  their  anger.  ££^{j6 
Not  so,  their  sedate  Chief.     Hugh  did  not  hurry  ££** 
himself,  and  the  measures  which  he  adopted  were 
decided  by  solemn  deliberation.     He  summoned 
his  Vassals.     All  who  had  taken  the  oaths  of  Hug*  <&** 

nbleahU 


allegiance  to  him  and  had  placed  their  hands  be- 
tween his  hands,  attended.  We  have  heard,  long 
since,  how  clearly  and  cogently  Hugh-le-Grand 
had  expounded  the  advantages  of  "Commen- 
dation." It  was,  according  to  his  elucidation 
of  social  doctrine,  a  duty  which  every  Land- 
owner owed  to  himself,  and  to  the  State.  The 
Capet  adopted  his  father's  traditions,  and  worked 
them  out  most  successfully. 

vol.  h.  3  i 

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850   7T"  LOUIS  D>OUTBEMER,  LOTHAIBE,  &C. 

959-887         A  very  large  and  influential  body  of  Feuda,- 


978-081 


tories  acknowledged  him  as  their  Suzerain.      So 
widely  had  the  Capetian  interest  extended,  that 
Burchard  of  Montmorency,  the  nephew  or  grand 
nephew  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  King  Edred,  was 
necessarily  entered  upon  the  roll.    Richard  of 
Normandy  who,  in  his  Charters,  so  carefully 
quotes  the  consent  given    by  the   "Princeps 
Francorum"  his  Suzerain,  was  assuredly  present. 
It  was  the  boast  of  the  Normans  that  he  was 
Hugh  Capet's  most  useful  and  powerful  ally, 
counsellor,  and  adviser. 

Par  le  conseil  del  grant  Barnage 
£  par  la  force  de  Richart, 
Par  son  conseil  et  son  art 
Fa  Hugon  Chapes  rec6u, 
Et  en  France  poor  Rei  tenu. 
Par  Richart  e  par  sa  valor ; 
Ki  eu  avait  sa  seror 
Par  son  conseil  e  par  s'amtir 
Fa  de  France,  Huon  Seignur. 

HuSJteL  Hugh,  in  this  memorable  assembly,  preferred 

SSJhfi*"  grievous  charges  against  Lothaire,  intimating 
££££*  that  his  life  was  endangered.  He  inveighed 
25££T  bitterly  against  Otho's  duplicity  and  treachery, 
and  urged  the  Lieges  to  afford  council  and  aid. 
A  cautious  and  well  considered  answer  was  re- 
turned. Sympathizing  with  the  Capet,  they 
nevertheless  felt  their  own  responsibilities. 
However  greatly  the  monarchy  power  had  waned, 
the  regal  prerogatives  were  still  respected  and 
dreaded.  They  were  reluctant  to  appear  in  the 
character  of  rebels  against  the  King.  That  ghastly 
head  which  rolled  round  the  block,  before  the 


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RICHAHD  SANS  PEUB.  851 

gates  of  Dijon,  had  made  a  forcible  impression  .  K*-*n  M 
upon  the  national  mind.  A  war  against  the  united  '"^^p 
Monarchs  would  be  perilous.  Lothaire,  support- 
ed by  Otho's  Germans,  might  desolate  the 
country.  They  therefore  suggested  that  sub- 
tlety should  be  opposed  to  craft ;  and,  it  would  be 
more  advisable  to  detach  the  Emperor  from  his 
new-formed  alliance,  by  quiet  means. 

An  embassy  dispatched  to  Otho  was  very 
favourably  received.  Otho  entertained  the  over- 
ture joyfully,  and  replied  that  he  was  most  ready 
to  re-accept  the  Capet  as  a  friend.  But  Otho's 
courtesy  did  not  exclude  the  proud  assertion 
of  his  Imperial  dignity. — Such  a  treaty  could 
not  be  properly  concluded,  otherwise  than  by 
the  contracting  parties  in  person,  but  if  the  Capet 
repaired  to  Borne,  due  honour  should  be  ren- 
dered to  him.  — "  Tutte  le  strode  vanno  a 
Roma"  was  the  adage  of  the  Empire. 

The  Capet  proceeded  accordingly  on  hisH*hc^ti 
southward  road,  accompanied  by  the  eloquent  gJE** 
and  energetic  Arnoul,  Bishop  of  Orleans.  Otho 
received  his  illustrious  visitant  in  the  Palace 
of  the  Caesars :  but  when  Hugh  and  the  Bishop 
were  introduced  to  the  Imperial  presence,  the 
attendants  quitted  them  at  the  portal,  and  they, 
entering  the  vaulted  Hall,  found  Otho  alone. 
There  sat  he  in  solitary  magnificence.  By  his 
side,  a  curule  chair,  such  as  was  afterwards 
treasured  in  the  Abbey  of  Saint  Denis,  and 
reputed  to  be  famous  King  Dagobert's  antient 

3  I  2 


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852  LOUIS  DWJTEEMER,  LOTHAIBE,  &C. 

ow-w   throne ;  and,  lying,  upon  that  chair,  the  Sword  of 
«-2    »  state.     Otho,  according  to  the  etiquette  of  the 
interriew     Imperial  Court,  addressed  the  Bishop  in  Latin, 
otho  blithe  the  language  of  Church  and  State,  and  also  of 
diplomatic  intercourse,  until  almost  recent  times. 
Otho  was  very  gracious. — No  recrimination, 
not  a  complaining  word,  —  and  he  kissed  the 
Duke,  welcoming  him  in  the  character   of  a 
friend.    After  a  lengthened  conversation,  Otho 
rose,   as    about   to    quit    the   chamber;     and, 
whilst  rising,  his  eye  glancing  at  the   sword, 
Hugh  Capet,  thrown  off  his  guard  by  the  awful- 
ness  of  the  Imperial  dignity,  stepped  back  with 
the  intention  of  taking  up  the  ensign  of  power, 
so  that  he  might  be  distinguished  by  bearing  the 
consecrated  blade.      Now    this  was   the    very 
reason  why  Otho  had  left  the  Sword  upon  the 
chair,  expecting  that  when  he  went  forth  to  join 
his  Courtiers,  Hugh  would,  by  the  force  of  habit, 
go  after  him  as  an  inferior ;  exhibiting  himself 
in  the  character  of  a  vassal,  comparatively  of 
low  degree. 

But  Bishop  Arnoul,  a  man  of  ready  wit, — 
perceived  the  artifice :  and,  snatching  the  sword 
from  the  Duke's  hand;  he  reverently  followed 
the  Emperor.  Though  baulked  by  the  Bishop's 
prudence  and  acuteness,  yet  Otho  admired  his 
cleverness  exceedingly,  and  was  accustomed, 
%%££?  when  he  told  the  story,  to  praise  him  highly, 
Sfirt*"7  for  his  wariness  in  preserving  his  own  Sover- 
eign's honour.      And  the  negotiations  having 


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BICHAKD  SANS  PEUR.  853 

been  thus  happily  concluded,  Otho  caused  the   m*-«7 
Capet  to  be  conducted  with  great  worship  to  *  riS^m  - 
the  Alpine  Passes. 

§  70.  In  the  meanwhile,  during  the  absence  n^u** 
of  Hugh,  his  intent  being  easily  conjectured,  *mnW7' 
Lothaire  and  Emma  were  equally  on  the  alert. 
Each  discerned  the  threatening  danger;  and 
Emma,  in  the  restoration  of  friendship  between 
Otho  and  Hugh,  could  not  fail  to  trace  her  rival 
Theophania's  influence,  and  they  planned  accord- 
ingly. Conrad's  Transjurane  kingdom,  that 
kingdom  of  rocks  and  forests  and  torrents,  green 
pastures  and  glaciers  and  perpetual  snow, 
afforded  the  only  available  exit  from  Italy. 
Though  Conrad  could  not  be  called  a  kins- 
man, yet  he  was  a  close  connexion  of  the 
French  royal  family.  Conrad  helping,  Hugh 
could  be  easily  caught. 

A  Burgundian  King  might  entertain  some 
jealousy  against  any  Duke  of  Burgundy.  But, 
whether  or  no,  Lothaire  put  himself  into  corres- 
pondence with  the  Court  of  Aries.  In  the  epistle 
addressed  to  Conrad  by  Lothaire,  he  presents 
himself  as  a  confidential  friend,  and  urgently 
prayed  him  to  exert  himself  for  the  purpose  of 
intercepting  the  threatening  and  potent  enemy  on 
his  route  to  France.  All  the  practicable  Alpine 
Passes  were  included  within  Conrad's  picturesque 
realm.  Emma  communicated  concurrently  with 
her  Imperial  Mother,  then  at  Pavia.  Her  vehe- 
ment epistle  is  singularly  remarkable.    Dolefully 


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I 


854  LOUIS  D*OUTKEMER,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

«w-«7  did  she  inveigh  against  the  Capet's  treachery, 
« — * — »  and  his  endeavour  to  turn  her  brother  Otho 
against  them.     She  therefore  earnestly  entreats 
Emma«d   Adelaide  to  unite  in  the  efforts  which  would  be 
£££*£*  made  for  arresting  their  enemy. — And  in  order 
&?<*&    that  the  crafty  traitor  might  not  evade  by  his 
wiles,  Emma  transmits  a  full  description  of  his 
person;  his  qyes,  and  his  ears,  and  his  lips,  and 
his  teeth,  and  his  nose,  and  whatever  particu- 
lars were  observable  in  his  limbs  and  stature, 
nay  even  his  mode  of  speech. — A  veritable  police 
posting  bill  of  Hue  and  Cry. 

Hugh  was  really  in  great  jeopardy.  Emma 
spake  more  openly  than  Lothaire.  Had  Hugh 
Capet  been  captured  he  would  have  been  chained 
and  fettered  and  dropped  into  the  pit ; — may  be, 
blinded ; — hatchet  or  halter  would  then  put  him 
completely  out  of  the  way,  and  out  of  misery. 
Under  any  circumstances,  the  Duke  of  France 
bearing  within  himself  the  strongest  testimony 
against  himself,  could  scarcely  pursue  his  journey 
without  apprehensions  of  danger. 

It  is  more  than  probable,  that  the  Capet  had 
obtained  knowledge  of  these  important  letters, 
before  they  were  received  by  the  royal  corres- 
pondents to  whom  they  had  been  respectively 
addressed.  The  copies  are  included  amongst 
Gerbert's  documents,  and  the  extent  of  his  wiles 
is  incalculable.  Hugh  therefore  hastened  his 
g'jg^gj"  departure,  and,  when  he  approached  the  hills, 
he  put  off  the  Duke,  and  put  on  the  groom. 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  855 

Hugh  attired  himself  in  the  varlet's  garb ; —  v 
Hugh  handled  the  curry  comb, — Hugh  loaded  the  - 
baggage, — Hugh  cracked  his  whip  at  the  horses, 
— Hugh  appeared  as  the  meanest  of  the  train, 
obedient  to  everybody's  bidding,  kick  and  call. 

Emissaries  and  agents  were  watching   for 
their  prey  in  the  defiles ;  but  his  good  fortune 
guided  him  safely  through ;  although  when  the 
party  halted  for  the  night  in  the  rough  Alpine 
hostelry,   his  precautions    nearly    failed    him. 
The  travellers  had  retired  to]  the  rest-chamber. 
Soon  as  they  were  alone,  or  thought  themselves 
alone,  the  scrubby  hind  stood  forth  as  Lord 
and  Master.    The  Capet's  attendants  vied  with 
each   other  in  performing  their  duties;    they 
knelt    before    their    Sovereign,   drew    off   his 
boots,   chafed   his    chilled    feet,    changed    his 
coarse    garments,    and    spread   his   bed   with 
the  utmost  care.    But,  either  the  suspicions  of 
the  Host  had  been  roused,  or  perhaps  simply 
yielding  to  professional  inquisitiveness,  he  had 
crept  close  up   to  the  door ;  and,  his  eye  at 
the  chink,  watched  the  proceedings.    The  ear 
was  sharper  than  the  eye.    The  Duke's  servants 
had  heard  his  movements.    Dashing  out,  they 
hauled  the   fellow   in;    and,  unsheathing  their 
swords,  threatened  him  with  instant  death,  if  he 
cried  for  rescue.    Straitly  they  bound  him  neck 
and  heels,  and  so  secured  him  in  store  until  the 
earliest  twilight  illuminated  the  mountain  sum- 
mits, when  they  started :  and,  having  corded  the 


961-880 


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856  LOUIS  FOUTBEMER,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

050-«87   curious-impertinent  upon  a  horse,  they  kept  him 
< — -^ — > tight  till  they  had  advanced  beyond  the  risk  of 
immediate  pursuit,  when  they  dropped  the  moaja- 
ing  bundle  on  the  road.    Yet  Hugh  was  not  en- 
tirely safe.    Conrad  had  zealously  entered  into 
Lothaire's  views.     Spies  and  emissaries  were 
stationed  to  dodge  him,  but  Hugh  Capet  success- 
fully eluded  their  vigilance,  and  arrived  safely 
home. 
GrJtdbL         §  ^-  Neither  Lothaire  nor  Hugh  had  gain- 
SSSJSSt   ed  any  advantage  by  their  respective  negotia- 

upon  Hugh's 

return.  tions.  The  arduous  task  of  governing  Italy, 
the  troubles  in  Germany,  and  the  well  deserved 
hostility  of  the  oppressed  Sclavonian  nations, 
prevented  Otho  from  taking  any  share  in  French 
affairs.  Not  merely  were  the  dealings  with  Otho 
profitless,  but  they  made  matters  worse.  Lothaire 
had  affronted  Hugh  Capet,  by  the  breach  of  the 
alliance :  and  Lothaire's  dread  of  the  Capet,  and 
consequently  his  antipathy  against  the  Capet, 
acquired  greater  intensity.  On  Hugh's  return,  a 
state  of  complete  anarchy  ensued. — No  bloodshed, 
no  fighting,  but  so  many  dissensions  amongst  the 
nobles  and  great  men,  such  plots  and  counterplots, 
that  all  the  powers  of  government  were  para- 
lysed. Great  oppressions  were  inflicted  upon 
the  common  people.  And,  many  of  the  clergy, 
the  class  who  usually  maintained  good  order 
during  civil  dissensions,  peace-makers,  where  no 
magistrate  could  reach,  were  unfortunately  im- 
plicated in  the  troubles,  particularly  Adalbero 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  857 

and  Asceline.  Political  doctrines  inspired  the  *»-*tf 
lofty  minded  Primate  in  favour  of  the  Capets,  ^j^jp 
The  base  Asceline  was  stimulated  against  the 
Carlovingians  by  profligacy  and  personal  anti- 
pathy.— Hugh's  time  was  coming.  But  the 
time  had  not  come.  Men  feared  to  wield  the 
sword  against  the  sceptre :  and  Hugh  concurred 
in  a  step  apparently  detrimental  to  his  own 
interest ;  but  Hugh  knew  better. 

§  72.  Save  and  except  when  describing  the 
young  Prince's  portraiture  limned  in  his  Mother's 
Psalter,  we  have  never  found  the  means  of 
mentioning  Louis,  Lothaire's  only  surviving 
legitimate  son.  Hitherto,  wholly  unnoticed  by 
all  historians,  he  now  suddenly  becomes  very 
prominent  in  the  character  of  a  youth,  as  yet 
untaught  by  experience,  but  shrewd,  observant,  SjX^m, 
and  fully  possessing  the  qualifications  which  SL^SSi. 
might  render  him  an  efficient  Sovereign.  His 
father  therefore  became  anxious  that  the  succes- 
sion should  be  forthwith  secured  to  Charlemagne's 
descendant.  Two  opponents,  however,  threat- 
ened to  thwart  the  parent's  reasonable  desires. 
Charles  had  never  waived  his  reversionary  claims 
to  the  sovereignty;  and  that  all  but  declared 
rival,  the  Capet,  was  still  more  to  be  dreaded. 

Hugh  however  entered  with  apparent  cor- 
diality into  Lothaire's  schemes.  The  Nobles 
were  convened  at  Compiegne,  the  Palace  assigned 
to  the  Fils  de  France  as  his  residence.  The 
proposition,  that  Louis  should  be  elevated  to 


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858         LOUIS  d'outremer,  lothaike,  &c. 
m-wn  the  royal  dignity,  was  accepted  by  acclamation. 


* — * — .  On  the  following  Pentecost,  he  was  proclaimed 

98i-     by  Bishop  Adalbero,  but  though  he  received  the 

S^eTw    royal  title,  the  rite  of  consecration  was  withheld. 

King.  "  7 

How  were  the  Father  and  the  Son  to  govern  ? 
Were  they  to  be  coparceners  ? — May  be,  rivals  ? 
It  was  therefore  judged  expedient,  that,  accor- 
ding to  the  antient  Oarlovingian  precedents,  (the 
first  examples  having  been  given  by  the  great 
Emperor  himself,)  each  should  reign  over  a  sepa- 
rate Realm.    But  where  could  an  adequate  terri- 
tory be  found  ?    Lothaire  had  assuredly  none  to 
spare. — Complicated  intrigues  followed. — It  was 
hinted  by  the  procurers  who  haunted  the  Court, 
that  a  wealthy  widow  was  waiting  for  a  wooer  ; 
and  Emma  yielded  to  the  suggestion,  that  the 
readiest  mode  of  advancing  her  son,  would  be 
awumrtan-  managed  by  his  marriage  with  the  relict  of  Ray- 
$  lXE^  mond  Pons,  Count  of  Toulouse,  (long  since  de- 
ceased,) who  had  been  the  first  to  acknowledge 
the  authority  of  Louis  d'Outremer. 

No  clue  has  been  found  conducting  the 
genealogical  enquirer  to  the  ancestors  of  this 
Dowager  Countess,  and  four  names  are  ascribed 
to  her.  —  Constance,  Blanche,  Blandina,  and 
Adela.  The  first  name,  not  uncommon  in  the 
Langue  d'oc,  was  probably  the  babe's  Baptismal 
designation; — the  second  and  third,  were,  we 
apprehend,  derived  from  the  once  tender  damsel's 
fair  complexion: — the  last,  seems  to  be  the 
epithet  so  often  assumed  or  bestowed  as  a  token 


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BICHABD  SANS  FEUR.  859 

of  dignity,    Constance  Adela  was  very  opulent ;   m-m 
could  the  young  King  obtain  her  hand  and  her  , — * — i 
possessions,  which  extended  into  Auvergne,  such 
an  establishment  might  enable  Lothaire  to  follow 
Charlemagne's   example,  and  bestow  upon  his 
son  the  Aquitanian  Kingdom. 

The  scheme  promised  great  political  advan- 
tages. It  was  argued  that  the  Capet,  shut  up, 
between  France  on  the  north  and  Aquitaine  on 
the  south,  would  be  effectually  restrained  by 
these  Carlovingian  positions,  Hugh's  vexation, 
when  the  speculation  came  to  his  knowledge,  tes- 
tified that  these  reasonings  were  not  groundless : 
but  he  held  his  tongue ;  and,  indeed,  a  wise  man, 
an  old  statesman,  and  an  old  soldier,  couid  easily 
anticipate  that  such  a  union  of  Spring  and 
Autumn,  January  and  October,  was  not  likely  to 
produce  either  fruit  or  flowers. 

Full  royally  did  the  two  Kings,  the  senior 
and  the  junior,  proceed  to  Brioude  on  the  Allier, 
where  Constance  resided;  bearing  with  them 
from  Charlemagne's  Treasure  House,  the  Aqui- 
tanian Diadem.  The  parties  were  strangers  to 
each  other,  but  the  marriage  came  off  without 
difficulty  and  without  thought.  There  may  have 
been  traditions  of  the  Queen's  beauty,  though 
reckoning  according  to  the  data  deduced  from  JJJJg1;^ 
what  we  know  concerning  her  first  husband's mMrilge' 
death,  more  than  half-a-century  must  have 
elapsed,  since  she  was  rocked  in  her  cradle ;  nor 
had  her  advancing  age  sweetened  her  temper,  or 


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.    860        louis  d'outremer,  lothaire,  &c. 

«5»-»7  matured  her  principles.    As  for  Louis,  the  exu- 
'osi-1986*  ^erant  stripling  ran  riot. 

At  this  era,  the  Aquitanians  constituted  a 

distinct  nation,  much  richer,  and  consequently 

more  profligate,  than  the  comparatively  sober 

Misconduct  inhabitants  of  the  Langue  d'oc.    The  vile  im- 

of  Louis—  ° 

Jwffi1-1  morality  of  the  Troubadour  age  was  already  in 
course  of  developement ;  Lothaire's  Louis  yielded 
to  the  contagion,  like  Louis-le-Debonnaire's  un- 
happy Pepin.  Seduced  by  the  example  and 
society  of  his  merry  rampant  subjects,  and  fol- 
lowing unhappy  Pepin's  precedent,  he  adopted  the 
Aquitanian  costume,  much  to  the  offence  of  the 
French,  who  considered  this  compliance  as  de- 
rogating from  the  dignity  of  his  antient  lineage. 

During  the  Honeymoon — alas!  occasionally 
the  lamentable  introduction  to  the  wasp's  nest, 
— the  faded  Queen  fondled  her  young  husband. 
But  desperate  quarrels  broke  out  between  them. 
After  very  brief  cohabitation,  they  divorced  them- 
selves a  mensa  et  tkoro,  without  troubling  Pope, 
Archbishop  or  Bishop.  One  house  could  not 
hold  the  two.  They  would  not  even  meet  under 
the  same  roof:  and,  when  it  became  needful  that 
they  should  confer  with  one  another  on  public  af- 
fairs, their  interviews  were  held  in  the  open  air. 

Louis  wasted  the  royal  revenues.  His  House- 
hold broke  up.  His  troops  did  not  wait  to  be 
disbanded.  Lothaire  re-called  the  young  King. 
Louis  would  not  hear  the  call.  His  father  there- 
fore advanced  to  Aquitaine,  supported  by  a  large 


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961—986 


RICHABD  SANS  PETJR.  861 

body  of  cavalry,   and   brought   the   turbulent   059-997 
young  Prince  away.     Louis  was  sent  back  to 
Compiegne.    Here,  recovering  from  the  intoxicar 
tion  of  youth,  his  sagacious  conduct  showed  that 
lie  had  become  an  acute  observer  of  the  world. 
He  learnt  to  appreciate  his  advantages,  and  still 
more  his  dangers  :  and  he  fully  qualified  himself 
to  escape,  when  the  time  should  arrive,  from  the 
tantalising  situation  of  a  nominal  Bang.     As  for   fl8l_982 
Constance,  still  worth  having,  she  separated  her-  JSSuS? 
self  effectually  from  her  second  husband,  by-6*"**- 
taking  a  third,  Guillaume  Count  of  Aries. 

§  73.  About  this  period,  Otho's  fortune 
turned.  Greeks  and  Saracens  defeated  him  be- 
fore Squillace,  and  by  a  most  humiliating  flight, 
he  saved  his  life,  but  forfeited  his  honour.  A 
vile  affront  given  by  Teutonic  protervity  to  the 
noble  Mistewoi,  the  King  of  the  Wends,  lost 
Otho  the  Sclavonian  Marches ;  and,  at  least  two 
centuries  elapsed,  ere  that  frontier  bulwark  was 
reunited  to  the  Empire.  % 

The  young  Emperor's  strength  yielded  to 
bodily  fatigue,  and  troubles  of  mind.  Mental 
and  corporeal  diseases,  aggravated  by  his  own 
rashness,  terminated  his  earthly  career.  When 
on  his  death-bed,  the  Pontiff  the  Bishops  and 
the  Priests  entered  the  chamber,  and  he,  raising 
his  voice,  repeated  the  Creeds  in  the  Latin 
tongue,  and  expired.  They  erected  his  tombfles-Dec.7. 
within  Saint  Peter's  Atrium.  The  superstruc-gJJ^1-* 
ture  has  perished,  but  his  sarcophagus  was  pre- 


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862         LOUIS  d'outbemer,  lothaele,  &c. 

s^OOL  served,  and  you  may  see  it  in  the  crypt  below. — 
'asilflaj'  Thus  has  the  second  Otho  departed ;    and  the 
third  and  last,  a  boy  who  had  scarcely  emerged 
from  infancy,  appears  on  the  throne. 

Pursuant  to  his  father's  testament  the  Corona- 
tion of  the  child  was  effected  without  opposition  at 
983_     Aix-la-Chapelle.     This  tranquil  accession  how- 
o£Tt?ou-  ever,  only  preluded  great  troubles  and  distur- 
»«7-     "  bances  throughout  the  Realm.    The  Archbishop 
of  Cologne  was  empowered  to  act  as  Guardian  by 
the  late  Emperor,  until  Adelaide  and  Theophania 
could  return  from  Italy.    But  Theophania  was 
very  unpopular :  her  foreign  manners  had  always 
displeased  the  Germans;  and  still  more  offensive 
were  the  bitter  words  which,  after  the  massacre 
of  Squillace,  escaped  her  in  depreciation   of 
Teutonic  valour. 

Moreover,  the  people  were  wearied  out  by 
the  long  continuance  of  female  influence.  The 
worthy  Teutscher,  like  John  Knox,  could  not 
abide  the  "regiment  of  women,"  and,  according  to 
popular  opinion,  that  opinion  supplementing  the 
law,  the  civil  state  of  the  female  sex  in  Germany 
^nry  the  approximated  to  perpetual  pupillage.  Henry 
B^St!1"  the  Quarreller  assumed  the  Regency ;  but,  other 
parties  arose,  and  the  Empire  was  involved  in 
great  confusion. 

Lothaire  immediately  availed  himself  of  the 
opportunity  offered  by  these  dissensions;  and 
Henry  was  not  unwilling  to  purchase  Lothaire's 
alliance,  or  at  least  his  forbearance,  by  surren- 


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MCHAKD  SANS  FEDB.  863 

Bering  the  superiority    of   Lorraine.    But  he   w*-*rr 
either  retracted  his  promise,  or  could  not  dare  - — - — * 
to   perform  it.    Lothaire  commenced  hostilities. 
The  Lotharingian  Nobles,  Godfrey  Count  of  the 
Ardennes  at  their    head,  raised   the    country  JSSS2u 
against ,  him.      The    Lotharingians    responded  «j^P£<£- 
heartily. —  Lothaire  advanced   with  his  forces 
as  far  as   the  Vosges.     But   the   boors  and 
peasantry  sturdily  defended   the   land, — trees 
felled,  —  dykes     cut,  —  fields    flooded, — roads 
blocked  up, — detachments  hurrying  and  scurry- 
ing amongst  the  rocks  and  hills, — ambushments 
stationed, — bolts  and  arrows  darted  incessantly, 
— but  the  assailants  invisible ; — never  could  the 
French  get  sight  of  the  enemy. 

Lothaire  returned  home,  baffled  but  not  dis- 
heartened,— not  even  by  the  distressing  rumours 
resounding  throughout  France.  All  the  former 
charges  against  the  profligacy  of  the  Court  were 
revived ;  and,  again  people  jeered  or  groaned  at 
the  names  of  Queen  Emma  and  Bishop  Asceline.  jggj* 
But  Lothaire,  whether  acting  cunningly ;  or  con- 
fiding in  Emma's  innocence;  or  fascinated  by  her 
charms,  never  altered  his  conduct  towards  her. 
She  however  was  much  troubled,  and  another 
passionate  letter  addressed  to  her  mother,  speaks 
the  language  of  calumniated  innocence. 

Lothaire  steadily  adhered  to  his  plans  of 
regaining  the  invaluable  border-land  of  Lorraine. 
He  bought  over  the  Vermandois  family,  Eudes 
and  Herbert,  by  granting  to  them  the  lands  of 


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085- 
Continiuuice 


864         LOUIS  d'outbemer,  lothaire,  &c. 

mo-087  an  Uncle,  who  had  lately  died   childless ;     a 
transaction  shewing  how  stiffly  the  King  held  the 
royal  fiefs ;  and  they,  advising  with  Lothaire,  it 
was   agreed  that  another   Lorraine  expedition 
should  be  commenced  by  attempting  Verdun. 
Verdun,  though  a  place  advantageously  situ- 
LoSSnT^ated  for  defence,  and  well  fortified,  held    out 
iS£k     onty  f°r  e*&kt  days:  and,  the  City  thus  gained, 
Lothaire  gave  a  singular  proof  either  of    de- 
served confidence  or  absolute  dotage.     He  left 
Emma    in    command    until    he    could  resume 
operations.     But  a  transient   reverse  ensued. 
Emma  was  driven  out,  and  we  soon  find  God- 
frey of  the  Ardennes  holding  the  City  against 
the  Bang;    Lothaire  immediately  re-assembled 
his  army,  and,  furnished  with  a  large  train  of 
artillery,  stormed  the  place,  and  Verdun  became 
entirely  his  own.     Winter  compelled  the  cessa- 
tion of  warlike  movements;  but  the  season  of 
activity  would  come  round,  and  he  prepared  for 
the  active  spring-tide,  collecting  troops,  and  con- 
sidering plans  and  measures  for  extending  his 
realm,  and  encreasing  his  power.     Such  was  his 
energy,  that  even  the  Capet  might  fear  him,  and 
wish  to  be  rid  of  him. 

Spring  broke  out  early ;  the  weather  genial, 
perhaps  prematurely  so.  Lothaire,  who  hitherto 
we  have  never  met  otherwise  than  in  fairly  good 
health,  suddenly  fell  ill.  Some  said  the  weather 
was  unhealthy.  Richerius  who  had  studied 
medicine,  minutely  describes  the  symptoms  of 


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RICHARD  8ANS  PEUR.  865 

the  complaint.      Lothaire  sent  for  Louis,  who   *•-«? 
came  to  him  without  delay ;    and,    receiving  '^^ 
his   father's    advice   and    counsel,  returned  to 

—  060 

Compiegne.      The  disease    was    attended  with  £*»£•£_ 
great  distress  and  suffering;   and  on  the  feast SSC* 
of  Saint  Sulpitius,  Lothaire  died  in  the  fifty- 
fourth  year  of  his  age. 

A  very  awful  impression  was  created  by  this 
event ;  loud  the  lamentations,  much  grief,  much 
horror.  A  universal  belief  prevailed  that  Lo- 
thaire had  been  poisoned. — Who,  the  Murderers  ? 
— Two  were  publicly  charged  with  the  crime. 

Unprecedently  solemn,  nay  almost  ostenta-  Sa/£££L 
tious  was  the  funeral.  Clad  in  the  royal  robes, 
the  corpse  was  covered  or  concealed  by  a  purple 
pall,  richly  embroidered  with  gems  and  orfray. 
The  chiefest  Nobles  bore  the  bier ;  Prelates  and. 
Clergy  led  the  procession,  bearing  the  Gospel 
books  and  Crosses,  and  intoning  the  dirge.  The 
Crown  and  other  royal  Insignia  followed  the 
deceased  Monarch,  and  very  lengthened  was  the 
lugubrious  train. 

Upon  his  death-bed,  the  child  of  Louis  and 
of  Gerberga,  had  directed  that  he  should  be 
interred  by  the  side  of  his  father  and  his 
mother,  and  the  cortege  proceeded  slowly  to 
Rheims.  He  was  deposited  in  the  Abbey 
Church  of  Saint  Remigius,  according  to  his 
desire.  But  where  was  Lothaire's  wife  ?  and 
where  Lothaire's  son?  Did  Emma  nurse  him 
during  his  last  sickness?    or  was  she  present 

vol.  n.  3  K 


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866         louis  d'outremeb,  lothaire,  Ac. 

«»-»87   when  he  died? — No — Nor   was     Louis    in   hi. 

'-jjjj^jp  place  at  the  interment,  ready  to  join   as  Chiei 
mourner,  when  the  corpse  was  lowered  into  the 
grave,  and  perhaps  receive  the  hinted  congra- 
tulations given  under  the  breath.      JLiOuis,  how- 
ever,  could  exonerate  himself  from    all  charges 
of  dishonouring  his  father's  memory".      He  had 
obeyed  the  call  of  his  dying  parent,  and  had  re- 
ceived his  advice;  and  we  shall  find  him  at 
his  proper  post. — As  for  Emma,  we   meet  the 
miserable  woman  but  once  again. 

The9^-        Affairs  had  now  reached  that  point,  when 

lion  of  Lonii.  •rr       .       ^~ 

Hugh  Capet  might,  without  farther  difficulty, 
have  ascended  the  throne.     But  he   abstained 
from  any  violent  usurpation,  and  concurred  with 
the  other  Nobles  in  proclaiming  the  young  Low's 
as  his  father's  successor.    Louis  was  universally 
recognized.     The  Lieges  flocked  in,  tendering 
their  fealty:   and  now,  the  two  Parties  which 
divided  the  aristocracy,  surrounding  the  King, 
perplexed  him  by  discordant  suggestions.    The 
Legitimists    urged    him    to    exercise    all    his 
royal  rights,  reside  in  his  own  Palace,  seek  no 
Protector,  and  present  himself  as  an  indepen- 
dent Sovereign.    The  Revolutionists  attempted 
to  shake  the  young  man's  confidence  in  him- 
self.   Their  language  verged  upon  disrespect. 
He    must    accept    the   Capet's   tutelage.     He 
would     profit    by    this    submission.      Unless 
supported  by  the  Capet,  the  Moderator  of  the 
Realm,  could  he  stand  ? 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  867 

Louis  listened  attentively  to  these  advisers,    w-w 
needing  none.      He  had   fully   resolved   upon  - — * — » 
his  course:   and  rendering  all  due  honour  to 
Duke  Hugh,  displayed  equal  courage  and  ac-  JSSiitS?— 
tivity.     Having  first  consulted   privately  withjgjjj^ 
the  Capet,  he  then  publicly  summoned  the  Duke  aJSmaop 

17  r  J  Adalbero  of 

of  France  and  a  select  number  of  the  Nobles,  ££h  Tre*- 
and  required  them  to  co-operate  with  him.  He 
unhesitatingly  and  boldly  accused  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Rheims,  as  his  father's  worst  enemy. 
It  was  Adalbero  who  had  aided  the  Germans 
in  their  designs. — It  was  Adalbero  who  had 
conducted  boastful  Otho  to  the  gates  of  Paris. 
— It  was  Adalbero  who  had  afforded  him  the 
means  of  a  safe  retreat. — And  Adalbero  must 
be  punished  for  his  misdeeds. 

Hugh  and  his  party  remonstrated  against 
the  King's  determination,  but  none  dared  dis- 
obey. Powerful  as  they  were,  they  cowered 
beneath  the  royal  authority,  and  dreaded  the 
penalties  of  treason. 

Had  Gerberga  been  living,  she  might  have  Adjn>«<> 
rejoiced  in   her    grand-child's    vigour.  —  Louis  JEST*" 
having  been  enabled  to  raise  a  large  army,  in-  S^Bhiiini 
vested    Rheims.      Hugh  conjoined  his   forces, 
probably  comforting  himself  with  the  persua- 
sion, that,  by  protesting  against  the  impeach- 
ment of   the  Archbishop,  he  had  exonerated 
himself  from  complicity  with  the  King.     Mes- 
sengers were    despatched  to  the  Prelate.     If 
Adalbero  would  answer  the  charges  preferred 

3  K  2 


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868  LOUIS  iyODTREMEB,  LOTHA1RE,  &C. 

o»-*r7   against  him,  and  clear  himself,  giving  main- 
< — * — » pernors  in  the  meanwhile  to  secure  his  appear- 

981—966 

ance  before  the  Court,  the  King  would  accept  his 
iiihSj^"  submission.     Otherwise,  he  must  expect  to  be 

ball  for  hli  7  X 

to  SSSSrlke  treated  with  the  utmost  rigour. 

dur8*'  The  Archbishop  behaved  proudly,  paraded  his 

loyalty ;  rebuked  Louis  as  one  who  gave  credit 
to  accusations  which  were  neither  proved  nor  sus- 
ceptible of  proof.  If  Louis,  required  a  judicial 
examination,  was  it  decorous  that  his  obedience 
should  be  extorted.  Why  should  his  attendance 
be  enforced  by  menaces  ?  But  the  bail  was  pro- 
duced and  a  day  appointed  at  Senlis  for  the 
Session  of  the  Tribunal, — the  third  week  in  May. 

j^nyot        Adalbero  duly  repaired  to  Senlis,  for  the 

NobS^"4  purpose  of  making  his    defence.    The  Nobles 

Benlla  for  the  r       r  ° 

ArohbUhop'i  composing  the  Court,  in  which  the  successor 
of  Clovis  was  to  arraign  the  successor  of 
Saint  Eemy,  thronged  the  City.  But,  during 
that  third  week  in  May,  the  trial  before  the 
Bang  and  Nobles  being  close  at  hand,  Louis 
went  forth  to  hunt.  His  foot  slipped. — How 
and  where,  and  in  what  manner,  we  know  not. — 
This  trivial  accident  is  said  to  have  occasioned 

SShtf      a  severe  internal  injury.     But  Louis  sickened 


**•  also,  a  raging  fever  attacked  him,  and,  just  when 
the  Archbishop  was  about  to  be  brought  to  the 
bar,  he,  the  King,  expired  in  great  agony. 

It  was  immediately  reported  that  Louis  had 
been  poisoned ;  and  the  murder  was  strangely 
imputed  to  an  individual  who  had  neither  any 
reason  for  the  crime,  nor  any  opportunity  of 

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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  869    " 

perpetrating  it ;  Constance, — his  divorced  wife,  .^y967, 
— the  Countess  of  Aries.  Suspicions  engender  '^l^ ' 
suspicions.  In  all  cases  where  our  powers  of 
investigation  are  completely  at  fault,  it  is  very 
difficult  to  avoid  indulging  in  counter-conjectures 
which  cannot  be  strengthened  by  any  evidence. 
Yet  we  might  be  inclined  to  suppose  that  Con: 
stance  was  named  in  order  to  divert  public 
attention  from  some  other  prominent  personage. 

§  74.  Hugh  and  the  Nobles. who  assumed JS^!7 
the  powers  of  Government,  conducted  themselves  SSu^Jt 

x  '  Campiegne. 

with  indecent  haste.  During  his  last  agonies, 
Louis  had  expressed  the  wish  that  he  should 
rest  by  his  Father's  side  at  Rheims.  But  the 
Capetian  Managers  would  not  separate,  until 
they  had  fully  settled  their  course  of  proceed- 
ings :  and,  Archbishop  Adalbero  officiating,  Louis 
was  interred  at  Compiegne. 

A  strange  mutation  of  positions  now  ensued. 
The  Throne  being  vacant,  the  powers  of  election 
devolved  on  the  States  of  the  Realm,  but,  Adal- 
bero, their  lawful  President,  laboured  under  a 
charge  scarcely  distinguishable  from  high  trea- 
son. It  was  in  order  to  stand  his  trial  as  a 
criminal,  that  he  had  taken  up  his  residence 
at  Senlis,  nor  could  he  be  rehabilitated  in  the 
exercise  of  his  constitutional  functions,  until 
cleared  from  the  impending  accusation.  The 
Nobles  also,  had  been  specially  summoned  for 
the  peculiar  occasion  of  Adalbero's  Trial,  and 
not  as  a  constituent  assembly. 

Hugh  Capet,  taking  the  lead,  explained  the 


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870  LOUIS  DWJTEEMER,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

wo-as?   situations  of  the  respective  parties.     Louis    was 
'     *     »  dead :  but  the  suit  had  been  instituted,   and  it 

981 — 985  w 

must  be  terminated  in  legal  form.     Notwith- 
j.put.^0    standing  the    demise    of   the    late    King,    the 
u.  trial.     court  was  0pen  to  any  Prosecutor:    Let  such 
a  one  come  forward  fearlessly :  yet,  bearing  in 
mind,  that  should  a  false  charge  be  preferred, 
the  calumny   would   be    visited  with  condign 
punishment. — This  merciful  warning  of  the  dan- 
ger which  might  befall  an  accuser,  produced  dae 
nj^ppjJ;  effect.    Proclamation  was  made.    The  Appellant 
£mwhl^dwas  called  once; — no   answer.  —  Twice;  —  no 

from  acoiua- 

*»<*•         answer. — Thrice; — no    answer. — Hugh     Capet 
accordingly  gave  judgment  forthwith,  that  the 
suit  had  abated:  and  the  Archbishop  having  thus 
received  a  plenary  absolution  in  the  eye  of  the 
law,  asserted  his  constitutional  pre-eminence  as 
President,  and  addressed  the  Convention. 
^ventfon         Without   any  great   strain  of  principle  or 
p^htion   palpable  unfairness,  circumstances  enabled  Adal- 

of  Adalbero.  i  .^ 

bero  to  give  Hugh  great  advantages.  The 
attendance  of  members  was  scanty,  he  there- 
fore intimated  the  propriety  of  postponement, 
until  a  proper  Cour  Pleniere  could  be  held.  But, 
at  the  same  time,  he  moved  that  they  should 
pledge  themselves  to  abstain  from  any  proceed- 
ings in  the  nature  of  an  election,  until  re-con- 
vened. They  entered  into  the  required  engage- 
ment, and  separated,  appointing  a  day  for  the 
meeting  of  the  Prelates  and  Nobles,  the  national 
representatives.     This  was  a   needful  precau- 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  '  871 

tion  for  the  prevention  of  cabals :   nor,  consi-  m-m 
dering  Hugh's  acknowledged  pre-eminence,  could  < — * — * 
it  be  considered  as  very  unfair  that  the  oath 
of  obedience  should  be  given  to  Adalbero  and 
to  Hugh  Capet  ? 

Charles,  virtually  disinherited,  conducted  2E25W 
himself  prudently.  Under  this  great  strait,  ap-«^S^ 
pearing  before  the  Archbishop,  whom  he  acknow- 
ledged in  the  capacity  of  President,  he  presented 
his  claims  as  grounded  upon  his  lawful  rights, 
whilst,  at  the  same  time,  he  tried  to  interest  the 
Prelate's  feelings.  Adalbero's  language  was 
scurrilous.  He  was  insolently  obstinate.  Charles 
did  not  waste  any  further  time  in  discussion,  but 
hastened  to  Lotharingia,  where  his  strength  was 
principally  to  be  found.  The  sympathies  of  the 
Nobles  were  generally  with  him.  Many  ad- 
herents joined  him;  the  ball  encreased  as  it 
rolled  on,  and  no  small  proportion  of  those  now 
quiescent,  were  waiting  to  favour  his  cause  as 
soon  as  fortune  should  favour  him. 

But,  in  the  meanwhile,  the  Throne  was  filled.  fizJSr* 
The  Estates  assembled  at  Senlis,  and  all  whol&S?*8* 
acknowledged  fealty  to  Hugh,  or  espoused  his 
cause,  were  there. 

First  and  foremost,  the  most  powerful,  the 
most  obedient,  the  most  affectionate  amongst 
his  liegemen,  Eichard,  Duke  of  Normandy, 
so  emphatically  recorded  as  pre-eminently  aid- 
ing his  brother-in-law  to  ascend  the  Throne. 
Archbishop  Adalbero  addressed  the  Assembly. 


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872  LOUIS  iyOUTREMEB,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

859-987   Sixty  years  since,  the  constitutional  theory  of 
'  981-987 s  *^e  French  Monarchy  assumed  that  the  supreme 
authority,  though  not  strictly  grounded  upon 
hereditary  right,    was   nevertheless    vested  in 
the  Oarlovingian  family.     But   public  opinion 
was  now  modified.    The  absolute  necessity  of 
Monarchical    government    was    maintained    as 
firmly  as  ever;  though  the  principle  of  inde- 
feasible right  was  repudiated. 
AJmbfof        Adalbero  substantially  preached  the  doctrine 
scnu^Aid!  of  the  "grot  vilain?  adopting  as  .a  fundamental 

bero  assert*  •        •-*-»  ••       '  i  ,  - 

S«^?e0f  Prmcipl^  that  the  people's  voice  is  the  real 
source  of  power.  But  he  argued  soberly.  The 
privilege  of  the  Nation  was  to  be  exercised  judi- 
cially, and  not  arbitrarily,  nor  called  into  action 
otherwise  than  for  just  cause.  The  Chief  of  the 
Commonwealth  should  be  qualified  by  bodily 
vigour,  superadded  to  nobility  of  the  soul. — 
Bold,  wise,  faithful,  magnanimous. — What  were 
the  lessons  taught  by  the  history  of  the  World's 
Masters  ?  How  many  Emperors  of  illustrious 
race  forfeited  their  power  by  their  unworthiness, 
and  had  been  succeeded,  sometimes  by  their  in- 
feriors in  rank,  sometimes  by  their  equals  ? — 
nor  did  this  latter  circumstance  impugn  the 
popular  franchise.  Birth  and  blood,  though  acci- 
dents, are  important  accidents  :  nay,  needful  for 
the  benefit  of  the  Commonwealth.  And  thus  was 
Adalbero  employing  the  accustomed  political 
device,  of  applying  the  general  argument  to  the 
special  case  you  advocate;   and  he  turned  his 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  873 

reasonings   at  once  in   favour  of  Hugh,  who,  .M^w. 
though    he    might   depend    upon  his   personal  '^^ 
merits,   was,  as   Adalbero   insisted,    singularly 
distinguished  by  his  descent  and  nobility. 

Compare,  continued  the  Archbishop,  the  wise  aSw* 

address  In 

and  active  representative  of  Robert-le-Fort  with*™™0' 
Charles,  the  contemptible  Pretender.  Slothful, 
untrustworthy,  so  dull  and  fatuous,  that  he  had 
unreluctantly  disgraced  himself  by  becoming  the 
vassal  of  a  foreign  king,  nay  worse,  espoused  a 
subordinate  vassal's  daughter.  Could  Hugh 
Capet  endure  that  a  woman  of  such  low  birth 
should  become  a  Queen;  and,  as  Queen,  rule 
over  him? — Could  the  Duke  of  France  and 
Burgundy  condescend  to  walk  in  the  train  of 
one  whose  father  had  kissed  a  Sovereign's  knees, 
and  placed  his  hands  beneath  the  soles  of  a 
Sovereign's  feet  ? — The  rejection  of  Charles  was 
a  punishment  earned  by  his  offences  and  follies. 
If  they  sought  the  ruin  of  the  Commonwealth, 
let  them  choose  Charles,  if  the  Commonwealth's 
prosperity — Hugh  Capet. 

Hugh  was  accepted  by  acclamation ;  and,  on  gw rt Jmw 
the  first  day  of  June,  his  Coronation,  the  Arch-N^L? ftt 
bishop  officiating,  was  solemnized  at  Noyon.  A 
great  Council  was  convened,  those  whom  we  may 
call  Peers,  received  a  regular  writ  of  summons, 
and  representatives  attended  from  all  the 
Southern  and  Eastern  provinces  of  the  kingdom. 
French,  Armoricans,  Danes,  Goths  and  Gascons, 
nay,  from  the  Spanish  marches.    But  the  rites 


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874  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

950-W7  were  maimed.     Some  say  that  a  second  corona- 
- — * —  tion  took  place  at  Rheims.    It  is  doubtful  where 

98«-988  r 

Hugh  received  the  royal  unction,  or  even  whether 
the  Crown  was  ever  placed  upon  his  brows.  The 
oaths  constituting  the  compact  between  the  Mug 
and  the  people  were  omitted.  We  are  told  by 
modern  writers  that  the  Capet,  peculiarly  courting 
the  Clergy's  favour,  granted  to  them  a  special 
confirmation  of  their  privileges.  But  the  state* 
ment  is  unsupported  by  evidence :  the  documents 
from  which  this  inference  is  drawn,  being  the 
usual  declarations  in  favour  of  particular  mon- 
jimjk  July,  asteries.  But  he  who  had  been  raised  to  the 
S^n%o  ^rone  ^  the  disclaimer  of  hereditary  right,  now 
££*S1> ^  peremptorily  demanded,  that  by  virtue  of  that 
very  right,  the  succession  should  be  secured  to 
Robert,  his  only  son  and  heir. — The  King  must 
be  the  father  of  a  King. 

The  Nobles  assented  to  Hugh's  instant  re- 
quest,— not  so,  Adalbero,  who  demurred.  He 
hesitated  upon  the  ground,  that,  according  to 
an  antient  constitutional  rule,  two  Kings  could 
not  be  created  within  one  and  the  same  year. 

If  such  a  rule  really  existed,  it  may  have 
been  motived  with  the  intent  of  securing  a  dis- 
tinct precedence  to  the  senior,  thus  obviating  the 
difficulties  which  might  arise,  were  an  entire 
parity  of  title  claimed  by  or  for  the  occupants 
of  the  throne.  But  Hugh  was  prepared  to  give 
a  ready  answer.  He  produced  a  letter  from 
Borell,  Count  of  Barcelona,  whilom  Gerbert's 


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RICHABD  SANS  FEUR. 


875 


patron,   supplicating  aid  against  the  Saracens.    <w-»i 
These  Miscreants  were  extending  their  ravages  ^^p 
throughout   Spain:   and,  unless  sufficient  help 
were  speedily  given,  the  whole  Peninsula  would 
pass  under  the  Mahometan  yoke. 

Hugh  intimated  that  France  was  bound  to 
take  her  share  in  this  defensive  war;  and  he 
therefore  represented  that  the  urgencies  of  the 
State  required  a  departure  from  the  constitu- 
tional rule  quoted  by  Adalbero.  Eobert  must 
be  associated  to  his  father,  in  order  that  if  either 
fell  in  the  fight,  a  Commander-in-chief  should  re- 
main to  the  Army.  Moreover,  were  Hugh  slain, 
dissensions  and  disturbances  might  arise,  and 
desolation  fall  upon  the  entire  kingdom. 

Yielding  to  these  arguments,  the  Metropo-  fgj^jf7 
litan  assented,  but  not  immediately.  During  ^SSl"* 
the  following  winter,  a  Convention  of  the  Nobles 
assembled  at  Orleans.  On  the  Feast  of  the 
Nativity,  Robert  appeared  in  the  Cathedral,  clad 
in  purple;  and  was  proclaimed  as  Bang  from 
the  Meuse  to  the  Ocean ;  or  in  other  words,  from 
Eastern  Lorraine  to  Western  Normandy  and 
the  dependent  Armorica:  —  an  unusual  style, 
but  very  significant  of  the  pretensions  raised 
by  the  Capet.  The  Crown  was  placed  upon 
Robert's  head.  The  cheers  of  the  people  ratified 
his  accession.  And  now,  the  chimes  of  the  Nine, 
the  Eight,  and  the  Seven  had  completely  run 

OUt. — HlC  DEFECEBUNT  REGES  DE  STIRPE  KaROIX 


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876  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER,  LOTHA1RE,  &C. 

«»-*»         AND  THUS  was  the  third  Dynasty  founded, 

* — * — .  destined  to  reign  until  their  domination  should 

be  subverted  by  the  operation  of  the  doctrines, 

the  principles,  nay  the  very  vices,  out  of  which 

their   power   arose.      But    the  strife   had  not 

p^rei     concluded.     Charles  forthwith  appealed  to  his 

vigorously 

ronulrt  friends  and  connexions,  the  Vermandois  princes, 
not  merely  for  his  own  sake,  but  for  the  sake 
of  his  children.  The  new  Carlovingian  party  en- 
creased  ;  high  and  low  joined  him,  probably  from 
his  Belgic  dominions,  where  the  military  and  the 
industrial  arts  were  already  flourishing,  doughty 
warriors  and  skilful  artillerymen,  bowyers  and 
fletchers,  and  trained  arbalisters.  And,  in  this 
last  convulsive  struggle,  the  Duke  of  Lorraine, 
displaying  a  spirit  worthy  of  his  ancestry, 
resumed  the  contest  with  unbroken  energy. 

As  yet,  the  Capets  had  not  advanced  beyond 
their  Duchy,  they  were  Bangs  of  Paris  and  of 
Orleans,  but  no  more.     Charles  determined  to  be 

pSSS^a  Kmg  of  Laon.  The  antient  seat  of  royalty  was 
in  the  possession  of  the  Count-Bishop  Asceline, 
who,  dwelling  in  the  Tower,  assumed  the  state 
appertaining   to    his   episcopal    and    temporal 

Emma  iiv«  authority :  and   should  we,  or  should  we  not, 

line.  marvel  to  learn,  that  he  had  for  his  companion 
the  dowager  Queen  of  France,  the  Widow  of 
Lothaire,  Emma? — Was  she  displaying  the  un- 
daunted confidence  of  innocence?  or,  did  she 
brazen  out  her  infamy  ? 

Laon  defied  assault,  but  an  easier  way  of 


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RICHARD  SANS  PBUR.  877 

entry    was    opened    by   the    dissensions   pre-    0*7-991 
vailing  between  Asceline  and  his  flock.     He  < — - — » 

,  °  988-989 

nad  infringed  the  rights  of  the  Citizens,  seizing 
their  communal  property,  or  demanding  rents 
and  services  for  the  same.  Charles,  felt  his 
way  among  the  malcontents.  Through  his 
agents,  he  promised,  not  merely  to  remedy  their 
wrongs,  but  to  enlarge  their  possessions;  and 
the  compact  being  confirmed  by  oath,  Charles 
prepared  to  act  like  his  father  before  him,  and 
win  the  place  by  stratagem. 

When  the  autumnal  season  had  fully  turned,  se^oot. 
the  grapes  ripening,  and  the  twilight  shortening,  L*tobj*£ 
Charles  and  his  detachment  paced  slowly  up 
the  rock,  and  approached  the  City,  murk  night 
having  come  on.  But  the  Sentinels  were  on  the 
alert,  they  heard  the  neighing  of  the  horses,  and 
the  rustling  of  the  armour.  They  challenged 
the  advancing  party,  and,  no  answer  being  made, 
they  began  to  send  their  missiles  in  that  direc- 
tion. But  the  Carlovingian  partisans  were  ready, 
and,  opening  the  gate,  Charles  and  his  forces 
rushed  in,  galloping  furiously,  doing  their  best  to 
heighten  the  confusion,  clashing  their  weapons, 
shouting,  hooting,  pealing  their  horns. 

The  inhabitants  unknowing  of  the  plot,  were 
scared  out  of  their  wits,  fled  to  the  Churches,  hid 
themselves  in  the  holes,  and  the  nooks,  and  the 
corners. — Many  leapt  from  the  walls,  and  amongst 
them  Bishop  Asceline,  who,  dropping  to  the 
ground  lightly,  scampered  down  the  rock  and 


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878  LOUIS  iyOUTREMER,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

987-wi  made  for  the  vineyards,  leaving  Emma  to  her 
* — ■ — »  fate.  But  the  fox  was  tracked  out  by  his  trail. 
Asceiine  Caught, — brought  before  Charles, — and  clapped 
SSti*  into  confinement.    If  any  one  ever  deserved  to 

again.  * 

be  bucketted  into  the  pit,  and  not  drawn  up 
again  speedily,  it  was  he.  But  his  tonsure  was 
respected,  and,  though  locked  up  in  the  royal 
Tower,  he  did  not  sustain  any  other  duresse. 

As  for  Emma,  confined  to  her  chamber,  severe 
was  the  treatment  bestowed  by  Charles  upon  his 
wretched  sister-in-law; — a  close  prisoner,  de- 
prived of  her  attendants,  guards  placed  at  the 
chart^ln    door. — She  made  lamentable  appeals  to  Theo- 
EX^um'rfphania's  generosity;   equally  did  she  seek  help 

from  her  mother's  compassion,  earnestly  en- 
treating Adelaide  to  intercede  on  her  behalf;  but, 
after  a  time,  she  was  not  worth  the  trouble  of 
keeping,  and  she  utterly  disappears  from  history. 

Charles  now  had  Laon. — What  he  had  he 
would  hold;  and  he  prepared  for  defence. — 
Ample  store  of  provisions  collected,  stone  and 
timber  brought  in,  the. battlements  heightened, 
fosses  dug,  and  palisadoes  planted.  The  smiths 
set  to  work  upon  the  ordnance :  much  reli- 
ance, placed  upon  the  arbalisters:  their  sight 
so  sharp,  and  their  aim  so  steady,  that, 
as  men  parabled,  the  bolt  they  shot  would 
thread  through  two  opposite  loop-holes,  or  bring 
down  the  bird  on  the  wing. 

Charles  having  attained  a  position  which 
gave  him  a  right  to  speak  with  confidence,  he  at- 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  879 


tempted  a  negociation  with  the  Capets,  probably   887-991 
for  a  share  in  the  kingdom.     Amongst  Gerbert's  - — * — * 

988    989 

enigmatical  correspondence,  we  find  a  note  ad- 
dressed to   Charles  by  Archbishop  Adalbero.  iS^SSSL 


We  collect,  though  very  obscurely,  from  thisgJcIJS"1 


tetween 

CharU 

theCa 

document,  partly  written  in  cypher,  that  some***8"" 
snch  proposal  had  emanated  from  him :  and 
Adalbero,  after  disclaiming  any  hostility  against 
the  Carlovingian  race,  intimated  that,  if  an 
important  personage,  designated  by  certain 
capital  letters  which  baffle  interpretation,  would 
repair  to  Rheims,  the  matter  should  be  fairly 
considered.     But  the  overture  came  to  nought. 

Exceedingly  troubled  were  the  Capets,  and 
with  sufficient  cause.     In  such  a  contest,  not 
to  advance  is  to  recede.     But  they  acted  reso- 
lutely.    Hugh  Capet  summoned  his  lieges  from  m^-not. 
the  Marne  to  the  Garonne.    A  Council    was^^nj^- 

moned  hit 

then  held ; — a  Council  of  State  and  also  a  Coun-  JS^toEo,, 
cil  of  War.  Some  were  inclined,  if  Charles 
would  sue  for  peace,  to  confirm  him  in  all  the 
territories  he  occupied.  The  greater  number 
of  the  Lieges,  however,  urged  active  mea- 
sures. The  Pretender's  success  provoked  them, 
and  they  were  determined  on  vengeance. 
Hugh  Capet  was  •  heartily  supported ;  his 
cavalry  mustered  to  the  amount  of  six  thou- 
sand; and  with  these  forces  he  invested  the 
City.  But  the  brumal  season  had  advanced, 
winter  approached,  the  troops  uncomfortable, 
and  particularly  distressed  by  the  long  night 


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880  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

fl67-wi   watches.     Apprehending  a  sortie,  the  Capetians 
* — " — »  retreated :    the  two  Kings,  with  all  the  power 
of    France  at  their    command,  were    shamed 
MdfcSS?  by  the  Pretender.     Thus  ended  the  first  year's 

retreat— end      " 

£££££    campaign. 

Upon  the  departure  of  the  enemy,  Charles 
prepared  to  give  them  a  warm  reception,  should 
they  visit  him  again.  He,  himself,  surveyed 
the  City,  searched  out  all  the  deficiencies,  and 
weak  points,  walled  up  the  posterns,  explored  the 
holes  and  the  corners  and  the  venelles,  erected 
further  outworks,  and  restored  the  old  ramparts. 

iSSioe-       Carefully  as  the  Prince  had  made  his  ex- 

Une*  animations,  and  secured  all  the  entries,  there 
was  one  way  out  of  the  Tower,  which  re- 
mained unguarded.  Bishop  Asceline's  chamber 
looked  down  upon  the  pleasant  country;  that 
prospect  which  no  one  can  forget  who  has 
been  at  Laon.  The  window  was  neither  closed 
nor  grated.  An  accomplice  was  always  to  be 
found  for  any  body,  when  engaged  in  any 
plot  or  intrigue.  A  rope  had  been  furnished 
for  him,  by  which  he  swarmed  down.  A  horse 
was  ready.  He  rode  away :  and,  seeking  Hugh 
Capet's  protection,  was  received  into  high 
favour. 

Hugwd  §  75.  The  second  campaign  being  opened, 

Hugh  Capet  re-commenced  operations  with  great 
shew  of  vigour,  such  as  implied  that  he  would 
never  desist  until  Laon  should  be  won.  The 
wide-spread  royal  Camp  was  encircled  with  ram- 


Robert  open 

theiecond 
campaign. 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  881 

parts  and  fosses :  and  two  thousand  Cavalry  had   m-ma 
"been  added  to  the  last  year's  army ;  eight  thou-  ^£j5p 
sand  in  all.     It  was  determined  to  win  the  City 
by  assault   and  storm,  and,  according  to  the 
Capet's  directions,  a  piece  of  ordnance  was  con- 
structed,  such  as   the  Masters  boasted  could 
vie,  and  more  than  vie,  with  the  machines  of 
Charles. — The  stupendous  battering-ram,  slung  {*g£o*p«* 
between  four  very  tall  and  massy  beams,  con-"™" 
nected  at  the  top  by  four  spars  of  corresponding 
strength,  was  the  pride  of  the  Capetian  camp. 
The  battering-beam  required  a  great  number  of 
soldiers  to  work  him :  and  the  whole  erection 
was  fixed  upon  a    triangular  base,  furnished 
with  three  wheels,  cunningly  contrived  for  the 
purpose  of  ascending  the  steep  zig-zag  narrow 
rock-path. 

But,  in  their  calculations,  the  engineers 
had  forgotten  to  take  proper  account  of  their 
favourite's  ponderosity.  When  they  tried  to  put 
Aries  in  motion,  he  could  not  be  persuaded  to 
mount;  so  he  remained  below,  the  laughing 
stock  of  the  enemy.  The  Capetian  troops  became 
sluggish,  maintaining  only  a  slovenly  and  tedious 
blockade.  Many  skirmishes,  but  no  conflicts  of 
any  importance.  Archbishop  Adalbero  continued 
in  the  Camp  with  the  other  Nobles,  he  probably 
also  sent  his  contingent;  but  no  encrease  of 
activity  appears.  The  Dog  days  came  on: 
then,  in  due  time,  followed  the  vintage.  The 
Capetian  troops  enjoyed  the  liquor,  and  when 
vol.  n.  S  L 


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882  LOUIS  D'OUTREMER,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

087-wi   the  jolly  fellows  retired  for  the  night,  they  were 
/^^jgp  usually  dead  drunk.      The  knowledge  of  this 
circumstance  encouraged   the    besieged ;     and 
Citizens  and  Soldiers  concerted  a  sortie.     They 

The  Carlo-  •* 

SSkS'p     surprised   the  Camp  whilst  the  sentinels  were 
S?he ;^^  sleeping,  and  fired  the  bivouacs.     The  infantry 
campaign.    cheered  and  hallooed ;  the  cavalry  sounded  their 
trumpets; — Hugh  Capet  and  his  troops,  panic 
struck, — fled  away. — Thus  did  the  second  Cam- 
paign close. 

Charles,  probably  aided  by  the  Vermandois 
Princes,   now    prospered    most    encouragingly. 
He  acquired  Montaigue,  and  much  honoured 
Soissons.      But  a  little  more,  and  who  would 
dare  to  call  him  a  Pretender.     Adalbero  was 
mn2fand   comPeUe<l  to  return  home.     Fatigue  and  anxiety 
iSaftero.    had  brought  on  a  fever.       During  his  illness, 
mnv'  the  ruling  passion  manifested  itself.     He  sent 
his  imperfect  copy  of  Boethius  to  Abbot  Thiet- 
mar,  at  Mayence,  in  order  that  the  portions 
deficient   might   be  supplied   by  transcription. 
His  malady  was  incurable :    some  say  he  be- 
came insane  for  want  of  sleep;    and  he  died 
about  the  beginning  of  the  new  year. 

At  Rheims,  the  canonical  right  of  elec- 
tion subsisted  in  full  vigour.  The  modes  of 
exercising  this  right,  which  will  hereafter  re- 
quire  examination,  were  diversified,  yet  these 
varieties  were  always  consistent  in  the  main 
principle,  which,  when  contested,  invariably  de- 
generated into  a  quarrel,  more  or  less  angry, 


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RICHARD  SANS  FEUR.  883 

between  Church  and  State.  We  usually  con-  ^-m . 
sider  the  matter  as  being  purely  an  eccle*  ^^p 
siastical  concern,  but,  at  Rheims  the  question 
possessed  high  temporal  importance,  for  the 
Archbishop  may  be  termed  a  spiritual  Lord 
elected  by  the  Community  ;  a  Pontiff  Peer ;  a 
Municipal  Magistrate ;  and  a  popular  Represen- 
tative, at  one  and  the  same  time.  According 
to  the  antient  usages  of  Rheims,  the  elective 
franchises  were  vested  in  three  Orders,  that 
is  to  say,  the  Bishops,  Prelates,  and  Clergy 
of  the  Arch-diocese ; — the  "  Milites  "  who  per- 
haps replaced  the  "Curiales"  of  the  Roman  era; 
— and  the  Citizens  at  large. — Two  candidates  c*M*m 

°  tor  the  8ee 

presented  themselves.  Gerbert,  designated  GeSS^S* 
as  successor  by  his  late  Patron,  the  deceased  th2reV#«. 
Adalbero;  and  Arnoul,  then  a  Canon  in  the 
Cathedral,  the  son  of  Lothaire  by  the  repudiated 
Lotharingian  Lady.  Papal  authority  had  legally 
removed  the  disqualification  consequent  upon 
ArnouFs  dubious  legitimacy.  Popular  opinion, 
more  efficacious  than  any  judicial  absolution, 
had  wholly  effaced  whatever  stain  might  have 
been  supposed  to  attach  to  him. 

King  Hugh  was  perplexed.  Gerbert,  under 
some  aspects,  appeared  favourable  to  the  Cape- 
tians,  but  Hugh  seems  to  have  distrusted,  nay, 
dreaded  this  most  serpentine  intriguer.  Ger- 
bert's  influence  was  magnified  by  imagination; 
and  his  attachment  to  the  German  Court, 
notorious.      But,  to  place  Arnoul,  the  son  of 

3  l  a 


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884  LOUIS  D'OUTKEMEB,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

rer-wi  Lothaire,  in  the  highest  station  which  a  subject 
could  hold,  might  seem  to  be  a  dangerous  venture. 
Arnoul  had  friends  at  Court ;  and,  through  them, 
he  sued  for  the  great  preferment.  Professing  his 
devotion  to  the  new  Dynasty,  he,  as  he  declared, 
wholly  abandoned  the  cause  of  his  Uncle 
Charles. — La6n, — he  promised,  should  speedily 
SS^Tind  &U  i11*0  the  Capet's  power.     Gerbert's  interest 


SS^iSsSle,  however  was   very  potent:    the   Prelates  and 

rapport  *       x 

Gerbert.  Clergy  advocated  the  pretensions  of  the  late 
Archbishop's  right-hand  man;  very  many  of 
the  Knights  or  Curiales  also  ; — but  the  Citizens 
had  not,  as  yet,  declared  themselves  in  favour 
of  either  party. 

Great  as  might  be  the  Sovereign's  influence, 
the  Capet  had  not  fully  gained  the  good-will 
of  the  antient  Merovingian  Arch-metropolitan 
Capital,  nor  could  he  deal  with  the  Electors 
off-hand,  like  less  powerful  Communities.  We 
have  seen  how  closely  the  Rhemish  Citizens 
stuck  to  the  Parvulus;  how  sturdily  they  ad- 
hered to  him  as  the  object  of  their  choice. 

Subtle  caution  was  Hugh  Capet's  inherent 
qualification,  never  losing  any  opportunity, 
never  displaying  any  haste ;  calm  and  impertur- 
bable, the  smoothest  of  the  deep  waters.  Im- 
mediately upon  the  death  of  Adalbero  he  visited 
Rheims :  the  Citizens  swore  fealty,  and  he,  grant- 
ing to  the  latter  a  Cangi  cFElire,  retired  to  Paris. 

They  therefore  had  ample  opportunity  for 
discussion  :    and,  when  they  had  deliberated, 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  885 

then  Hugh  returned;  and,  either  feeling  confi-   <*7-wi 
dence,  or  seeking  to  inspire  confidence  by  a  de-  < — * — . 

•88— 989 

monstration  of  confidence,  he,  not  consulting 
either  Clergy  or  Curiales,  submitted  the  whole  SK* 
question  to  the  Citizens.  Their  answer  was  $&£ 
guarded ;  [sincerity  and  artifice  combined.  They 
fenced  against  their  examiner. — If,  said  they,  the 
words  of  Canon  Arnoul  were  to  be  trusted, 
he,  albeit  Lothaire's  son  and  the  Pretender's 
nephew,  might  prove  a  faithful  Pastor,  and  a 
loyal  subject. — Yet  they  arrived  only  at  an  in- 
conclusive resolution. — Let  the  King  on  his 
part, — they  continued,  advise  with  his  Ministers, 
and  the  Citizens  would  respectfully  weigh  and 
consider  such  counsel  as  they  should  receive. 

Hugh  directed  them  to  hold   a  Communal  Eqmrocai 
meeting.    Again  was  the  subject  diligently  de-  *• cltUewu 
bated ;  again  the  resolve  ambiguous.   "  If  Arnoul 
kept  his  promises, — then  he  would  be  worthy  of 
the  Mitre."    Arnoul  was  called  before  the  King, 
and  interrogated  closely. — Would  he  really  and 
truly  be  faithful  to    the  Capet  ? — Arnoul  re- 
sponded meekly,  and  gave  the  promise.     But 
Hugh  would  not  rely  upon  his  own  judgment, 
and  he  removed  his  Court  to  Saint  Remy,  beyond 
the  City  walls. .  Hugh  then  consulted  his  Nobles,  %*£«*- 
and  desired  them  to  give  their  opinions  severally.  ^J™*"- 
On  the  whole,  the  answers  were  favourable  to 
Arnoul,  and  yet,  like  those  of  the  citizens,  they 
were  perplexed  and  hedged  in  by  imperfect  rea- 
sonings.— Arnoul  must  engage  to  act  as  a  true 


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886  LOUIS  DWTTREMEB,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

w7-wi   man,  defend  Rheims,  and  repudiate  all  connexion 
< — - — .  with  the  enemy.     Hugh  assented,  but  insisted 

088  ■  989 

upon  a  mode  of  obtaining  security  for  Arnoul's 
good  conduct,  by  a  process  in  which  the  techni- 
calities of  feudal  law  are  curiously  united  with 
£S5r,     the  devotional  spirit  of  the  age.    Arnoul  was  to 
^u^0*  become  Hugh's  liegeman.     He  must  enter  into  a 
chirograph-covenant,  and  the  instrument  was  also 
to  contain  a  terrific  imprecation.    The  document, 
which  was  prepared  in  duplicate,  is  presented 
before  us  textually,  and  we  can  scarcely  doubt 
but  that  it  was  drawn  by  the  Royal  Feudalist. 
Clear  and  pertinent,  containing  the  normal  form 
of  homage,  but  with  especial  additions,  intended 
to    bind  the  Vassal's   conscience. — If  Arnoul 
failed  to  keep  his  promise,  let  his  days  be  cut  off, 
every  blessing  turn  to  a  curse,  and  every  friend 
become  his  foe.     Hugh  also  executed  the  deed, 
to  the  intent  that  the  "parts"  might  be  ex- 
changed;   just    as   would    be   practised  in   a 
Solicitor's  office  at  the  present  day. 
igowof  We  furthermore  possess  the  "  Decree  of  elec- 

fSfiSSg.  tion,"  whereby  the  Bishops  and  Clergy  of  the  Pro- 
vince,  elected  Arnoul  as  Archbishop,  the  people 
acclaiming.  This  wording  is  worthy  of  remark, 
because  it  conveys  the  idea,  that  the  multitude 
concurred  only  by  their  cheers,  whereas  in  truth, 
the  Citizens  were  real,  though  not  sole,  electors. 
But  the  Bishops  doubted  whether  the  parchment 
covenant,  or  the  obligation  of  the  oath,  would 
suffice  to  ensure  Arnoul's  fidelity.    With  pitiable 


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RICHARD  SANS  FEUR.  887 

inconsistency,  they  imposed  a  further  religious   w-wi 
sanction ;  but,  in  the  form  of  an  ordeal,  strictly  * — * — * 
prohibited  by  Ecclesiastical  authority.     A  cus- 
tom prevailed,  (not  obsolete  even  now  in  England,) 
that  a  person  whose  mere  declaration  on  oath  was 
not  thought  sufficiently  credible,  (such  as  the 
case  of  a  married  woman  charged  with  adultery,) 
should,  to  use  our  vulgar  or  popular  expression,  Am0Jdn. 
"  take  the  Sacrament  upon  it." — Such  a  profane  SJEUto?*" 

r  r  the  Alter  In 

abuse,  was,  and  is,  strongly  condemned  by  the  ShuSJSl 
Church.      Yet  the  Bishops   did  demand    that""*1, 
Arnoul  should  submit  to  this  test,  imprecating . 
that  the  bread  of  life  might  work  the  condemn- 
ation of  his  soul,  should  he  violate  his  promise. 
— The  act  was  exceedingly  reprobated  through- 
out France ;  but  the  deed  was  done. 

Arnoul  was  duly  installed;  and,  not  long 
afterwards,  the  Pope  transmitted  to  him  the 
Pallium,  the  confirmation  of  his  Archiepiscopal 
dignity.  But  Carlovingian  France  was  a  Luegen- 
feld  to  the  very  last. — Whilst  Arnold's  lips  were 
pronouncing  the  Oath;  whilst  his  hand  was 
signing  his  "name;  and,  above  all,  whilst  re- 
ceiving the  oblation  of  the  Altar,  his  mind  was 
occupied  with  schemes  for  effecting  the  violation 
of  his  vow.  Affectionately  attached  to  his 
Uncle  Charles,  he  deeply  lamented  the  wrong 
perpetrated  against  his  father's  brother.  During 
the  whole  time,  since  he  started  in  labouring  for 
the  Archbishoprick,  he  had  been  organizing  his  tSSt^„. 
schemes  for  fulfilling  the  duties  which  he  con- ctS?tafwlUl 


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888  LOUIS  tfOUTREMER,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

«87-wi   sidered  as  imperatively  claimed  by  consangui- 

^^jjp  nity  and  loyalty,  though  not  to  be  brought  about 

otherwise  than  through  fraud  and  perjury. 

Having  settled  the  plot  with  Charles,  Arnoul 
convened  an  assembly  of  the  Diocesan  Baronage 
and  Clergy,  to  be  held  in  the  Palatial  Castle,  the 
ostensible  cause  being  the  consideration  of  im- 
portant affairs.  Only  one  coadjutor  had  Arnoul, 
whether  in  concerting  the  scheme  with  Charles, 
or  in  carrying  it  out,  a  dignified  Priest,  Adalger. 

The  convention  took  place  upon  the  appointed 
day :  and,  at  the  appointed  hour  in  the  night, 
Charles  had  stationed  his  forces  before  the  Cas- 
tle gate.  Archbishop  Arnoul,  as  was  the  custom, 
kept  the  Castle's  big  keys  beneath  his  pillow. 
These  keys  he  transferred  to  Adalger,  who  crept 
down  and  unlocked  the  doors,  and  Charles,  head- 
ing his  troops,  galloped  in. 
£E£»tto         Extreme  was  the  consternation.    None  ap- 

Townof 


itj  parently  more  terrified  than  the  Archbishop. 
Upon  his  suggestion,  the  Nobles  took  refuge 
with  him  in  the  Dungeon  tower. — The  Tower 
was  very  defensible,  but  the  Archbishop 
had  taken  good  care  that  there  should  be 
no  means  of  holding  out, — no  provisions  in 
store,  no  arms  in  the  guard-room.  —  The 
Governor  of  the  fortress  having  thus  dis- 
qualified his  garrison  from  resisting  the  pressure 
which  he  had  invoked,  was  compelled  to  a 
voluntary  surrender.  In  order  to  conceal 
the    collusion,    a    sham    altercation    ensued. 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  889 

Charles  vituperated  Arnoul  as  a  traitor,  and   *&-wi 
Arnoul  upbraided  Charles   as  a  usurper.     But  '-jj^jT 
it  was   not  worth  while  to  continue  the  farce. 
Arnoul  swore  fealty  to  Charles,  who  triumph- 
antly occupied  the  City :  and  a  period  of  about 
three  years  ensued,  during  which  the  brother  of 
Lothaire,  Lord  of  Bheims  and  of  Soissons  and 
of  Laon,  and  supported  by  numerous  enthusiastic 
adherents,  might  be  considered  as  scarcely  in- 
ferior, if  at  all  inferior,  to  the  Capet. 

§  76.  Hugh  now  deemed  himself  brought  to  Hughci* 
titter  shame.  But  his  courage  rose  with  thej&uj*10 
provocation.  He  determined,  for  the  third1 
time,  to  renew  his  attempts  upon  La6n,  who 
had  hitherto  refused  him.  But  the  wooing  was 
not  pursued  strenuously.  He  did  not  make 
any  impression.  The  antient  Carlovingian 
stronghold  was  a  teasing  locality  to  the  Capets. 
Hugh's  huge  Aries  stood  meek  as  a  lamb. 
The  troops  dared  not  file  up  the  rock,  and  thus 
expose  themselves  to  the  heavy  bolts  shower- 
ing from  the  arbalests,  and  the  Capet  limited 
his  operations  to  the  desolation  and  plunder 
of  the  surrounding  country.  This  portion  of 
his  work,  Hugh  performed  completely;  and 
the  Historian  sums  up  by  lamenting  or  ex- 
ulting in  the  fact,  that  there  was  not  a  hut  left, 
which  could  house  a  bed-ridden  old  woman. 

At  length  Charles  marched  out,  but  when 
the  armies  faced  each  other,  both  halted. 
Neither  dared  further.    The  forces  of  Charles 


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Triumphant 


890  LOUIS  DWJTEEMEB,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

»7-wi  were  out-numbered  by  the  Capetians. — Hugh, 
perhaps,  for  the  first  time,  absolutely  lost 
heart,  and  the  elated  Charles  returned  to  Laon. 

{SlSS.0*  The  Capet  endeavoured  to  enlist  addi- 
tional allies,  and  applied  to  Eudes  of  Chartres. 
Eudes  named  his  price;  —  Dreux,  town  and 
castle.      But   the   contest   began   to  languish. 

SrSTSla  Every  day,  and  month,  and  year,  detracted  from 

influence.  Hugh's  influence.  Doubting  whether  he  could 
succeed  by  force,  he  felt  his  way  about,  and, 
under  his  auspices,  a  plot  was  organized  for 
quieting  Charles  and  his  pretensions,  through  an 
agency  of  exquisite  villany. 

Asccline,  though  at  liberty,  was  practically 
ejected  from  his  Bishoprick.  We  know  not 
where  he  was  working,  but  he  put  himself  in 

awSwaop  communication  with  Archbishop  Arnoul,  profess- 

Arnool  and 

Sntoflto806"  *n&  k*s  earnest  desire  to  accomplish  a  reconciliar 
£ed5at£TM  tion  with  Charles,  and  at  the  same  time  he  offered 
2e*KiL?d  *"s  mediation  between  the  last  Carlovingian 
Prince,  and  the  first  Capetian  King.  Perhaps  it 
was  not  until  the  vile  conspiracy  was  matured, 
that  Asceline  sought  the  countenance  of  Hugh. 
However,  the  whole  contexture  of  the  trans- 
action leaves  little,  if  any  doubt,  but  that  Hugh, 
from  the  first  commencement,  was  art  and  part 
in  the  perfidy.  All  the  parties  concerned  in 
the  conspiracy,  had  abjured  every  principle  of 
faith  or  truth.  Negotiations  were  opened  by- 
Charles,  through  Asceline  and  Arnoul,  with 
Hugh  Capet.    Arnoul  was  received  with  favour 


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RICHARD  SANS  FEUR.  891 

and  placed  at  the  Banquet  on  the  King's  right ,  v*-"1 , 
hand,  whilst  Asceline  was  seated  on  the  Queen's  '"J^CwT 
left ;    and  Hugh  promised  that  Charles  should 
retain  antient  Laon,  provided  he  would  acknow- 
ledge the  City  to  be  held  of  the  King. 

Charles  having  permitted  Asceline's  return  to  tJj£££eL3"n, 
Ladn,  there  seemed  to  be  a  crazy  revulsion  of  H£5Z*i*th 

great  JkTOur. 

feeling  on  the  Bishop's  behalf.  The  fugitive,  the 
rebel,  the  stigmatized  adulterer,  was  greeted  by 
Clergy  and  by  Laity,  welcomed  by  Charles,  and 
received  into  a  degree  of  intimacy  scarcely  to 
be  distinguished  from  high  favour.  Asceline, 
as  ordered  by  Charles,  took  the  oath  of  fealty, 
and  the  Bishop  was  created  Count  of  Laon. 
The  oath  was  sworn  upon  the  shrine,  filled 
with  relics  of  Saints  and  Martyrs :  but  a  fancy 
now  fell  upon  Charles,  that  the  breach  of  this 
oath  might  not  sufficiently  alarm  the  Bishop's 
callous  conscience,  and  he,  therefore,  required 
that  Asceline  should  submit  to  some  adjuration 
of  even  greater  stringency.  There  was  no  dif- 
ficulty in  the  matter : — every  form  of  oath  was 
alike  to  Asceline, — he  would  swear  to  anything 
which  was  asked. 

It  was  now  the  holy  season  of  Lent.  On  the  18tJl8g^rU' 
evening  (not  the  eve)  of  Passion  Sunday,  Charles  meStaisup- 
and  Asceline  supped  together,  and  the  Prince, 
addressing  the  Bishop  solemnly,  reminded  him 
that  on  that  same  day,  he,  Asceline,  after 
bestowing  his  benediction  upon  the  people, 
had  administered  the  Communion  to  Charles. 


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892        .     LOUIS  iyOUTREMEB,  LOTHAIRE,  &C. 

»7-»i    Charles  then  having  filled  the  golden  cup  with 
,,9mZm  s  l>r^ad    and  wine,  presented   it  to  Asceline. — 
Drink,  said   he,  the  contents,   as  a  token   of 
fidelity,  but  if  you  cannot  be  assured  that  you 
will  keep  your  promise,  abstain,  lest  you  should 
prove  another  Judas.  Willingly,  replied  Asceline, 
will  I  receive  the  cup.     Then  continued  Charles, 
repeat  the  words,  and  say, — "  I  will  observe  my 
plighted  faith,  and  if  I  do  not,  may  I  die  the 
death  of  Judas." — And  Asceline  repeated  the 
words  accordingly. 

Night  came  on.  Charles  and  Archbishop 
Arnoul  and  Asceline,  all  retired  to  the  one 
long  dormitory.  All  wore  their  swords  during 
the  day.  They  unbuckled  their  weapons  and 
retired  to  rest.  Charles,  according  to  custom, 
deposited  the  big  keys  of  the  City  gates  under 
his  pillow.  An  Usher  watched  the  door.  As- 
celine sent  him  away  on  $,  fool's  errand,  and 
secured  the  swords.  His  accomplices  rushed 
in.  Charles  and  Arnoul  who  were  sleeping 
heavily,  startled  up  dismayed,  they  searched 
ch.riila-  about  for  their  blades;  but  vainly.— Asceline, 
SSEJevT  grinning  with  spite,  shouted  his  vituperations 
against  his  victim. — You  drove  me  out,  now  it  is 
my  turn !  You  shall  be  served  after  a  worse 
guise !  I  became  my  own  master.  You  shall  fall 
into  servitude! — Charles  infuriated,  threw  him- 
self upon  Asceline,  but  the  soldiers  grappled 
him,  flung  him  on  his  bed,  kept  him  down  by 
main  force,  and  carried  him  off  into  the  dungeon. 


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HICHAKD  SANS  PEUB.  893 


The  women  shrieked,  the  children  screamed,  the   aw-wi 
noise  of  the  turmoil  alarmed  the  vicinity,  and  the  . — * — * 

J7  Wl— 1080 

disturbance  spread  throughout  the  City.  Adela 
and  the  children  were  detained  in  prison  withJ2J^de. 
the  unfortunate  father :  and  the  intelligence  oftoTSfi25. 
the  happy  success  being  dispatched  to  King 
Hugh  at  Senlis,  he  entered  Laon,  and,  having 
demanded  the  oath  of  fealty  from  the  Citizens, 
returned  to  Senlis  with  his  prisoners. 

He  assembled  his  Council.    In  the  opinions  S^^ 


given  by  the  Nobles,  we  trace  the  abiding  *•  to  L>~ 
fear  of  falling  into  danger  of  treason.  Many  ChaA^ 
advised,  that  the  children  being  detained  as 
hostages,  Charles  should  become  the  King's 
liegeman — swear  that  he  never  would  attempt 
the  kingdom, — and,  by  a  solemn  instrument, 
exclude  his  descendants  from  the  succession. 
This  done,  they  suggested  that  Charles  should  be 
liberated.  But  others,  grounding  their  advice 
upon  the  same  premises,  to  wit,  the  illustrious 
origin  of  Charles,  opined  that  he  should  not 
be  immediately  released,  but  kept  in  capti- 
vity until  it  appeared  whether  his  partisans 
were  sufficiently  numerous,  sufficiently  impor- 
tant, and  sufficiently  united,  to  deserve  to  be 
dreaded  really  as  adversaries  of  the  King. 
Should  they  prove  few  and  in  small  number, 
then  let  the  prisoner  be  abandoned  by  the 
Nation.  But,  if  numerous  and  powerful,  then 
it  would  be  expedient  to  yield  to  circum- 
stances  and  set  him  free. 


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1001— 
Death  of 
Charles. 


894         louis  mnrrREMER,  lothaire,  &c. 

**-•»  Charles,  therefore,  and  his  wife  Adela,  and 
'  091-1030 s  ^s  sons>  an(*  **is  daughters,  (the  latter  were 
cinriei  im-  infants,)  became   prisoners  at  Orleans.       De- 

prisoned. 

monstrations  were  made  beyond  the  Loire  in 
favour  of  Charles,  and  testifying  against  the 
Capet's  usurpation ;  but  they  evaporated  in 
words :  and  Charles, — his  faithful  Adela  being 
his  companion, — breathed  his  last  as  a  captive : 
but,  some  say,  that  having  renounced  all  rights 
to  the  Crown,  he  was  removed  from  Orleans  to 
die  at  Maestricht. 

The  twins,  Charles  and  Louis,  were  received 

and  educated  by  Guillaume  Fier-a-bras  Count 

of    Poictiers,  who,  though  the    brother-in-law 

of  King  Hugh,  had  refused  to    acknowledge 

him.     Guillaume  protested  against  the  Capetian 

Dynasty,   by    conferring   the   title    of    Kings 

of   Aquitain    on    these    two   young    Princes: 

SS^S*-    they  probably  died  very  young,  for  we  hear 

SJncof*     nothing  more  concerning  them.     But  Charles's 

looi-    children  prospered.     Otho,  his  eldest  son  by 

Otho,  Duke  r         r  7  *r 

SdaSfbatt, Bona,  was  re-instated  in  the  Imperial  Duchy 
"^    of  Lorraine,  or  rather  Lorraine  and  Brabant. 
Charles  had  made  Brussels  his  capital,  and  Otho 
followed  his  father's  example.    He  died  without 
male  issue.      The  Duchy  was  bestowed  upon 
Godfrey  the  First,  Count  of  the  Ardennes  and 
Verdun;  but  the  ample  allodial  property  was 
divided  between  the  sisters,  Gerberga  and  Er- 
mengarda,  the  daughters  of  Bona.    They  married 
as  befitted  their  station.      Gerberga  espoused 


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RICHARD  SANS  FEUR.  895 

Lambert,  Count  of  Hainault,  who,  having  received   *n-wi 
his  dignity  from  Charles,  became  the  stem  of  a  < — * — * 

Ml— —1030 

new  Dynasty ;  and  she  received  for  her  portion 
Brussels,  and  the  very  field  of  Waterloo. 
Ermengarda  was  espoused  to  Albert  of  Namur. 
Both  were  the  ancestresses  of  subsequent 
branches  of  the  Capetian  Line ;  and,  such  was 
the  honour  still  rendered  to  the  name  of 
Charlemagne,  that  this  very  distant  and  scarcely 
noticeable  connexion,  is  spoken  of  with  pride 
by  the  courtly  Capetian  ChrcJhiclers. 

§  77.  We  must  now  bid  farewell  to  the  three 
sad  Prelates,  who  stand  forth  so  prominently  in 
the  latter  portion  of  this  history.  There  was  a 
moment  when  it  seemed  as  if  the  share  which 
Archbishop  Arnoul  had  taken  in  the  surrender 
of  Rheims,  might  have  escaped  detection;  but 
his  clever  and  villainous  competitor,  Gerbert, 
turning  informer,  became  the  most  energetic 
supporter  of  the  Capetian  kings. 

Hugh  appealed  to  Rome,  then  distracted 
by  a  schism  between  the  Emperor  Otho's 
Pope,  and  the  Nobility's  Pope,  the  latter 
patronized  and  supported  by  the  great  leader  of 
the  aristocracy,  Crescentius.  Hugh  Capet  there- 
fore resorted  to  a  domestic  tribunal.  A  Pro- 
vincial Council  was  held  in  the  Abbey  of  Saint  oJJSTr 
Baseul,  not  far  from  Rheims,  and  Gerbert  8*JntBa-wlL 
appears  in  the  triple  character  of  Informer, — 
Manager  of  the  Impeachment, — and  Secretary 
or  Scribe  of  the  Tribunal.  It  was  he  who  noted 
and  compiled  the  voluminous  and  detailed  Acts 


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001—1030 


896         LOUIS  d'outeemeb,  lothaire,  &c. 

067-Qoi  of  the  Council.  Although  it  cannot  be  affirmed 
that  he  reported  them  unfaithfully,  yet  his 
taking  this  position  against  a  rival  was  singularly 
indecent. 

The  "  Libel "  (this  proceeding,  in  the  eccle- 
siastical Courts,  answers  to  a  Bill  in  Chan- 
cery, or  the  like,)  was  grounded  upon  the  Canons 
of  the  Council  of  Toledo,  promulgated  for  the 
punishment  of  Prelates  who  had  violated  their 
allegiance  to  their  Sovereign. 

Arnoul's  guilt  *was  clearly  proved  by  wit- 
nesses. Adalger's  equally  so,  despite  of  his  hard 
swearing. — Although  the  sinners — whether  ac- 
cusers or  accused,  have  passed  away, — yet  it  is 
still  very  painful  to  read  of  their  baseness  and 
degradation.  —  The  Primate  Arnoul  confessed 
his  guilt  in  private  before  the  Bishops  :  but 
the  public  surrender  of  his  dignity  was  extorted 
from  him.  The  two  Kings,  Hugh  and  Robert, 
Araool  entered  the  Council.  Arnoul  prostrated  him- 
hXition  self  on  the  ground,  "ad  modum  cruets'9  the 

annulled.  ©J  *  » 

attitude  of  the  greatest  humility,  earnestly  im- 
ploring that  life  and  limb  might  be  spared. 
The  latter  supplication,  not  made  as  a  matter 
of  form,  for  in  the  course  of  the  proceedings  his 
accusers  threatened  to  pluck  out  his  eyes. 

To  obviate  all  doubts  concerning  Arnoul's 

resignation,  his  title  was  formally  annulled.     It 

eoi-005.  was  declared  in  the  Act,  that  though  Arnoul 

Gerbert 

^wSSJ?  had  been  elected  by  acclamation,  yet  "  vox 
populi,"  was  not  always  "vox  Dei,"  and  Ger- 
bert was  chosen    by  the    Kings,    Hugh    and 


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RICHABD  SANS  PEUR.  897 

Robert,  and  the  better-most  part  of  the  Clergy   **-** 
and  Citizens.     The  various  accounts  of  these  *M2imh 
scandalous  proceedings  are  confused  and  con- 
tradictory.    But,  at  every  turn,  we  are  brought 
in  face  of  further  reasons  for  compelling  us  to 
doubt  Gerbert's  truth  and  honesty. 

Gerbert  had  now  scrambled  up  the  first  step, 
noticed  in  his  uncouth  self-laudatory  verse ;  but 
he  was  soon  toppled  down,  though  to  be  forthwith 
pitched  upon  the  second.  His  promotion  was 
challenged.  Complicated  proceedings  ensued. 
Pope  John  the  Fifteenth  revoked  Arnoul's  depo- 
sition as  well  as  Gerbert's  election.  Gerbert  was 
in  full  activity,  moving  heaven  and  earth  to  main- 
tain his  position.  The  Pope  threatened  an  in-gjjg£^ 
terdict.  Gerbert,  self-convicted,  resigned  Rheims,  JSJ>£dpb7 
and  Otho  forthwith  appointed  him  to  Ravenna.    B*Y«m». 

On  the  death  of  Pope  Gregory  the  Fifth,  Otho,  "Xr10*- 
exercising  his  paramount  authority,  nominated  3S& d 
Gerbert  to  the  Popedom,  and  directed  him  to  as-  J^^ 
sume  the  name  of  Silvester  the  Second,  evidently  siiT2Sftii. 
that  he,  Otho,  might  figure  as  another  Constantine. 
The  Imperial  diploma  of  creation  is  motived. 
Otho  appoints  him,  propter summamphilosqphiam, 
a  singularly  inadequate  qualification  (if  standing 
solely  and  taken  in  the  human  sense)  for  the  uni- 
versal Pontificate,  and  thus,  the  third  and  highest 
step  was  attained.     Gerbert's  brief  Popedom 
was  chiefly  employed  in  political  intrigues :  and, 
after  filling  the  Papal  See  four  years,  one  month, 
and  ten  days,  the  Demon's  bruited  prognosti- Qu^ 


cation  was  fulfilled. 

vol.  n.  3  m 

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898  LOUIS  DWJTEEMER,  LOTHAIRE,  &C, 

087-wi        Asceline  brazened  through  all  the  ignominy 
< — * —  attached  to  his   name.     His    versatile    talent. 

991—1030  7  * 

wa-1030  wealth,  and   unshaken   self-confidence,   effaced 

Continuation 

dudSTof  *^  h*s  stains  in  t^e  eJes  of  the  world.  Political 
AiceUne  ■  pamphlets,  so  to  speak,  had  long  since  become 
popular  in  France,  as  we  have  instanced  in 
the  earlier  time  of  Charles-le-Chauve.  The 
fashion  became  national.  One  of  Asceline's 
squibs  is  extant,  a  poem  in  Latin  Hexameters, 
addressed  to  King  Robert,  in  which  he  scourges 
his  enemies,  and,  possibly,  his  friends.  Gerbert 
is  designated  as  Neptanabus ;  whilst  an  Opponent 
retorts  in  a  counter-satire,  by  bestowing  upon 
Asceline  the  appropriate  name  of  Achitophel. 
But  those  may  laugh  who  win.  Asceline,  de- 
spite of  all  his  misdeeds  and  batterings,  held  his 
See,  during  three  and  fifty  years,  and  then  died 
in  great  honour ; — his  epitaph  testifying  in  due 
form  to  his  sanctity,  munificence  and  liberality. 
ThtoVhania  §  78.  Ere  closing  this  most  varied  Epos,  we 
must  review  the  fate  of  Henry  the  Fowler's 
Dynasty.  The  youngest  Otho's  authority  having 
been  restored,  Theophania  governed  as  her  Son's 
coadjutrix,  displaying  great  worth,  talent,  and 
resolution  :  with  all  her  faults,  true  to  her  trusts, 
undefiled  before  the  world  despite  of  her  mother's 
example,  and  her  own  charms.  But  she  died 
when  Otho  was  about  fourteen  years  of  age, 
in  the  place  where  she  had  given  birth  to  him, — 
Nimeguen. 

Adelaide,    soon    after,    followed    her   step- 


1030- 
Doathof 
AaoeUne, 


and  of 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  899 

daughter  to  the  grave,  leaving  the  third  Otho  w-«»a 
without  any  adviser  or  comforter,  who  could  mJim  - 
support  him  in  his  troubles,  or  encourage  him 
in  his  high  anticipations.  Otho  combined  the  JgESk 
most  thorough  and  sincere  conviction  of  the 
vanity  of  human  wishes,  with  the  highest  worldly 
aspirations.  He  was  contemplating  the  full 
restoration  of  the  Roman  Empire,  not  to  gratify 
his  own  ambition,  but  for  the  Divine  honour  and 
glory.  Hard  were  his  conflicts  at  Rome,  where 
the  Patrician  Crescentius,  for  a  brief  occasion, 
usurped  the  Imperial  purple.  The  rebel  perished 
on  the  scaffold ;  and  Otho,  dwelling  in  the  Pala- 
tine, persevered  with  encreasing  energy  and  con- 
stancy. Assuming  the  title  of  Augustus  Caesar, 
his  graven  portraiture  appears  on  his  seal,  en- 
circled with  the  laurel  Crown,  whilst  the  inscrip- 
tion on  the  reverse,  "Rama  renovata"  fully 
spake  the  sentiments  by  which  he  was  inspired. 
His  bodily  powers  were,  however,  yielding 
to  the  influence  of  the  climate  in  which  he 
delighted:  the  air  of  Rome  being  most  dele- 
terious to  his  health.     His  strength  sunk,  and 


he  revisited  Aix-la-Chapelle.  A  strange  thought  SffUT*** 
occupied  his  mind.  He  would  see  •  with  his  «■«»•. 
own  eyes  his  great  Predecessor.  The  pavement 
was  broken  up,  he  descended  into  the  sepulchral 
chamber.  As  the  vault  was  opening,  a  strong 
and  suffocating  aromatic  odour  arose.  Otho 
entered,  and  entering,  beheld  the  dead  Emperor 
sitting  upright  on  his  throne,  and  clad  in  his 
Imperial  robes. 

3  m  2 

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900  LOUIS  ffOUTKEMKR,  LOTHA1RE,  &C. 

w-wi         As  a  relic,  Otho  reverentially  removed   a 

'wi~iaaok  P°r^on  °f  *^e  garment.     Certainly  no  profanation 

was  intended.    Yet  the  act  was  much  censured. 

He  was  warned  in  a  dream,  as  men  reported,  that 

his  days  should  be  soon  cut  off.     He  returned  to 

Rome  and  died.     It  was  reported  that  he  had 

been  poisoned  by  Stephania,  the  widow  of  Cres- 

centius;   but  this   supposition  appears  to  have 

been  unfounded     There  were  adequate  natural 

causes  to  account  for  his  death,  without  invok- 

oth^dtat  ^8  crime.    One  son  he  had  by  Theophania,  an 

SSXonS    only  child,  but  that  son  was  dead. — Henry, 

the  Saxon 

Saint  Henry  as  he  is  termed,  the  grandson  of 
Henry  the  Porphyrogenitus,  succeeded  his 
Uncle;  but  he  also  died  issueless.  The  noble 
Saxon  line  became  extinct,  and  Conrad  the  Salic 
ascended  the  throne. 


Kta?fegh  §  79.  There  are  two  more  graves  which  we 
si£Lii-p©L  must  visit. — The  remainder  of  King  Hugh's  tran- 
quil reign  is  enveloped  in  obscurity :  and  he  died 
of  the  variolous  contagion,  so  destructive  at  this 
era, — his  body  entirely  covered  with  pustules. 
He  was  attended,  like  his  predecessors,  by 
Jewish  physicians — and  Richerius,  (who  had 
taken  up  the  study  of  medicine)  therefore  says 
as  usual,  that  they  poisoned  him. 


W7-N*.         With  the  Capetian  Revolution,  in  which  he 

?<£*       had  been  the  most  efficient  mover,   Richard- 

Ia!£wf  sans-Peur's  external  political  life  may  be  said 

to  have  ended.     Richard  had  fought  his  fight. 


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RICHARD  SANS  PEUR.  901 

The  remaining  period  of   his   long  reign  dis-   w-wi 
closes  few  facts  except  the  tranquil  incidents  , — * — » 

991    1000 

of    personal    and   domestic  history.    Ethelred 
perhaps    troubled  Normandy,  but  I   must  re- 
serve the  discussion  of   this  passage  till  the 
next    reign,    there    being    some    uncertainty 
as  to  its  era.    One  public   event,  however,  is 
recorded,  in  which    Richard  presents  himself 
as  a  peace-maker.    Albert,  Count  of  Vermandois, 
became  very  obnoxious  to  the  Gapetians  by  rea- 
son of  the  support  he  had  given  to  Charles  the 
Pretender.    Hugh  Capet  marched  against  l^^JJJg*^ 
determined  upon  revenge,  and  Albert,   unable  S^JJ  Sf* 
to  resist  the  royal  power,  implored  the  aid  of  ▼««*£<*. 
the  Norman   Richard. 

The  Ambassador,  whom  he  despatched,  was 
the  Herodotus  of  Normandy,  Dudo,  Dean  of  Saint 
Quentin.  Duke  Richard  received  the  Clerk  re- 
spectfully and  kindly.  Accepting  the  media- 
torial office,  the  Duke,  repairing  to  Hugh  Capet, 
executed  the  business  in  person.  Richard's 
supplication  stayed  the  impending  warfare ;  Ver- 
mandois was  spared,  and  Dudo,  having  won 
Richard's  favour  and  his  family's,  was  received 
in  the  Court  of  Rouen.  Dudo  was  a  diligent  en- 
quirer :  he  had  a  fluent  gift  of  versification,  and 
was  absolutely  overwhelmed  with  scholastic 
learning.  He,  upon  the  solicitation  of  Richard- 
sans-Peur,  and  of  Richard's  son  and  successor, 
Richard-le-Bon,  collected  the  Danish  traditions, 
from    the  first  incursions  under  Hastings,  as 


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902         LOUIS  d'outkemer,  lothaibe,  &c. 

**-»i  introductory  to  the  history  of  Rollo  and  Hollo's 
wi-1030 '  Pr°geny-     Had  Dudo  not  preserved    these  re- 
collections, the  whole  personal  history    of  the 
a***?        three  first  Norman  Dukes  would    have    been 

Quentin — 

%^   completely  lost. 

"**"  Such  was  the  origin  of  the  Acta  Norrriarmo- 

rum,  our  primary  authentic  source  of  informa- 
tion concerning  Carlovingian  Normandy.     Dudo 
dedicated  the  production,  as  we  have  already 
noticed,  to  Asceline  of  Laon,  soliciting  his  cor- 
rections ;  but  he,  nevertheless,  composed  the  nar- 
rative under  the  special  inspection   of  Raool, 
Count    of   Ivri,  Richard's    half-brother.      The 
work   exhibits    so   much    originality,   that   we 
may  be  certain  we  possess  it  unaltered  ;    but 
this    does  not   exclude    the  supposition,    that 
some  portions    may  have   been  expunged  by 
the  corrector. 

Suw  Emma,  as   we   have   before   noticed,   died 

childless.  But  Richard  nevertheless  had  a 
very  numerous  progeny.  Eight  (including  our 
English  Queen  Emma  and  Richard,  his  first- 
born) were  the  issue  of  Guenora,  a  concubine  of 
Danish  blood  whom,  after  a  lengthened  cohabi- 
tation, he  espoused :  and  others  by  various 
sweethearts ;  and  from  these  children — of  whom 
I  hope  to  render  a  full  account — and  the 
nieces  and  nephews  of  Guenora,  descended  the 
most  illustrious  amongst  the  Norman  nobility. 
Richard's  character,  as  I  shall  have  to  tell, 
softened  and  improved  with  age.    Richard  and 


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RICHABD   SANS   PEUR.  903 


King  Hugh  died  in  the  same  year,  and  he  was   «7-4w 
buried  after  a  strange  fashion  under  the  roof,  * — * — 

°  '     091—1030 

and  yet  not  under  the  roof,  of  Fecamp  Abbey. 
The  scanty  French  authorities,  avoid  or  evade  But**- 

y  7  sani-Peur 

any  notice  of  Richard  or  of  Normandy  as  much  JjS&j. 
as  possible.  The  Duchy  of  Normandy  arose 
under  the  Capetian  domination,  and  though  bitter 
political  jealousies  prevailed,  yet  the  dispathy  of 
race  was  forgotten.  But  no  community  of  lan- 
guage or  religion,  no  sentiment  of  friendship  or 
feeling  could  conceal  from  the  Carlovingian  eye, 
the  stain  of  the  black  Danish  blood.  Living  or 
dead,  the  Dane  stunk  in  their  nostrils.  And 
when  Richerius  was  employing  himself  on  the 
last  unfinished  page  of  his  imperfect  autograph 
volume,  the  last  words  he  utters  are  the  demon- 
strations of  invincible  antipathy, — Richardus 
Piratarum  Dux,  apoplexia  minore  periit 


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AUTHOBITIES. 


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AUTHORITIES. 


Frodoardus  Rrhrnsis  and  Richerius  (see  Vol.  i.  p.  748,  749)  famish 
the  main  staple  of  French  history,  during  the  period  which   this  yolume 
comprehends.    An  account  of  the  remarkable  recovery  of  the  last-mentioned 
work,  has  already  been  given  (Vol.  i.  p.  749),  and  he  and  his  ingenious 
father/  from  whom  he  receives  his  traditions,  have  been  repeatedly  introduced 
in  the  text  of  the  preceding  pages.     Both  these  Annalists  were  either  actors 
in  the  transactions  to  which  they  bear  record,  or  witnesses  thereof:  conse- 
quently, they  are  historical  personages,  and  as  such  the  reader  has  already 
made  full  acquaintance  with  them.     Frodoardus  departs  at  the  commence- 
ment of  a  very  eventful  era,  the  year  966,  when  Lothaire  espoused  the 
Italian  Emma.     But  Richerius,  or  Richer,  the  survivor,  continues  with 
us  to  the  end—you  hear  his  dying  words. — My  concluding  chapter  closes 
with  the  line  extracted  from  the  last  passage  Richerius  penned. 

Richerius  alone  discloses  the  complication  of  fraud,  and  treachery,  and 
misfortune,  which  established  the  third  dynasty  upon  the  throne.  He  com- 
pletely dispels  the  theory  rendered  so  popular  by  Thierry's  talent,  and 
countenanced  by  another  imaginative  investigator.  I  allude  to  the  hypo- 
thesis representing  the  Capetian  Revolution  as  resulting  from  a  resuscitation 
of  the  Celtic  races,  against  the  descendants  of  their  Teutonic  Conquerors, 
instigated  by  the  antagonism  between  German  and  Gaul,  which  has  now 
become  the  orthodox  dogma — and  (unless  a  total  change  has  recently  ensued) 
is  preached  as  such  in  all  the  Manuals  and  Epitomes  which  form  the 
opinions  of  the  rising  generation. 

From  these  two  texts,  that  is  to  say,  from  Frodoardus  and  Richerius,  I 
have  mainly  told  the  story  throughout  the  volume.  Their  chronology  is 
substantially  adopted,  save  and  except  as  to  Norman  affairs,  concerning 
which  their  information  is  grudging,  scanty,  and  inaccurate.  Nor  can  it 
be  doubted,  but  that  very  much  matter  concerning  Normandy  was  slurred 
over  by  them,  as  opposed  to  French  national  feeling.  .  Any  reader  desiring 
to  test  my  narrative,  may  compare,  page  by  page,  my  text  with  these 
Annalists  as  he  proceeds.  Nevertheless,  it  must  be  recollected  that  the 
writers  do  not  impose  upon  themselves  the  necessity  of  arranging  the  trans- 
actions governed  by  each  Calendar  date,  in  strict  sequence  of  time  under 
that  date.  Moreover,  years  occasionally  overlap  each  other,  and  we  en- 
counter many  anachronisms,  especially  with  respect  to  foreign  transactions. 
Bouquet's  chronological  tables  will  give  a  ready  reference  to  any  passage 
quoted  from  the  French  historians  by  me.  This  same  table  affords  the  only 
compensation  for  the  excellent  Benedictine's  elaborately  defective  plan,  upon 
which  subject  I  have  enlarged  elsewhere  (Ed.  Rev.  April  1847). 


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908  AUTHORITIES. 

Amongst  the  minor,  though  important,  sources  of  French  history,  as  it 
advances,  we  must  include  Aimar  or  Adhemar  de  Chabannes.     He  was 
born  at  the  commencement  of  the  Capetian  era  (in  the  year  088),    and 
belonged  to  a  very  distinguished  family.     His  father,  Count  Raimond,  was 
illustrious  amongst  the  nobles  of  his  era— and  not  less  so  his  maternal  uncle, 
after  whom  he  was  named.     His  Historia  Francorum  contains  some  carious 
reminiscences  of  the  last  Carlovingian  times  :  and  he  is  the  only  writer  who 
records  the  diffidations  of  Charles-le-Simple,  by  the  casting  of  the  hawlm  ; 
but  it  is  principally  for  Aquitaine  that  Adhemar,  whose  work  was  never 
printed  in  entirety  until  included  by  Pertz  in  his  collection,  is  very  valuable . 

Another  subordinate  writer  who,  though  principally  concerned  for  Ger- 
many, gives  us  much  matter  for  the  history  of  France,  is  Baldericus  Came- 
racensis,  identified  by  his  first  Editor  with  Balderic,  Bishop  of  Tow-nay, 
who  flourished  in  the  concluding  era  of  the  Carlovingian  monarchy.  We 
learn  much  from  his  Ckronicon  Cameracense  et  Atrebatense,  concerning 
the  warfare  in  Lorraine,  between  Lothaire  and  Otho  II.,  as  also  concerning 
the  fortunes  of  Charles  in  that  country.  Balderic  is  not  by  any  means 
favourable  to  the  Pretender. 

Antient  Norman  history,  that  is  to  say,  from  the  youth  of  Hollo  to  the 
death  of  Richard-sans-Peur,  rests  entirely  upon  Dudo  of  Saint  Qoentin's 
Acta  Normannorum,    You  may  abandon  the  history  of  Normandy  if  yon 
choose,  but  if  you  attempt  the  task,  you  must  accept  Dudo,  or  let  the  work 
alone.    I  have  completely  incorporated  Dudo  with  the  French  and  German 
authorities  : — they  absent,  we  should  not  have  any  dates ; — Dudo  deserted, 
we  are  destitute  of  facts.     Dudo's  personal  history  becomes  an  important 
incident  in  the  general  history,  and  as  such  I  have  treated  it  in  the  body  of 
my  text.    The  work  is  supposed  by  his  first  editor  to  have  been  completed 
between  1015  and  1026.    The  extent  of  the  "  corrections"  made  by  Asceline 
cannot  be  ascertained,  but  any  how,  the  Gesta  passed  through  at  least  two 
recensions,  there  being  a  manuscript  in  the  Cottonian  collection,  which  does 
not  contain  the  poetry  constituting  so  conspicuous  a  feature  in  the  published 
text.    Duchesne's  edition  (Rouen,  1619)  is  the  only  one,  and  very  rare;  and 
the  liberality  of  the  French  government  would  be  well  employed,  were  the 
Ministre  de  l'lnstruction  publique  (who,  we  believe,  directs  the  "  Monumens 
Inldits  ")  to  reprint  the  same. 

From  Dudo  originated  the  Historia  Normannorum,  composed  by 
Guillielmus  Calculus,  commonly  quoted  as  Guillaume  de  Jumieges.  He 
dedicates  his  work  to  the  Conqueror,  a  fact  which  tells  the  era  in  which  he 
flourished,  and  the  influences  under  which  he  composed. 

A  Monk  of  Jumieges,  and  unquestionably  profiting  from  the  traditions  of 
the  House,  "Guillaume  grounded  his  work  upon  Dudo.  His  text  of  the  Acta 
Normannorum  was  probably  somewhat  more  ample  than  that  published  by 
Duchesne :  and  in  the  same  manner  that  Dudo  is  in  fact  our  only  authority 
for  the  biography  or  history  of  the  three  first  Dukes,  to  wit,  Rollo,  Guil- 
laume-Longue-Epee,  and  Richard-sans-Peur,  so  is  Guillaume  de  Jumieges, 
our  only,  or  almost  our  only  guide  for  the  history  of  the  three  next,  Richard- 
ta-Bon ;   Richard  the  Third,  distinguished  by  not  having  any  epithet ;  and 


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AUTHORITIES.  909 

Robert-le-Magnifique,  or  le-Diable,  the  Father  of  William  the  Mamzer,  or 
the  Conqueror. 

The  first  four  books  of  Guillaume  de  Jumieges'  work,  which  contain  the 
history  of  the  first  three  Norman  Dukes,  are  mere  abridgments  from 
Dudo's  text. 

Guillaume  de  Jumieges  speaks  with  great  respect  of  Dudo  as  his  prede- 
cessor ;  and  singularly  enough,  he  completes  his  fourth  book  by  a  Colophon 
which  he  has  transcribed  literally  from  Dudo's  Colophon,  at  the  termination 
of  his  work,  though  such  Dudonian  Colophon  is  not  found  in  Duchesne's 
text,  the  same  being  to  the  following  effect, — "  Hucusque  digesta,  prout  a 
"  Rodulpho  Comite  hujus  Ducis  fratre  maguo  et  honesto  viro,  narrata  sunt 
'*  collegi,  quae  scholastico  dictamine  scripta,  relinquo  posteris." 

This  same  brief  compendium  has  practically  superseded  the  Acta 
Normomnorum  of  Dudo,  amongst  all  modern  historians  without  exception. 
None  of  them  meet  Dudo  except  to  scold  at  him.  And  the  judgments 
passed  upon  both  these  victims  of  prudish  criticism,  may  best  be  answered  in 
Guizot's  words  as  prefixed  to  the  version  of  Guillaume  de  Jumieges  published 
under  his  auspices : — 

"  Les  erudits  ont  amerement  reproche'  a  Guillaume,  moine  de  l'abbaye  de 
"  Jumieges,  d'avoir  reproduit  dans  les  premiers  livres  de  son  ' Histoire  des 
"  *  Normands,'  la  plupart  des  fables  dont  son  preMe'cesseur  Dudon,  doyen  de 
"  Sain t-Quen tin,  avait  deji  rempli  la  sienne.  Si  Guillaume  n'eut  ainsi  fini, 
"  cette  portion  de  son  ouvrage  n'existerait  pas,  car  il  n'aurait  rien  eu  a  y 
"  mettre  j  il  a  recueilli  les  traditions  de  son  temps  sur  l'origine,  les  exploits, 
"  les  aventures  des  anciens  Normands  et  de  leurs  chefs ;  aucun  peuple  n'en 
"  sait  davantage,  et  n'a  des  historiens  plus  exact  sur  le  premier  age  de  sa  vie. 
"  A  voir  la  colere  de  dom  Rivet  et  de  ses  doctes  confreres,  il  seroblerait  que 
"  Dudon  et  Guillaume  aient  eu  le  choix  de  nous  raconter  des  miracles  ou  des 
"  faits,  une  sene  de  victoires  romanesques  on  une  suite  d'evenemens  reguliers, 
"  et  que  leur  prellrence  pour  la  fable  soit  une  insulte  a  notre  raison,  comme  si 
"  elle  ^tait  obligee  d'y  croire.  II  y  a  k  quereller  de  la  sorte  les  vieux  chroni- 
"  queurs  une  ridicule  peManterie ;  ils  ont  nut  ce  qu'ils  pouvaient  faire ;  ils  nous 
"  ont  transmis  ce  qu'on  disait,  ce  qu'on  croyait  autour  d'eux :  vaudrait-il 
"  mieux  qu'ils  n'eussent  point  e'crit,  qu'aucun  souvenir  des  temps  fabuleux  on 
"  heroiques  de  la  vie  des  nations  ne  fut  parvenu  jusqu'd,  nous,  et  que  l'histoire 
"  n'eut  commence*  qu'au  moment  ou  la  socilte*  aurait  poss&le*  des  Erudits  capable 
"  de  la  soumettre  k  leur  critique  pour  en  assurer  Inexactitude  ?  A  mon  avis, 
"  il  y  a  souvent  plus  de  verites  historiques  a  recueillir  dans  ces  recits  ou  se 
"  dlploie  ^imagination  populaire  que  dans  beaucoup  de  savantes  disserta- 
"  tions." 

Out  of  these  two  prose  Chroniclers,  Dudo  and  Guillaume  de  Jumieges, 
arose  two  poetical,  or  at  least,  rhythmical  chronicles,  which  are  as  impor- 
tant as  their  originals;  both  nearly  coevals,  and  both  encouraged  by  the 
first  Plantagenet's  munificence.  The  earliest  of  these  compositions  bears 
the  following  title : — 

"  Ci  commence  Pestoire  e  la  genealogie, 
Des  Dux  qui  uut  este  par  ordre  en  Normandie." 


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910  AUTHORITIES. 

Benoit,  the  writer,  thus  names  himself  at  the  conclusion  of  the  ct  Fitte  " 
containing  the  History  of  Guillaume-Longue-Epee,  and  thus  he  is  denomi- 
nated by  his  imitator  and  successor,  Robert  Wace.     The  worthy  Abbe*  de 
la  Rue  first  disinterred  this  very  valuable  composition.    The  work   exists 
only  in  a  single  manuscript  till  then  slumbering  in  the  British  Museum, 
which,  after  he  had  described  it,  was  again  left  to  enjoy  repose  until  roused 
by  the  French  government,  1836.    The  Abbe*  de  la  Roe  has  identified  Benoit 
with  his  namesake,  the  author  of  the  Roman  de  Troye,  one  of  the  best 
poems  amongst  the  productions  of  the  Trouveurs. 

But  this  is  a  mere  conjecture.  We  know  nothing  of  Benoit,  except 
what  he  himself  discloses.  He,  like  Guillaume  de  Jumieges,  experienced 
the  liberal  patronage  of  Henry  the  Second,  as  we  learn  from  his  own  words. 
So  far  as  Dudo  extends,  Benoit's  poem  is  with  few  exceptions  based  upon 
the  Acta  Normannorum ;  though  there  are  many  passages  showing  that 
the  text  upon  which  he  worked  was  somewhat  more  extensive  than  that 
which  has  been  rendered  accessible  by  Duchesne's  industry.  Benoit  abounds 
with  vivid  descriptive  passages.  Local  knowledge  and  local  traditions  also 
assisted  him.  But  Benoit  rarely  departs  from  the  substantial  narrative  of 
his  original,  and  for  all  historical  purposes,  that  original  and  the  version 
should  be  treated  as  one ;  and  this  I  have  done,  amalgamating  the  texts. 

Robert  Wace,  or  Wacce,  or  Waice,  or  Waze,  or  Gasse,  or  Guace, — I 
shall  spare  the  other  variations  of  his  name, — a  cotemporary,  a  disciple,  a 
translator,  a  successor,  and  to  some  degree  a  rival  of  Benoit,  but  also  in 
many  respects  an  original  writer,  runs  nearly  parallel  with  his  teacher. 

He  lived  under  three  Henrys,  Dukes  of  Normandy  and  Rings  of  England. 
Henry  Beauclerc,  the  junior  Henry,  and  Henry  Plantagenet,  his  peculiar 
patron.  All  we  know  of  him  is  derived  from  his  own  report  He  was  a 
Royal  "  Clerc  lisant,"  an  expression  which  has  led  to  the  conjecture  that  he 
was  a  Clerk,  or  as  we  now  should  say,  a  Master  in  Chancery.  He  devoted 
his  talents  and  researches  almost  exclusively  to  poetical  history ;  and  the 
Brut,  a  free  paraphrase  of  Geoffrey  of  Monmouth,  constitutes  the  introduc- 
tion to  his  metrical  chronicle  of  Normandy  and  Anglo-Norman  England. 

This  poem  consists  of  two  books.  The  first  book  contains  the  history  of 
the  Northmen  anterior  to  Rollo,  very  brief,  and  written  in  the  eight  syllable 
measure.  The  second  book  commences  with  the  peculiar  history  of  Rollo, — 
uCi  commenche  a  parler  de  Rou,"  and  this  epigraph  is  the  title  given 
by  the  author.  He  adopts  Alexandrine  assonant  verses  in  this  portion. 
This  metre  extends  till  the  reign  of  Richard-sans-Puer,  when  the  narrative 
breaks  off  with  the  transactions  at  the  Fosse  Givolde.  This  portion  is  mainly 
taken  from  Dudo.  But  here  again  we  find  very  many  facts  collected  either 
from  a  text  somewhat  differing  from  Dudo's  printed  text,  or  from  local  or 
other  traditions.  Such  is  the  case  with  respect  to  the  battle  of  the  Fords, 
and  Thibaut's  invasion  of  Normandy.  Subsequently,  Wace  depends  mainly 
upon  Guillaume  de  Jumieges,  but  also  upon  his  own  personal  or  traditionary 
knowledge.  It  is  sufficient  to  observe  that  his  narrative  gains  exceedingly 
in  value,  as  it  approaches  to  the  conclusion,  the  whole  being  quoted  as 
the  Roman  du  Rou. 


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AUTHORITIES.  911 

So  much  with  respect  to  the  primary  sources  of  French  and  Norman 
history.  It  is  now  needful  to  indicate  the  aids  and  collections  which 
may  lighten  the  student's  labour.  As  in  my  first  volume,  p.  785,  I  must 
make  a  general  reference  to  the  Benedictine  and  other  historians  of  the 
French  Provinces.  For  the  present  section  of  this  work,  those  by  Lobineau, 
and  Morice,  and  Talandre,  are  peculiarly  valuable,  inasmuch  as  they  contain 
the  Breton  Chronicles,  properly  so  called,  in  extenso.  Whenever  Armorica 
is  mentioned  in  my  text,  the  reader  will  find  in  these  works  the  warranty  of 
my  narrative.  Daru  (Histoire  de  Bretagne,  Paris,  1826)  may  be  con- 
venient for  those  who  wish  to  gain  a  cursory  knowledge  of  Breton  affairs. 

With  respect  to  the  antient  geography  of  Normandy,  of  which  a  know- 
ledge is  most  essential,  in  consequence  of  the  prominence  of  the  numerous 
individuals  who  are  localized  by  their  possessions,  I  have  found  the  best 
general  aid  in  the  late  Mr.  Stapleton's  Introductions  to  the  Norman  Exchequer 
Rolls*  These  invaluable  records,  preserved  amongst  our  own  Archives,  were 
published  by  the  Society  of  Antiquaries  (London,  1840 — 1842),  and  re- 
published by  the  "Soctete"  des  Antiquaires  de  Normandie."  Mr.  Sta- 
pleton's map  of  antient  Normandy  is  peculiarly  useful — and  the  historical 
topography  of  the  Pay  de  Caux  and  the  Vexin — the  Pagi  of  Normandy  to 
the  North  and  East  of  the  Seine,  is  laboriously  and  clearly  elucidated 
in  an  anonymous  work  of  the  last  century,  Description  Geographique  et 
Historique  de  la  Haute  Normandie  (Paris,  1740). 

Many  special  Histories  concerning  Normandy  are  very  serviceable.  A 
successor  of  Dudo,  though  separated  from  that  dignitary  by  many  cen- 
turies, has  supplied  an  ample  Chronicle  of  the  Vermandois.  I  allude  to 
M.  Louis  Paul  Collette,  Dean  of  St  Quentin,  who  in  his  three  quarto 
volumes,  M&moires  pour  servbr  a  P  Histoire  EcclSsiastique,  Civile,  et  Afili- 
taire  de  la  Province  du  Vermandois,  (Cambray,  1771,)  has  employed 
not  merely  the  written  authorities,  but  local  traditions,  such  e.g.  as  the 
account  of  Mont- Herbert. 

For  the  County  of  Ponthieu  we  have  much  assistance  in  the  work  of  M. 
Louandre  (Histoire  d Abbeville  et  du  ComtS  de  Ponthieu,  Paris,  1844). 
Amongst  other  local  historians,  we  have  good  histories  of  Evreux,  City, 
County,  and  Diocese,  by  Le  Brasseur,  (Paris,  1722,)  and  of  Ladn,  by  Don 
Nicolas  le  Long,  (Charente,  1788).  But  amongst  all  local  historians,  the 
Abbe*  de  la  Rue  stands  pre-eminent  —Essai  Historique  sur  la  ville  de  Caen, 
1820.  Besides  much  minute  information  concerning  that  most  interesting 
city,  we  obtain  from  him  many  data  relating  to  the  alterations  which  the 
shores  of  Normandy  have  sustained. 

The  Forests  of  Normandy,  equally  important  in  connection  with  the 
constitutional  History  of  Normandy  as  with  her  topography,  are  minutely 
described  in  the  Etudes  sur  la  Condition  de  la  Classe  Agricole  et  de  VEtat  de 
V Agriculture  en  Normandie  au  Moyen  Age,  by  M.  Delisle  (Evreux,  1821),  a 
work  exhibiting  much  industry. 

Amongst  die  numerous  special  biographies  of  individuals  eminent  in  France 
and  Normandy,  two,  not  generally  known,  may  be  noticed,  as  bearing  upon 


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912  AUTHORITIES. 

this  work ;  and  both  relating  to  a  personage  whose  merits  and  failings  re- 
quire that  which  they  never  can  now  receive,  a  satisfactory  elucidation, — 
Gerbert  of  Aurillac.    The  character  of  Gerbert,  in  all  its  aspects,  whether 
as  a  political  adventurer,  or  as  a  man  of  science,  or  Pontiff,  is  very  ably 
elucidated  by  Dr.  0.  F.  Hoek — Gerbert  oder  Papst  Sylvester  II.  tend  sein 
Jahrhundert  (Vienna,   1837,).     Very  much  information  concerning  Ger- 
bert is  given  in  this  work,  but  as  usual  the  biographer  ascribes  over-much 
merit  to  his  hero.    Gerbert's  letters,  translated  into  French,  with  a  very 
ample  commentary,  have  been  published  in  his  own  country  by  a  compatri- 
otic  enthusiast,  Louis  Varse  (Riom,  1847).    Holding  the  station  which  Ger- 
bert does  in  the  history  of  mediaeval  science,  it  is  to  be  regretted  that  so  little 
attention  has  been  paid  in  this  country  to  his  unquestionable  talent. 

I  have  elsewhere  (Vol.  i,  p.  723)  noticed  the  many  excellent  works  which 
the  French  Archaeologists  have  contributed  for  the  elucidation  of  that  branch 
of  knowledge  furnishing  the  most  important  aid  to  the  historian,  or  rather 
being  history  itself  in  a  most  profitable  form — Genealogies. — To  those 
before  quoted  (Vol.  i,  p.  726)  I  must  add  the  valuable  History  and  Records 
of  the  House  of  Gwrney,  which  Mr.  Daniel  Gurney  has  compiled  from 
original  documents,  mostly  printed  by  him  as  vouchers  for  his  text. 

On  a  former  occasion  I  omitted  to  call  attention  to  the  great  assistance 
which  every  historical  enquirer  will  receive  from  the  Gallia  Sacra,  one 
of  the  many  works,  which,  so  far  as  unwearied  diligence,  judgment,  and 
accuracy  are  concerned,  put  us  to  shame.  Here  the  historical  student  or 
enquirer  will  find  every  particular  which  he  may  require  for  the  succession  of 
the  Prelates,  and  Heads  of  Houses  of  Religion  throughout  the  ecclesiastical 
provinces  of  France,  and  put  together  in  the  most  usable  form. 

For  the  archiepiscopal  see  of  Rheims,  we  have,  moreover,  the  excellent 
history  of  Marlot  (Lisle,  1666).  This  work  contains  many  original  docu- 
ments, which  I  have  employed. 

The  Benedictine  Houses  of  Normandy  are  copiously  illustrated  by 
Mabillon  (Annates  Benedictini).  Whilst  Mabillon's  attention  is  never  di- 
verted from  the  main  object  of  his  work,  this  most  diligent  and  conscientious 
writer  furnishes  numerous  historical  and  biographical  notices  illustrating  civil 
history.  I  am  not  aware  that  any  particulars  are  known  concerning  Otto  or 
Otho,  Lothaire's  son,  except  those  given  by  Mabillon  (Tome  iv,  p.  83), 
who  adds  an  engraving  of  the  miniature  in  Queen  Emma's  psalter. 

For  Normandy  we  have  in  addition  to  Gallia  Sacra,  the  Neustria  Pia 
(Rouen,  1663),  in  which  will  be  found  all  the  details  which  are  necessarily 
excluded  from  a  work  concerning  the  whole  kingdom  ;  and  also  the  Concilia 
Rotomagensis  Provinces  (Rouen,  1717),  a  work  which  gives  us  the  outline 
of  Norman  ecclesiastical  history. 

Monumental  Archaeology,  as  such,  is  beyond  the  legitimate  sphere  of 
history,  but  it  is  always  useful  to  refresh  the  imagination  by  visible  objects. 
The  student  would  do  well  to  turn  over  Cottman's  Views  in  Normandy, 
which,  together  with  Mr.  Dawson  Turner's  Letters  from  Normandy,  1820, 
include  engravings  of  large  numbers  of  antient  buildings  demolished  within 


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AUTHORITIES.  913 

the  last  thirty  yean.  Nearly  two-thirds  of  the  structures  engraved  in  these 
works  have  been  demolished.  Amongst  others,  the  Hall  at  Lislebonne, 
where  the  Conqueror  assembled  his  barons  previous  to  the  embarkation  at 
Saint  Valery. 

For  the  history  of  Flanders,  the  principal  source  which  I  have  employed 
is  the  Chronicle  of  Saint  Beriin,  compiled  by  Johannes  Iperius,  the  Abbot  of 
the  Monastery.  It  is  professedly  the  chronicle  of  the  House,  but  inasmuch 
as  the  Abbey  was  held  in  commendam  by  Arnoul  and  other  Counts,  the 
work  becomes  a  chronicle  of  Flanders.  It  is  Iperius  who  gives  that  re- 
markable statement  of  the  death  of  Count  Baldwin  from  the  small-pox, 
calling  the  disease  by  its  modern  name.  In  the  next  place  I  have  used 
Lesbroussart's  edition  of  &*  OudeghersCs  Annates  de  Flandre  (Ghent,  1779) 
as  to  language.  It  is  a  pleasant  specimen  of  the  vieux  Gaulois,  and  his 
numerous  chronological  mistakes  are  corrected  by  his  editor;  and  having 
requested  a  very  competent  authority  to  point  out  to  me  the  best  staudard 
work  on  Flemish  history,  he  recommended  this  to  me.  Oudegherst  carries  his 
history  down  to  Philippe-le-Bon.  Furthermore,  I  have  employed  Gheldorf  s 
translation  of  Warnkamig?*  Histoire  de  la  Flandre  (Brussels,  1836),  in 
which  the  original  is^  enlarged  and  improved.  Curious  and  interesting  also 
is  the  anonymous  Chronylce  van  Vlaendraen,  printed  at  Bruges  without  a 
date,  but  printed,  as  may  be  collected  from  the  preface,  about  the  beginning 
of  the  last  century.  It  is  an  illustrated  work,  and  the  illustrations  are 
amusing,  if  not  authentic 

For  German  history,  I  have  as  before,  profited  by  availing  myself 
of  Luden's  guidance :  but  in  this  volume  I  have  been  aided  to  a  far  greater 
extent,  by  working  much  in  the  wake  of  the  Jahrbucher  des  Deutschen 
Beichs,  now  in  course  of  publication,  under  the  direction  of  Ranke.  The 
plan  of  the  work  is  singular ;  it  is  composed  under  Ranke's  direction,  by 
his  pupils  or  disciples ;  each  writing  independently.  The  volumes  or  parts  of 
volumes  which  I  have  consulted,  are  respectively  composed  by  Koepke, 
(936,  951,)  Doenniges,  (951,  973,)  Griesbreeht,  (973,  983,)  and  Wil- 
mans,  (983,  1002.)  They  are  accompanied  by  various  dissertations,  and 
give  an  accurate  and  specific  reference  to  the  sources — mostly  to  the  older 
editions  which  preceded  the  Scriptores  JRerum  Germanicarum  of  Pertz ;  also 
to  some  not  included  in  that  valuable  collection,  e.g.,  the  Scriptores  Rerum 
Brunswicensium  of  Leibnitz. 

The  German  Chroniclers  concern  themselves  to  no  inconsiderable  extent 
with  the  affairs  of  France  and  of  Normandy,  and  much  more  so  with  Italy. 
— At  their  head  stands  Widukind,  or  Wittikind,  of  Corbey,  who  affords  us 
an  ample  ttnd  authentic  history  of  the  Saxon  line,  from  its  foundation  to 
the  death  of  Otho  I.  He  is  a  writer  of  the  highest  importance.  Honest, 
able,  spirited — Wittikind's  account  of  the  battle  of  the  Lech,  terminating 
with  the  salutation  of  Otho  as  "Imperator"  after  the  victory,  may  be 
quoted  as  a  magnificent  poetical  picture* 

Thietmar,  or  Dietmar,  of  Merseburgh,  whose  work  embraces  the  same 
period,  abounds  with  anecdotes  which  we  do  not  find  elsewhere,  at  least,  not 

VOi,.  II.  3   N 


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914  AUTHORITIES. 

so  fully — such,  for  example,  as  concern  Liutgarda's  persecutions,  and  the 
notice  of  her  silver  spindle. 

From  Liutprand,  whose  name  has  been  rendered  familiar  by  Gibbon's 
notice  of  him,  we  have  a  very  valuable  history  of  the  Othonian  period,  in 
which  his  Embassy  holds  bo  conspicuous  a  station ;  but,  perhaps,  the  histo- 
rical pride  of  the  period  consists  of  the  compositions  which  I  have  termed 
the  Othonian  memoirs. 

To  a  Clerk  of  the  Palace,  probably  a  Clerk  of  the  Chancery,  we  owe  the 
very  interesting  Vita  Mathilda  Regince,  written  at  the  request  of  the 
canonized  emperor,  Henry  the  Second,  Matilda's  great  grandson,  and  with 
whom  the  Saxon  line  closed.  The  line  began  with  a  Henry  and  ended  with 
a  Henry.  Henry  the  Second  was  the  son  of  Henry  the  Quarreller,  the 
son  of  Henry  the  Porphyrogenitus,  the  Bon  of  Henry  the  Fowler,  or  Henry 
the  First.  The  anonymous  author  is  an  able  writer,  displaying  a  thorough 
acquaintance  with  the  best  models,  and  a  pleasant  narrator.  It  is  he  who 
has  presented  us  with  that  agreeable  family  picture, — the  account  of  the 
conversation  between  Matilda  and  Adelaide  (when  the  latter  tried  to  make 
up  the  match  between  her  little  Emma  and  some  one  of  the  young  princes, 
who  were  playing  about  the  room).  One  of  the  boys  was  Henry  the 
Quarreller,  who  clambered  up  and  begged  a  kiss  of  his  grandmother;  and 
this  anecdote  affords  a  clue  to  the  manner  in  which  the  family  traditions 
were  communicated  to  the  writer,  as  well  as  a  general  voucher  for  the 
accuracy  of  the  narration. 

The  Gesta  Othonis  Imperatoris  are  commemorated  in  the  elegant 
verses  of  Roswitha,  whose  imitations  of  Terence,  however  creditable  to  her 
talents,  are  as  discreditable  to  her  sex  and  her  calling.  The  work  seems 
to  have  proceeded  slowly.  Prefixed  is  an  epistolary  dedication  to  Gerberga. 
It  exhibits  all  the  authorial  courtesy  of  modern  times.  This  is  followed 
by  a  dedication  in  verse  to  the  great  Otho,  and  a  third  dedication  to 
the  second  Otho.  Otho's  deeds  in  Italy  are  carefully  recorded,  but  there  is 
a  passing  touch  of  compassion  for  Liudolph. 

Odilo,  the  canonized  Abbot  of  Clugni,  has  given  us  the  Epitapkittm 
Adelheidce  Imperatricis,  a  quaint  though  not  unprecedented  application  of 
the  term,  epitaph.  It  follows  the  Epitaphium  (in  the  popular  sense)  of  Otho 
the  great  The  writer  notices,  with  some  bitterness,  the  inimical  influence 
exercised  by  Theophania. 

The  last  of  these  biographies  possesses  the  same  character  of  authenticity 
as  the  others.  It  is  the  Vita  Sancti  Brunonis  Archiepiscopi,  composed  by  a 
Clerk  of  Cologne,  Ruotger,  Bruno's  peculiar  friend.  He  was  charged  by 
Folkmar,  Bruno's  successor  in  the  see,  with  the  task  of  commemorating 
their  common  friend.  The  work  is  highly  important,  whether  for  Bruno's 
political  history,  or  his  personal  character. 

The  principal  Magyar  chronicles  are  collected  by  Schwardtner,  Scriptores 
Eerum  Hungaricum  Veteres  ac  Genuim  (Vienna,  1746).  But  the  only  one 
whom  I  have  had  occasion  to  consult  is  the  very  singular  history  ascribed 


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AUTHORITIES.  915 

to  the  Notary  or  Chancellor  of  King  Bela.    He  gives  us  all  the  traditions 
about  the  Hetumogors. 

With  respect  to  the  subject  of  German  chivalry  and  German  heraldry, 
into  which  I  have  digressed,  the  account  given  of  the  Tumier-Buck  is 
extracted  from  Panzer  (Annalen  der  alter  en  Deutscher  literature,  1788J, 
a  most  useful  and  consultable  work,  as  far  as  it  extends,  but  left  imperfect  by 
the  author.  Greesse  (Vol.  in,  p.  I,  p.  153,)  has  furnished  a  very  full  and 
complete  list  of  the  works  in  which  the  Turnier-Buch  is  discussed. 

The  statutes  ascribed  to  Henry  the  Fowler  are  printed  by  Goldastus  in 
his  Constitutiones  Imperiales,  (Vol.  I,  p.  211).  That  these  statutes  are  un- 
authentic, in  the  strict  sense  of  the  term,  there  can  be  no  doubt.  At  the 
same  time  there  can  be  as  little  doubt  but  that  the  published  constitutions 
overlay  a  reality,  like  the  restoration  of  an  antient  church  by  a  pupil  of 
Batty  Langley. 

The  influence  of  the  German  ethos  in  England,  during  the  reigns  of 
Edward  the  Third  and  Richard  the  Second,  is  clearly  discernible.  Possibly 
Richard,  Earl  of  Cornwall,  and  King  of  the  Romans,  may  have  first  introduced 
the  feeling.  It  appears  from  the  handwriting  of  some  of  this  nominal 
Sovereign's  charters,  that  he  employed  German  clerks  in  bis  Kanzlei.  The 
architecture  of  the  choir  of  his  church  at  Oppenheim,  bears  a  strong  affinity 
to  the  nave  of  York.  And  in  York  alone,  of  all  the  English  churches  now 
existing,  have  we  examples  of  the  double  window  tracery  so  often  found  in 
Germany. 

It  appears  from  the  books  and  accounts  of  the  royal  wardrobe,  amongst 
our  Exchequer  records,  that  Edward  the  Third  had  many  Germans  amongst 
bis  musicians ;  and  German  mottoes  were  embroidered  on  his  robes. — It  is 
only  a  Cambro-Britain  who  can  deny  that  Ich  Dien  is  German.  The  Black 
Prince  employed  his  motto,  Hoch  Muth,  as  a  signature  to  his  letters  instead 
of  his  name,  and  both  the  German  mottoes  are  upon  his  sepulchre. 

Moreover,  amongst  the  royal  manuscripts  in  the  British  Museum, 
is  a  work  upon  Geomancy,  which  belonged  to  the  third  Edward's  unfor- 
tunate successor,  exhibiting  the  playful  interlacement  which  converts  the 
motto  of  the  Prince  of  Wales  into  a  token  of  conjugal  love. — The  whole 
subject  of  German  heraldry  is  full  of  interest,  and  as  yet  has  not  received 
sufficient  examination.  The  heraldry  of  the  Teutonised  Sclavonian  tribes 
is  peculiarly  singular.  The  very  strange  and  queer  Italian  blazonry  is  for 
the  most  part  German,  and  derived  from  Imperial  concessions,  in  the  same 
manner  as  most,  if  not  all,  the  titles  of  the  higher  nobility.  Count  Litta's 
Famiglie  nobili  (T Italia,  a  work  which  has  but  one  defect — its  magnificence 
— which  puts  it  quite  out  of  the  reach  of  ordinary  purchasers,  shews  this 
fact  clearly. 

With  respect  to  the  absence  of  any  States-general  in  Normandy,  during 
any  period  when  Normandy  was  under  her  Norman  or  Anglo-Norman 
Dukes,  we  possess  the  strongest  negative  evidence.  How  the  Channel  Is- 
lands obtained  their  semi-Anglo-Saxon  organisation  is  a  perplexing  problem. 


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